European Pentecostalism Global Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies

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European Pentecostalism

Global Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies Edited by

Andrew Davies, University of Birmingham William K. Kay, Glyndŵr University Advisory Board

Kimberley Alexander, Pentecostal Theological Seminary Allan Anderson, University of Birmingham Mark Cartledge, University of Birmingham Jacqueline Grey, Alphacrucis College, Sydney Byron D. Klaus, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Springfield, MO Wonsuk Ma, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies Jean-Daniel Plüss, European Pentecostal/Charismatic Research Association Cecil M. Robeck, Jr, Fuller Theological Seminary Calvin Smith, King’s Evangelical Divinity School


European Pentecostalism Edited by

William K. Kay Anne E. Dyer


This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data European Pentecostalism / edited by William K. Kay, Anne E. Dyer. p. cm. — (Global Pentecostal and Charismatic studies, ISSN 1876-2247; v. 7) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20730-1 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Pentecostalism–Europe. 2. Europe–Church history. I. Kay, William K., 1945- II. Dyer, Anne E. III. Title. IV. Series. BR1644.5.E5E97 2011 274’.082–dc22 2011013190

ISSN 1876-2247 ISBN 978 90 04 20730 1 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke€Brill€NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

Contents List of Contributors������������������������������������������������������������������������������� vii Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Anne E Dyer


Part one

History and origins Chapter One. The Development of Pentecostalism in Scandinavian Countries������������������������������������������������������������������� Jan-Åke Alvarsson Chapter Two. The Development of British Pentecostalism������������� Neil Hudson

19 41

Chapter Three. The Development of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements in the Germanic Countries������������������ Carl Simpson


Chapter Four. The Development of Pentecostalism in Dutch Speaking Countries��������������������������������������������������������������������������� Cornelis van der Laan


Chapter Five. The Development of Pentecostalism in Francophone Europe������������������������������������������������������������������������ 113 Raymond Pfister Chapter Six. The Development of Pentecostal Movement in Iberia (Spain & Portugal)����������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Manuel Martin-Arroyo and Paulo Branco Chapter Seven. The Development of Pentecostalism in Italy���������� 189 Carmine Napolitano Chapter Eight. The Development of Pentecostalism in South-Eastern European Nations: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Serbia����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 205 Driton Krasniqi



Chapter Nine. The Development of Pentecostalism in Central European Countries; Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czech Republic & Slovakia�������������������������������������������������������������� 225 Tim Case, Mark Kaminski (Poland), Cipiran Balaban (Romania), Daniela Augustine (Bulgaria), Czaba Tenkely (Hungary), Jozef Brenkus (Czech Republic & Slovakia) Chapter Ten. The Development of Pentecostalism in Russia and the Ukraine��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 261 Pavel Mozer and Oleg Bornovolokov Part Two

Pentecostal Theology across Europe Chapter Eleven. Pentecostal Theology and Protestant Europe������� 293 Jean-Daniel Plüss Chapter Twelve. Pentecostal Theology and Catholic Europe���������� 313 William K Kay, with Kees Slijkerman, Raymond Pfister and Cornelis van der Laan Chapter Thirteen. Pentecostal Theology and Communist Europe: Pentecostal Power Under Political Pressure������������������� 333 Peter Kuzmič Part Three

Sociological Perspectives of Pentecostalism in Europe Chapter Fourteen. The Future(s) of Pentecostalism in Europe������� 357 Raymond Pfister Chapter Fifteen. A Sociological Perspective on Pentecostalism in Europe�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 383 William K. Kay Appendix: Statistics for European Pentecostalism per Nation�������� 403 Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 405

List of Contributors Introduction: Anne E. Dyer has been the Secretary to the European Pentecostal Theological Association since 2004. She is the librarian at Mattersey Hall (UK), and wrote her PhD on the history of the Assem­ blies of God’s missionary work. With W. K. Kay she has co-edited Pentecostal and Charismatic studies: a reader (London: SCM, 2004) and assisted in his other recent publications. She is also assistant editor for the Journal for the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Chapter 1: Jan-Åke Alvarsson is a Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Uppsala University in Sweden. and the Director of the Institute for Pentecostal Studies. He has published several works on Pentecostalism, e.g. A study of the Swedish Pentecostal Mission to Bolivia (2002). Chapter 2: Neil Hudson is the Church-Life Consultant at the London Institute of Contemporary Christianity on the Imagine project since September 2006, lecturing on the missiological relationship between the Church and wider society. He was previously Vice-Principal of Regents Theological College (ELIM). Chapter 3: Carl Simpson is Dean of Studies at the Europäisches Theolo­ gisches Seminar, Kniebis, Germany. Chapter 4: Cornelis van der Laan is Professor of Pentecostal Studies at the Faculty of Theology of the VU University Amsterdam and also Director of the ‘Hollenweger Center’. He is one of the founders of GloPent, the European Research Network on Global Pentecostalism. He has written books and articles on the history of Pentecostalism, as well on Mission and Migration. His latest publication is: Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, André Droogers and Cornelis van der Laan (eds.), Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010). Chapters 5 & 14: Raymond Pfister has been a Pentecostal pastor, teacher and writer. After having lectured for many years on


list of contributors

Pentecostalism and Ecumenism at the Academy of Mission at the University of Hamburg (Germany), he was the Principal of Birmingham Christian College (UK) and senior lecturer in Theology and History from 2006 until 2009. Now he directs Ichthus 21, a project serving a vision of pneumatological ecumenism and established for equipping the Church as an agent of reconciliation at all levels of European societies. Chapter 6: José Manuel Martín-Arroyo Boragno, a graduate from the European Theological Seminary, Germany, and postgraduate from Lee University, Cleveland, TN, USA, is the Director of the European Theological School extension in Catalonia, Spain, and is serving as a full-time Church of God minister in the CoG CCFEAM church in Catalonia as a Music Pastor and Education Director. Paulo Branco is the principal of the Assemblies of God Bible College in Portugal, Monte Esperanca, Fanhões – Loures, near Lisbon, researcher and teacher in U.LH.T to Lisbon. He holds a masters degree from Lisbon University Lusofona in the Science of Religion. Chapter 7: Carmine Napolitano (Italy) is Principal of the Pentecostal Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies in Italy; he is also pastor and executive member of the secretariat of the Italian Pentecostal Federation of the Pentecostal Churches. Among his last publications stand out the following: – ‘The Pentecostals and Ecumenism’, in Acts of the Conference on the centennial Pentecostal studies in Italy, (Aversa: EPA Media, 2010) & ‘Baptism. A Pentecostal perspective’ in The Lord among us, (San Pietro in Cariano (VR): Il Segno dei Gabrielli Publishers, 2008), ‘The Pentecostals and the FCEI in United for the Gospel, (Turin: Claudiana, 2008), ‘Religious freedom in the Pentecostal perception today in Religions and Freedom: what relationship? (Turin: Claudiana, 2008). Chapter 8: Driton Krasniqi (Balkans) is a pastor in Kosovo, well connected to those involved in Pentecostalism across the Balkans, who recently graduated with a Masters in Theology from Bangor University. Chapter 9: Central European Pentecostalism has multiple authors Tim Case with Bishop Rev. Mark Kaminski (Poland). Mark Kaminski is the bishop or overseer of the Pentecostal churches in

list of contributors


Poland, based in Warsaw. Tim Case is an American Assemblies of God missionary who has been based in Poland since the later 1980s. He teaches at their bible college in Warsaw. Ciprian Balaban (Romania) is a leader in one of the main Pente­ costal denominations of Romania. Daniela C. Augustine (Bulgaria) is Assistant Professor of Theolog­ ical Ethics at the School of Religion of Lee University, Cleveland, TN. She is the author of At the Crossroads of Social Transformation: An Eastern European Theological Perspective. Czaba Tenkely (Hungary) is a second generation Pentecostal preach­er. He has served as a missionary to Albania for six years. He has personally planted 10 churches and is planning to plant this year a church in Budapest (the Capital of Hungary). Pastor Tenkely is currently serving as the National Bishop of the Hungarian Church of God. Jozef Brenkus (Czech Republic & Slovakia), Presently a preaching elder of the local Apostolic Church in Slovakia in Poprad, Dr. Brenkus is director of Život bez závislostí, n. o., (Life Beyond Addiction – ministry to addicts, families, and children), He has published Obnova Cirkvi v Duchu Svätom: Vzt’ah charizmy a inštitúcie v kontexte katolíckoturíčneho dialógu [Renewal of the Church in the Holy Spirit: The Relation Between the Charisma and Institution in the Context of the Roman Catholic – Pentecostal Dialogue], (Banská Bystrica: Univerzita Mateja Bela 2003). Chapter 10: Pavel Mozer (Russia), is a member of the Russian Legal Association (Moscow), and is from a Pentecostal family well linked with the earlier underground churches, assisted by Roman Lunkin, Religion and Justice Institute Director, PhD -Science reviewer (Moscow), and Ilya Kartashov for translation (Moscow). Oleg Bornovolokov (Ukraine), is a Lecturer in Old Testament and Church History at the European Theological Seminary, Kiev, Ukraine. Chapter 11: Jean-Daniel Plüss is the Coordinator of the European Pentecostal & Charismatic research Association. He lectures in various institutions on current theological issues, church history and ecumenism. One of his publications is Therapeutic and Prophetic Narratives


list of contributors

in Worship. Studies in the Intercultural History of Christianity, vol. 54, (Bern: Peter Lang, 1988). Chapter 12: Kees Slijkerman contributed the information on this because he is the Secretary of ESCI which is the European subcommittee of ICCRS – International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services. William Kay combined this information together with more from Cornelis van der Laan and Raymond Pfister into the present chapter. Chapter 13: Peter Kuzmič is Eva B. and Paul E. Toms Distinguished Professor of World Missions and European Studies, at Gordon Conwell Seminary and works closely in Croatia Evangelical Theological Seminary; he among the foremost evangelical scholars in Eastern Europe. Chapter 15: William K. Kay is Professor of Theology at Glyndwr University Wales. He has published a variety of books on education and empirical research but has focused on Pentecostal studies in the past 20 years, epitomised by his recent SCM Core Text Pentecostalism (London: SCM 2010).

Introduction Anne E. Dyer European Pentecostalism! Is there such a single entity? No. Rather there is a genre of spirituality that is expressed differently among Europe’s many nations. This introductory chapter will first provide definitions of the terms Pentecostal and Charismatic – classical, renewal and new independent churches – and how these terms are used in the early 21st century context of Europe, a hundred years after it all commenced. Pentecostalism spread from the northern nations to the southern and later to the eastern nations of Europe. The effect of different European nations’ emphases on mission towards their neighbours will be assessed and brought up to the present day in terms of Pentecostal church growth, influence on nations, restrictions and advantages provided by being Pentecostal. Finally, because the book ends with a few chapters on a thematic approach we will ask whether there is a debate within Protestant Europe over the Pentecostal movement with regards to the older Reformed Traditions. What has happened in terms of Catholic renewal across the European nations? What was the effect of the aftermath of Communism’s fall across Central Europe? Definitions and Statistics The term ‘Pentecostal’ can be interpreted in a variety of ways depending  on whether one is outside it or inside it. By ‘Pentecostal’ for this book  I refer to three sets of meanings: the classical, the charismatic renewal movements, and the newer independent movements often labelled ‘apostolic networks’ or ‘neo-pentecostal’. The term ‘classical Pentecostal’ applies to those groups which contain reference to Pente­ costal phenomena in their founding documents. Among these groups are the Assemblies of God (AoG) and the Church of God. The charismatic renewal movements exist within the mainline Christian churches and aim to refresh spiritual life and experience but without changing or reforming doctrine or structure. The ‘neo-Pentecostal’ groups, many of which date from the 1970s, usually avoided founding documents but from the beginning accepted Spirit-baptism, spiritual gifts and a revised


anne e. dyer

ecclesiology. These three terms have been translated across the variety of languages of Europe. Moreover each nation has given itself its own preferred names, often independently of outside groups whose origins can often be traced by to the USA. As for the influence of the United States of America’s Pentecostal denominations on the European scene, that often depends on how much finance and personnel have been invested from America in various nations. British Assemblies of God might relate well enough to its American counterpart but the two groups are independent of each other and the larger American group does not govern the smaller British group. AoG is autonomous within each nation and indeed the churches are autonomous within the denomination. The German groups of classical Pentecostals make use of their own terminology; Carl Simpson’s chapter explains how this came about, and other authors do the same for their areas. Definitions of what makes a church ‘Pentecostal’ are varied in the dictionaries and statistical books about missions like Barrett’s 1982 and 2004 books.1 This makes it difficult to calculate the total number of those who might be reasonably described under this heading. The term is so inclusive, or as Anderson states, it is used in an ‘all-embracing way’.2 However, the most scrupulous accounts indicate that the number of Pentecostals has grown remarkably since the start of the 20th century, as is seen by the present statistics of Pentecostals worldwide. This implies a great deal of missionary work was successful, whether it was crosscultural or made use of local indigenous mission and ‘lay’3 workers. Statisticians David Barrett and Todd Johnson estimated that in 2001, there were over 523 million ‘Pentecostal / Charismatics / neoCharismatics’.4 These Pentecostals and Charismatics amount to around 27% of organised global Christianity and they are found in 740 Pentecostal denominations, 6,513 non-Pentecostal denominations and 18,810 neo-Charismatic denominations or networks. The Pentecostals and 1   There are so many denominations with a Pentecostal Charismatic or neo-­Pentecostal nature that they would need another book to define. Allan Anderson brings an attempted clarification to the terms and statistics in his article ‘When is a Pentecostal Not a Pentecostal?’ JPT, Vol.13.1 (Oct 2007) pp. 58–63. 2   A. Anderson, Introduction to Pentecostalism, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004) pp. 9–10. 3   This is referring to non-official, or non-paid workers; many pastors were also not paid. 4   For a critique of Johnson’s categories see Anderson, (2004:1, 9–15, 2005:11–12): he cites David Martin also as estimating ‘a quarter of a billion…Pentecostals in the world’, see D. B. Barrett, G. T. Kurian and T.M. Johnson, World Christian Encyclopaedia, (Oxford; OUP, 2001) p. 287 line 66.



Charismatics are found in 9,000 ethnic and linguistic groups speaking 8,000 languages and covering 95% of the world’s population. Over the years, Barrett has had to reorganise the categories used so as to show the various subgroups. His present position is that the major waves of renewal are to be found in roughly the following phrases: the Pentecostal phase, the Charismatic phase and then the new or Third Wave. However the changes to Barrett’s conceptualisation is made more complicated by the fact that in the first edition of the World Christian Encyclopaedia of 1985 Barrett divided to his figures up country by country and global region by region. At the same time he divided his figures up into seven ecclesiastical blocks (e.g. Anglican, Catholic, Orthodox, and so on). However in the 2001 International Dictionary of the Pente­ costal and Charismatic Movements, the figures are reorganised again to keep pace with changes on the ground and Pentecostals, Charismatics and neo-Pentecostals are now dispersed in over 60 subgroups. Barrett and Johnson have extrapolated the figures to predict a rise in Pentecostalism globally to 31% by 2025.5 Barrett’s half a billion ‘Pentecostal/ Charismatics/ neoCharismatics’ are predominantly Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans. The ‘Two-Thirds World’ or ‘Majority World’ is naturally composed of nations where the greatest expansion of Pentecostalism has occurred since it is also the area where greatest population growth has also occurred.6 This implies that the original wave of ‘Classical Pentecostals’ are now but a mere sub-group of the whole. This information, accumulated by David Barrett and Todd Johnson, is normally seen as the best and most authoritative summation of available statistics. Barrett adds to this in that he now states there are 602,792,000 ‘Renewalists’ who include the Pentecostals, Charismatics and neo-Charismatics; the latter has the majority, which is mainly made up of independent churches and networks across the world which use emphasise the experience of the Holy Spirit and practice spiritual gifts. Only a fifth of these, Anderson considers, are ‘classical Pente­ costals’ relating back to the Azusa Street era of the early 20th Century.7 Compared to earlier figures, Barrett, Johnstone and Mandryck however, 5  David B. Barrett & Todd M. Johnson, ‘Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2003’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research 27:1 (January 2003), p. 25. 6   Barrett & Johnson, ‘Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2003’, IBMR 27.1 p. 25. 7   Anderson also cites D.B. Barrett, ‘Missiometrics 2007: Creating your own analysis of global data’ IBMR 31.1 (2007) pp. 25–32. Anderson, Spreading Fires: The Globalization of Pentecostalism in the Twentieth Century, (London: SCM, 2007) p. 61


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give a much lower statistic: 115 million Pentecostals in 2000, 345 million including all Charismatics.8 They exclude the Independent mega-bloc that Barrett and Johnson include, which make up 394 million, three quarters of their total. Their limited definition is based on Classical Pentecostals whose denominational origins can be traced to before World War 2, indeed even before World War 1. europe’s Pentecostal Statistics On a European scale the statistics are varied and not always validated. We have tabulated the various statistics for European nations according to the ones given by D. Jacobsen, The World’s Christians (Chichester: Wiley/Blackwell, 2011) in the appendix in this book.9 When ordered according to geographic bloc as in the contents of this book, it is obvious that Britain, Italy, Ukraine and Russia have the most Pentecostals. This is not in terms of a percentage of their nations’ population, just in terms of sheer numbers. Other areas like Central Europe have a reasonably high number of Pentecostal/ Charismatic/ Renewalists, considering their populations. The less well populated nations, including Scandinavia with its flourishing Pentecostal groups despite a secular outlook in the nation, have noticeably higher Charismatic numbers than Classical Pentecostals. The more highly populated nations like Britain, Germany and Italy have also higher proportions of Charismatic/ Neo Charismatic people. The conclusion is that the newer expressions of Pentecostal experience are labelled ‘Charismatic’, and are preferred to the term ‘Pentecostal’; and perhaps the latter term is losing what popularity it had amidst its own constituencies. The other aspect is that in a far more pluralist age, Pentecostalism of various kinds can develop more freely than was the case when the state and main established churches dominated the landscape as they did in the early years at the start of the 20th century. We pick up these larger themes in the historical and sociological picture drawn by William Kay in the last chapter of the book. Meanwhile late modernity in the 21st Century favours Hillsongs styles10 or the

P. Johnstone and J. Mandryk, Operation World (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2001) p. 3.   S. Burgess and E. van Der Maas, IDPCM, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Zondervan, 2002) 10   Hillsongs, founded in a classical Pentecostal cradle in Australia, has made an impact in Europe, despite its worship songs being in English; my impression is that its style has affected many mega churches’ worship patterns whether in Scandinavia or England or  8  9



charismatic Vineyard of John Wimber or yet more independent groups such as those found among the (African) Migrant Churches. Even more complex is the connotation attributed by different groups to the words ‘Pentecostal’ and ‘Charismatic’. American and British levels of comprehension in this regard vary; some Pentecostal services seem no different to Charismatic services across some, not all, Pentecostal congregations in Britain. My impression is that Charismatics are regarded with suspicion by classical Pentecostals. In the chapter on Italy we will note that there is this sharper distinction between the two, whereas in the chapter on the Balkans for instance we will note that there is no real distinction between the two categories. Independent churches of the second or third wave in Europe are new churches often now in networks, like the ‘Apostolic Networks’ in Britain.11 The founding of these networks dates, in Britain, from the early 1970s and they have had a great influence on the classical Pentecostal churches since the 1980–90s, especially in terms of worship music. Then also the independent churches often include the migrant churches which often have a Pentecostal dimension. We will see in several of the subsequent chapters how migrant mission is driving growth among Pentecostalstyle groups in Europe; nevertheless though often termed ‘reverse mission’ the outreach often only reaches migrant populations rather than indigenous Europeans.12 The doctrinal basis of these groups – classical, renewalist and neoPentecostal – varies in the minutiae, particularly with respect to the features which mark out the central experience of Baptism in the Spirit.

Switzerland and Germany. Vineyard’s softer style may have been appreciated in denominations where less exuberant cultures prevail. Both these networks have planted churches across Europe. 11   W. K. Kay, Apostolic Networks, New Ways of being Church, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007). 12   The largest of these migrant founded churches in Europe, that of ‘The Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of God for All Nations’ in Kiev states that it 99.9% Ukrainians and therefore is indigenous not just Nigerian due to its leader’s nationality. It did carry out ‘reverse mission’ and yet to a new country in effect, which had no history of colonial mission to Africa or elsewhere. It began with seven people in 1994 and now numbers into many thousands, has 700 branches in 35 countries and claims to have brought 2,500,000 people to ‘receive Jesus in their hearts’, with many social action groups. It has many antagonists too. [accessed 23 July 2010]. The immigrant churches of Germany are discussed in another book of this series, Claudia Währisch-Oblau, The missionary self-perception of pentecostal/charismatic church leaders from the global south in Europe, bringing back the Gospel, (Leiden: Brill, 2009).


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Taking the British scene as an example, the Assemblies of God has a doctrinal basis of 12 ‘fundamentals’ as part of its statement of faith. One of the key but controversial fundamentals is the belief that speaking in tongues is a sign or evidence of reception of the Baptism in the Spirit; that was changed at the 2006 General Conference to ‘essential Biblical evidence’.13 Elim, another classical Pentecostal group, holds to a variation of this position: their statement is as follows: THE HOLY SPIRIT: We believe in the deity of the Holy Spirit who proceeds from the Father and the Son and the necessity of His work in conviction of sin, repentance, regeneration and sanctification, and that the believer is also promised an enduement of power as the gift of Christ through the baptism in the Holy Spirit with signs following. Through this enduement the believer is empowered for fuller participation in ministry of the Church, its worship and service.

Elim ministers would expect those who are baptised in the Spirit to speak in tongues but they also accept a wider range of evidential phenomena (for example prophecy) covered by the words, ‘with signs following’. Historically they have avoided using the phrase, ‘initial evidence’. This was borrowed by the AoG in Britain from the statement agreed by American AoG in 1916. The gap between ‘initial evidence’ and ‘signs following’ had the ironical effect of keeping these two British groups from merging despite, in many other respects, being very similar. Cultural, sociological and even political factors as well as spiritual readiness have contributed to the growth of both classical Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism. Mission took place in different ways sometimes through outside ‘missionaries’ and visiting preachers and sometimes through internal growth. British Pentecostal missionaries for example triggered growth in Congo and Yunnan (China) but not until about the 1970s did anyone dare to think of Europe as a mission field.14 European Pentecostals undoubtedly contributed to the overall missionary expansion of Pentecostalism but the biggest global influence came from the USA, especially from the Assemblies of God’s Division of Foreign   Personal Communication from Paul Alexander, principal of Mattersey Hall and on the Superintendent’s team May 2006 after the Conference in April 2006. 14   Mr and Mrs Douglas Scott worked in France in the 1930s and again after 1945 and founded French AoG there. Mr S. A. Damon worked in Belgium 1945 to 1953 (OMC Minutes 12 Jan 1945 – 11 Sept 1953). Mr Jean Wildrianne established contacts for preaching and relief aid throughout continental Europe from 1950s till his death 2009. Official policy allowed the European Evangelistic Society led by Wildrianne to work in cooperation with supporting British AoG as of 27/07/1964 (OMC Minutes). 13



Missions (DFM).15 Only in more recent decades have Korea, Singapore and India provided proportionately more missionaries than the Western nations: most of these would be ‘Pentecostal’ or ‘Charismatic’ too. So Pentecostalism as a whole, centres on experiential doctrine which the Evangelicals and others either spurned or neglected. Charismatics as we shall see, embraced spiritual experience without making it into a dogmatic ‘fundamental’ doctrine and practice. Whether this leads to a lasting change in Classical Pentecostalism or whether it merges into the more fluid ideas of the Charismatic movement, remains to be seen. Beginnings The Pentecostal Movement is now over a century old. Various debates have traced the origins to one place or to more than one place or as a series of spontaneous, explosive effects setting it off globally. Azusa Street, Los Angeles, was the most famous location for this burst of spiritual life in the year of the San Francisco earthquake 1906. Since then it has gained a reputation for its revivalist and missionary input to the world of ‘enthusiastic’ Christianity. Europe was not therefore the first to feel the effects but did not lag far behind. As soon as Thomas Ball Barratt had received the most notable of the characteristics of the classical Pentecostal movement – the Baptism in the Spirit with speaking in other tongues as evidence – he returned from New York to Norway. Despite the reactions against him in his Methodist Conference in Europe he continued to promote the teaching and experience he had received. We will read the story in Jan-Ake Alvarsson’s chapter on Scandinavian Pentecostalism, and indeed the effects of Barratt’s travels across Europe in the other chapters. In this book therefore we will trace the effects of Pentecostalism springing from that era. There are, it appears, four historical phases of expansion: 1906–14, 1918–1939, 1945–1979, 1980–2010. Many have written on Pentecostal history now but none have managed a recent survey of European nations’ Pentecostal movements.16 We have here tried   cf. C. P. Wagner in M. A. Dempster, B. D. Klaus, D. Petersen, Called and empowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1991). 16  N. Bloch-Hoells, The Pentecostals, (New York: Allen & Unwin 1964); W. J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals (London: SCM, 1976) and Pentecostalism, (Peabody, 15


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to provide an account of Pentecostalism in these different nations using, as far as possible, native speakers and citizens. In the course of the first eleven chapters most geographical areas of Europe are covered.  After that, the scene is set to comprehend the influences on the areas from major cultural or political sources such as Catholicism or Communism. A final summary chapter provides a sociological consideration and a tentative prediction of where Pentecostalism might be going. We have not devoted attention to African independent churches because there are other books on that subject.17 The exciting story of Pentecostalism and how it has grown, through persecution, even through isolationism is here to encourage the church across Europe; when the Spirit of God moves, Pentecostals believe that He finds ways around the obstacles like a surging river. There is a River through history in the title words of David Allen’s short book on church history, from apostolic days to now and it is in the words of his earlier version’s title, The Unfailing Stream.18 This river has cut across Europe providing life for the healing of nations… and yet human failings infect the river too. Europe This word ‘Europe’ can only be used for a ‘geographical location’ since there is no particular unity of culture across the area.19 Ranging in the west from Ireland to the east with the Ural Mountains of Russia, from Norway in the north to Italy in the south, there are many nations to include in this story. There are obvious cultural links from a thousand years or more of shared history particularly for the western areas but these became interwoven with the eastern areas despite the 20th century’s ‘iron curtain’. So in describing and discussing European Mass: Hendrickson, 1997); S. Burgess & G. B. McGee, IDPCM, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Regency: Zondervan, 2002). 17  Claudia Waehrisch-Oblau, The Missionary Self-Perception of Pentecostal/Charismatic Church Leaders from the Global South in Europe, Bringing Back the Gospel, (Global Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies; 2), (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 18  D. Allen, The Unfailing Stream (Guildford: Sovereign World, 1994) and There is a River, (Milton Keynes: Authentic, 2004) 19   Jean-Daniel Plüss, ‘Globalisation of Pentecostalism or of Individualism’ in M. W. Dempster, B.D. Klaus, D. Petersen (eds) The Globalization of Pentecostalism: a religion made to travel, (Oxford/ Carlisle: Regnum Books International in association with Paternoster Press, 1999) p. 176



Pentecostalism we have to be careful to be aware of context. That is the beauty of Pentecostalism; it adapts to local culture wherever it goes. Therefore, when Pentecostal teaching began to influence existing churches, the expression of it in experiential terms was different wherever it went. No doubt when Germans visited Sunderland they were influenced by Alexander Boddy’s rules for the convention20 and vice versa when Alexander Boddy visited the Dutch or German conventions. The expression of Pentecostalism developed over the decades with cultural and prior denominational overtones according to the area and people group affected. Interestingly, European Pentecostalism began with Thomas Ball Barratt, an Englishman who grew up in Norway, and was staying in North America when he received the Pentecostal teaching and experience through African Americans; this was an international mix from the start. The Nations – centralise Thomas Ball Barratt sailed across the Atlantic back to Christiana (Oslo). He had been renewed himself by the Spirit of God in New York after meeting travellers from Azusa Street, Los Angeles, who were en route for mission in Africa. From wondering how to return to Norway after a fruitless hunt for financial support for his Methodist Mission in Christiana (Oslo), he now had good news to share. It was certainly true enough that there were newspaper reports that had reached Scandinavia in advance of his return but a personal account would be far more influential.21 He edited his own paper, the City Post, headed his own mission. He took the message to Norway and across Scandinavia, and into Germany and England. Jan-Åke Alvarsson tells the story in detail in the chapter 1. Owing to Barratt’s activity in Norway, Pentecostalism spread from the north towards the south. Germany received missionaries from Oslo, and visits from Barratt are traced in Alvarsson’s chapter. The new ground broken by Pentecostalism was accompanied by controversy as well as by signs and wonders. These phenomena have always been questioned by sceptics. However while some phenomena can be construed as 20   See advert for Whitsun Convention, Sunderland in Confidence May 1910, p120included in W. K. Kay & A. E. Dyer, Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies: a Reader, (London: SCM Press, 2004) pp. 17–18 21   See Chapter 2.


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emanating from weird or evil sources, or indeed out of psychological peculiarities, the range of phenomena and the moral transformations of individuals who were touched by them pointed in a different direction. The evidence of Pentecostalism has mostly been seen in the use of glossolalia – speaking in unknown languages – or prophetic speech, speaking what is seen as the Holy Spirit’s direct message to the congregation in one’s own language. These phenomena seemed quite different from all the spiritual experiences of preceding centuries. Healing is cited as another distinctive but the Holiness movements of the 19th century, that later rejected glossolalia, maintained healing ministries before they were seen in the new Pentecostal denominations and networks. Other spiritual gifts were also in evidence as people recognised God’s messages of encouraging prophecy and words of wisdom and knowledge. Donald Gee and Howard Carter wrote on these matters of spiritual and ministry gifts, not always agreeing on the definitions.22 Gee was recognised worldwide as an outstanding teacher of Pentecostal doctrine, and came to be known as the ‘Apostle of Balance’. After the first generation, Pentecostals began to organise themselves. As Neil Hudson shows in chapter 2, the churches in Britain, found it difficult to adapt to the post-war era and to the 1960s.23 The period of renewal started within older, mainline congregations from the 1950s onwards but few joined the classical Pentecostals. Meanwhile classical Pentecostals persisted, and even developing educational institutions of higher learning, but their growth flattened out. Across Europe the wars of 1914–18 and then 1939–45 brought misery and desolation. This made the eschatological essence of Pente­ costalism all the more eager in its evangelism and mission. Ethics and holiness were not altogether absent but evangelistic and doctrinal promotion of experiencing God’s Holy Spirit predominated. Political issues from war to the threat of the Atomic bomb caused Pentecostals to speculate on matters ranging from the identity of the Antichrist to Armageddon and Israel’s role in God’s plans. However the urgent ‘mission culture’ of early Pentecostalism began to decline as second and third generation  maintenance modes developed. Only as the end of the century

22  D. Gee, Concerning Spiritual Gifts, (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1928). D. Gee, The Ministry Gifts of Christ, (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1930). H. Carter, Questions and Answers on Spiritual Gifts, (London: AOG, 1946). 23  Cf. Gee’s editorials in Pentecost, a magazine he edited since its commencement in 1947 at the first Pentecostal World Conference in Zurich, to his death in 1965. E.g. D. Gee, ‘To our new Pentecostal Friends’, Pentecost 1/Dec 1961 p17



approached was the eschatological Premillennial fervour rekindled in certain quarters of the charismatic world. This was partly a consequence of the new TV broadcasting channels beamed down from satellites and partly the approach of the end of the second millennium and the milestone date of the year 2000. mission and the Spread of Pentecostalism Understanding of mission was based on Matthew 24:14 – ‘This gospel shall be preached to all nations and then the end shall come’. The very earliest Pentecostals believed that speaking in tongues was a divine gift for proclaiming the gospel in foreign languages (so called xenolalia). Charles Parham had triggered such thinking but British PMU founders Alexander Boddy and Cecil Polhill put the brakes on that idea; it had not worked anyway even as Polhill had tried it back in the 1880s when learning Mandarin as a CIM missionary.24 Even so the missionary became the hero of the Pentecostal magazines and therefore churches. The British PMU as the first Pentecostal mission, sent out women to India, families to China, and Africa. The Dutch leader Gerrit Polman encouraged his missionary candidates to join this mission. Shortly afterwards 1915 Willie Burton had founded the Congo Evangelistic Mission and ‘revival’ (i.e. evangelistic success) broke out in his area of south central Congo (among the Luba people) by 1921. Alexander Boddy had said, ‘Pentecost meant a growth of the Missionary spirit’.25 Meanwhile American émigrés decided to return to their own nations and evangelise them. In 1918 a Brother Andrew went back to Iran and then through Russia planting churches until he reached Finland.26 Others went back to Greece and founded a few Pentecostal churches amidst great difficulties.27 Germans from their ‘spiritual movement’ went to German speaking areas of Croatia and Serbia28 and others caught their ‘fire’. Much of this was not in new churches so much as influencing those

24   L. Goodwin research for PMU. Boddy & Polhill, Confidence Jan 1911, p8 in Kay & Dyer, [eds], Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies: a Reader, (London: SCM 2004) 25   A. A. Boddy, Confidence, 3:8 (Aug 1910), p. 199 26   See Confidence, 1909–1920s – there are numerous references to his journeys in Persia through Russia and back to the USA. 27  C. Chalkias, Global Pentecost, Athens, 2000, p. 93 cited by Ilias Chatzieleftheriou, The Development of the Pentecostal Church in Greece (Unpublished MTh Thesis Bangor University, 2010). 28   B. Bjelajac, ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, 2003, pp. 129–136


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within existing churches. Unorganised mission was the means by which Pentecostalism spread in the early decades in Europe but missionary societies were not set up with a view to reaching fellow Europeans. The Pentecostal Missionary Union for instance sent British or Dutch missionaries to China, Congo and India but not to Europe.29 Later, mission organisation for Europe began and continues, particularly through the Pentecostal European Fellowship and its sub-branch, the Pentecostal European Mission that attempts to facilitate, coordinate and bring fellowship for missionaries across Europe. The biggest international mission established by European Pente­ costals has been from Finland. FIDA International has many missionaries worldwide. Other nations also founded mission bases as from Sweden’s autonomous churches formed their own Swedish Free Mission. Occasionally there were links between national mission movements; after Congolese independence (1960–61), one British lady missionary, Katherine Lucas, worked with the Swedish mission in Burundi and later Ruanda during the 1960s.30 So European nations contributed to mission globally but also had their own outreach within and across Europe; various missions were established such as the Slavic & European Evangelistic Society31 and The European Evangelistic Society.32 John Wildrianne, a Belgian trained at Fred Squires’ International Bible Training Institute at Burgess Hill, West Sussex,33 became known as ‘Mr Europe’ as he promoted connections among Pentecostals from Paris to Romania, from England to Italy, from

29   Although Pentecostals did not attend Edinburgh 1910’s conference on world mission where these things were discussed, they may have also believed that mission should take place from the ‘Christian’ nations of the west to the rest of the world. Proselytisation across ‘Christian’ Europe was resisted by established denominations or groups like the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Churches. 30  Overseas Mission Council, (Assemblies of God, UK) Minutes, 11/07/1958, 07/10/1958, 13/11/1959, 02/09/1960, 09/03/1961, 13/10/1961 delayed due to independence crises. 05/03/1962 returned. etc 31  Overseas Mission Council, approved cooperation with this group: Minutes 13/09/1957. 32  Overseas Mission Council approved the link: Minutes 27/ 7/1964. It finished operating independently (Minutes 13/09/1978) but was incorporated into British AOG’s Action Areas with John Wildrianne as its director. 33   Fred Squires working out of an English base created a relief programme to help Germany re-establish itself after 1945. He then established IBTI as a training centre, with a desire to reach the edges if Europe and the Communist world as well as other nations. John Wildrianne became a student then son-in-law to Fred Squires and director of IBTI.



the 1960s onwards through preaching tours, radio and relief work.34 He continued to do this in ever expanding ways until his death in 2009. Other groups like those from France sent help to Poland or Bulgaria; they in turn developed geographic networks for preachers to work across. The stories that are related bring out intriguing differences across Europe. Survival stories from the Communist era in Central and Eastern Europe show the resilience of Pentecostals alongside Baptists and Orthodox with whom they were imprisoned but, which once communist oppression was removed and some form of normality resumed, the schisms reappeared. beyond the National Perspective In this book we have collected accounts from many parts of Europe.35 The book continues in geographic focus to explain how Pentecostalism was born in many towns and village of Europe; in Germany, the Netherlands and the Low Countries, France, Italy, Spain, the Balkans and Greece, into Central and Eastern Europe – the Czech and Slovak republics, Poland, Romania, Hungary, Russia. Many accounts had to be summarised into geographic blocs instead of being given a chapter each. The work and growth of Pentecostalism – as opposed to Pentecostal church groupings – continues.36 Catholic Pentecostalism is represented in chapter 13. From Ireland to Austria we have received accounts of their stories.37 The interaction of Catholicism with Pentecostalism has been traced through Wesley’s eclectic spirituality and, in this way, also linked with Eastern Orthodoxy.38 Wesley is sometimes said to be a grandfather to

34   The first reference to him in the Overseas Mission Council Minutes is in 02/09/1965. He recorded French speaking programmes on CORDAC (OMC Minutes 07/11/1968), promoted links with Andre Nicolle in Paris (06/03/1975), gained British interest across Europe (04/07/1978) 35   Vladimir Franchuk has volumes on Pentecostals in the ex-Soviet bloc and readers are referred to them for more detail. 36   British Pentecostal mission work in Austria is noted as commencing around the Overseas Missionary Council’s date of meeting discussing Tony Murray’s departure for Austria (OMC 17/10/1979). The Murrays had settled there by 1981. Work under Gianni Gaeta started in 1996 and has created a network of church plants. No doubt there are many others from various origins working there too, unbeknown to us. 37   Kees Slijkerman kindly coordinated and forwarded many reports from Catholic Pentecostal sources from across Europe. 38  Olga Zaprometova, ‘Experiencing the Holy Spirit: A pentecostal reading of the Early Church Fathers’, JEPTA 2010.1 p. 8.


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Pentecostalism.39 So how does Pentecostalism relate theologically to the rest of Protestantism in Europe? Jean Daniel Plüss answers this question in chapter 12. The Eastern areas of Europe were under Communist regimes; for Russia since 1917 and for many other areas of the Soviet bloc from 1945 until 1989; this has affected Pentecostalism in the east. Peter Kuzmič shows in chapter 13, how the whole sociology of European nations has changed dramatically as political paradigms were transformed. Migration has affected Eastern European churches as their young people moved west looking for work. Migration from Africa to Europe has also changed the scene in that the African Migrant churches provide the biggest church growth in cities from Birmingham to Cologne to Kiev; most of these have a pentecostal spirituality. So we attempt to provide a picture of Pentecostalism across Europe from national viewpoints, from theological, political and finally sociological perspectives. It is not a complete picture but we trust that it triggers further appreciation of the 20th Century’s contribution to European Pentecostalism, and the European contribution to Pentecostalism worldwide. Bibliography Allen, David, The Unfailing Stream (Guildford: Sovereign World, 1994) and There is a River, (Milton Keynes: Authentic, 2004). Anderson, Allan, Introduction to Pentecostalism, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004). —— . Spreading Fires: The Globalization of Pentecostalism in the Twentieth Century, (London: SCM, 2007). —— , ‘When is a Pentecostal Not a Pentecostal?’ JPT, Vol.13.1 (Oct 2007) pp. 58–63. Archer, Kenneth, Pentecostal Hermeneutic for the Twenty-first Century, (London: T&T Clark, 2004). Barrett, David B. & Todd M. Johnson, ‘Annual Statistical Table on Global Mission: 2003’, International Bulletin of Missionary Research 27:1 (January 2003), p. 25. Barrett, D.B., ‘Missiometrics 2007: Creating your own analysis of global data’ IBMR 31.1 (2007) pp. 25–32. Bjelajac, B. ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, 2003, pp. 129–136. Bloch-Hoells, N., The Pentecostals, (New York: Allen & Unwin, 1964). Carter, Howard, Questions and Answers on Spiritual Gifts, (London: AOG, 1946). Dayton, D. W. Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1987/ 94).

39   See D. W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1987/ 94), Ken Archer, Pentecostal Hermeneutic for the Twenty-first Century, (London: T&T Clark, 2004), p. 14 passim.



Gee, D., Concerning Spiritual Gifts, (Springfield, Miss.: Gospel Publishing House, 1928). —— , The Ministry Gifts of Christ, (Springfield, Miss.: Gospel Publishing House, 1930). —— , ‘To our new Pentecostal Friends’, Pentecost 1/Dec 1961 p17 Hollenweger, W. J., The Pentecostals (London: SCM, 1976). —— , Pentecostalism, (Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson, 1997). Johnstone P. and J. Mandryk, Operation World (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2001) p. 3. Kay, W. K. & A. E. Dyer, [eds], Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies: a Reader, (London: SCM, 2004). Kay, W. K., Apostolic Networks, New Ways of being Church, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007). Plüss, Jean-Daniel, ‘Globalisation of Pentecostalism or of Individualism’ in M. W. Dempster, B.D. Klaus, D. Petersen (eds) The Globalization of Pentecostalism: a religion made to travel, (Oxford/ Carlisle: Regnum Books International in association with Paternoster Press, 1999) p. 176ff. Waehrisch-Oblau, Claudia, The missionary self-perception of pentecostal/charismatic church leaders from the global south in Europe, bringing back the Gospel, (Leiden: Brill, 2009). Wagner, C. P. in M. A. Dempster, B. D. Klaus, D. Petersen, Called and empowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1991). Zaprometova, Olga ‘Experiencing the Holy Spirit: A Pentecostal reading of the Early Church Fathers’, JEPTA Vol 30.1 (2010) pp 1–19.

part one

History and Origins

chapter one The Development of Pentecostalism in Scandinavian Countries Jan-Åke Alvarsson Background Scandinavian Pentecostalism, i.e. the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, were early and influential offshoots of Azusa Street Pentecostalism. In many respects, however, the Scandinavian movements were—and still are—different from the ones in North America, and often also from those in the rest of Europe. There are typical idiosyncrasies due to the history and culture of the region that characterize them theologically as well as in praxis. In a geographical sense, ‘Scandinavia’ really does not include Finland. Nevertheless, as this country, in spite of its Finno-Ugrian first language, has been an integrated part of the history of the region, it is included under that heading in the present chapter. The historical interconnectedness also makes it logical to treat the five countries in question, in a single account. Sweden and Finland were one and the same country until 1809. Denmark and Norway were one country until 1814 and roughly shared a single written language (Danish/ ‘Bokmål’).1 From that year, Norway and Sweden were in a union until 1905. Iceland, the most distant and isolated of the five countries, was a part of Denmark until 1904, and then in union with that same country until 1944. Thus proximity and interconnectedness have marked the region in several ways. When Pentecostalism, as we define it today, came to Scandinavia in late 1906, first to Sweden, and a month later to Norway, this region was nothing like a tabula rasa in a religious sense. It was well prepared for the advent of Pentecostalism through massive Pietist, Methodist, 1  Danish was used as a written language in Norway up until the 19th century. The reformed, Norwegianised, variant ‘bokmål’ (‘the discourse of books’), differs very little as regards spelling, syntax, etc. Today Norway has several official linguistic varieties, the two main branches being ‘bokmål’ and ‘nynorsk’ (‘new Norwegian’), the latter more clearly reflecting the more orthodox dialects in western Norway.


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Baptist and Holiness influences. A tradition of revivalism, a discourse on ‘Baptism in the Holy Spirit’,2 and the talk about the ‘imminent return of Jesus’ were all there already, especially in Sweden and Norway.3 Timeline survey Several Swedes were present at the Bonnie Brae meetings in Los Angeles, prior to the Azusa Street movement.4 The one who became essential for the development of Pentecostalism in Scandinavia was Andrew G. Johnson(-Ek), a Swedish immigrant with no connection to the established churches in his home country.5 Johnson experienced his conversion in the United States in 1904 and received his baptism in the Holy Spirit during the time at Bonnie Brae. Johnson participated in the Azusa Street movement, but left it as a missionary, already in July 1906. As a participant in a ‘missionary band’, he travelled across the US to New York. In September, at the Christian Alliance Home, he met with another key figure-to-be in Scandinavian Pentecostalism, Thomas Ball Barratt. According to Johnson, some of the zeal emanating from the Azusa movement was transferred to this BritishNorwegian Methodist.6 Later, Barratt also established contact with the Azusa Mission via letters. 2  See e.g. the Swedish Baptist periodical Swedish Tribune (‘Svenska Tribunen’) that in 1906 featured many references to ‘Spirit baptism’ and ‘Baptism in the Holy Spirit’ as well as to a book on that very subject by John Paul ‘Pastor in Ravenstein’ (e.g. October 10, 1906). 3  See David Bundy, Visions of Apostolic Mission: Scandinavian Pentecostal Mission to 1935. Studia Historico-Ecclesiastica Upsaliensia 45, (Uppsala: Uppsala University Library 2009) pp31ff. Add the influences from, e.g., the Evangelical Alliance World Conference in Denmark 1884, reports from and visits to the Keswick meetings, as well as abundant reports from the Welsh revival. 4  See J-Å. Alvarsson, ‘Pingstväckelsens etablering i Sverige: Från Azusa Street till Skövde på sju månader’ in Claes Waern (ed.) Pingströrelsen (1)—Händelser och utveckling under 1900-talet. (Örebro: Libris, 2007a), s. 10–45. 7a:11, 16–17. The predominantly African American prayer group behind the Azusa Street revival first met at South Union Avenue in February 1906, and later at 214 North Bonnie Brae Street, before moving to 312 Azusa Street on April 14 1906. For further information about the Azusa Street movement, see Robeck 2006. 5   Johnson was born in Skövde, Sweden in 1878 as Anders Gustaf Johansson, but anglicised his name to Andrew G. Johnson when he emigrated to the USA. This was the name he himself always used when he signed his reports or articles. When he returned to Sweden in 1906, a journalist re-translated his name as ‘Jansson’—something that stuck with him as he became famous. Tired of this, he again changed his last name to ‘Ek’ around 1917 and from the 1920s he is known only as ‘Andrew Ek’. 6  See Andrew Johnson-Ek, Då elden föll: Av ett ögonvittne (Mariestad: Eget förlag 1933), pp.10–11.

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Before any of the Azusa Street participants reached Europe, the news were spread via periodicals. The first report to be published in Europe may have been that of Swedish The Närke Paper (‘Närkesbladet’), Örebro, on the 18th of September entitled ‘What is happening?’ Soon reports followed in Norwegian The City Post (‘Byposten’), Christiana (from 1925 Oslo), The Swedish Tribune (‘Svenska Tribunen’), also Örebro, and later also through other periodicals. Just about two months after the first report, on the 16th of November, the first ‘eyewitness’ arrived in Scandinavia, when Andrew G. Johnson disembarked in Gothenburg and proceeded to Skövde. There he started to spread the Pentecostal revivalist news. On the 15th of December, Johnson wrote his first report back to his ‘home base’ at Azusa Street.7 Considerably later, other eyewitnesses, like the Swede Eric Hollings­ worth  and the Norwegian Berger N. Johnsen joined in to spread first-hand news.8 When the Norwegians celebrated ‘Little Christmas’ (‘lillejul’), in December 1906, T. B. Barratt returned from New York. Unlike the Scandinavian American witnesses, with few contacts left in the region, his return was well prepared. Barratt had used his own periodical, The City Post, to transmit every move, every impression from his trip to the United States. Now he started ‘Pentecostal’ meetings at Torvgaten 7, Christiana. In Norway, Erik Andersen Nordquelle, Christiana, and his periodical The Good Message (‘Det gode budskap’), acted as ‘gatekeepers’ for Barratt. In Sweden, John Ongman of the Örebro Filadelfia congregation, acted in the same way. These two figures have often been overlooked and their importance underestimated, but both were mature preachers with large networks that opened up for the new impulses from the United States. Through Ongman and Andersen, and their voluntary staff of young men and women, the Azusa Street movement could spread much more rapidly in the region than what otherwise would have been possible. Thus, in just a couple of months the Pentecostal message was spread all over Sweden and good parts of Norway, notably also to Stockholm and Gothenburg. When Johnson moved to Gothenburg in mid-1907, 7   The report says e.g.: ‘I would like to be in California, but the Spirit says that I have some more work on the other side of the sea. I hope you are praying for me. This is not the Azusa Street Mission here, but I am praying that the Lord would grant us fire from heaven and give life to half-dead Christians.’ The Apostolic Faith Vol 1 No 5 1906 p 3. 8   Berger Johnsen very soon proceeded to Argentina. For Johnsen’s ministry see Nielsen 1981:43 and Lie Norsk pinsekristendom p.86.


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and started work at Torghallen, the focal point of the ‘New Revival’ in Sweden was also somehow moved from Örebro to Gothenburg. This was marked by the appearance of new Pentecostal hymn books, Glory Songbook and Voice of the Turtle Dove, as well as a periodical, Embers from the Altar (‘Glöd från altaret’). The latter was a typically Scandinavian enterprise. Student Algot Gustafsson and T. B. Barratt joined forces in starting up something entirely Pentecostal. At the request of many evangelists, Ongman started up a training school for missionaries in 1908, The Örebro Mission School (‘Örebro Missionsskola’). In due course, this developed into a three-year theological seminary—open to women; probably the first Pentecostal higher education centre in the world. While Johnson travelled incessantly in the Nordic countries to spread the spirit of Pentecostalism, Barratt came to travel all over Europe. Only during 1907 he encouraged the Pentecostals in Sweden and met with interested people in Denmark. Thus Barratt became the first European Pentecostal leader—and his ambitions were to serve, rather than lead, the incipient movements all over the continent. Continental and overseas mission work was an early priority of the growing Pentecostal movement. Already in 1907, Dagmar Engstrøm and Agnes Telle became missionaries from Norway to Hamburg in Germany, Zürich in Switzerland and Denmark. That same year a group of Swedes went from USA to China, among them Adolph and Linda Johnson, as well as Ellen and Gustaf Lundgren. Two years later, Norwegian Engstrøm started the Banda-mission in North India and restless Andrew G. Johnson left the work in Gothenburg and embarked for China. In Norway, Andersen Nordquelle’s congregation in Skien probably became the first ‘Pentecostal congregation’ in Europe. Late in 1907, the Betania congregation in Adelöv, Sweden, followed, led by Johnson’s disciple Carl Widmark. The following year there were two more: the Betel congregation in Skärhamn and Salem in Luleå. Already in 1908, Pentecostalism caught fire in Finland and Denmark. Women evangelists Greta Andersson and Anna Blom went from Sweden to Vaasa in Finland. There they associated with the Free Mission (‘Fria Missionen’).9 Revival spread around Vaasa and around a dozen people experienced Holy Spirit baptism before the revival abruptly ended in 9   This movement is now known as ‘Fria Missionsförbundet’; Nils G. Holm, Pingströrelsen: En religionsvetenskaplig studie av pingströrelsen i Svenskfinland.

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1909 with a tragedy. A preacher tried to walk out on the water in the Spirit and drowned. Also in 1908, well-known Danish actress Anna Larssen-Bjørner experienced conversion and baptism in the Holy Spirit. In a way, she, more than any other Scandinavian, came to personify the transforming power of Pentecostalism. People were stunned by the fact that she left the limelight of the stage and dedicated herself to the spread of Pentecostalism. In 1912, she married Sigurd Bjørner and together they became the leaders of the incipient Danish Pentecostal movement. In line with spirit of the day, they started off with alliance meetings (‘alliansemøder’) long before a particular Pentecostal movement emerged. In 1910 T. B. Barratt split with Erik Andersen Nordquelle and started his own congregation in Christiana at Møllergaten 38. He changed the name of his periodical to The Victory of the Cross (‘Korsets seir’, later ‘Korsets seier’).10 The same year, a group of spirit-filled believers started the 7th Baptist congregation of Stockholm. It took the name Filadelfia, after Ongman’s church in Örebro and became the new centre for Pentecostals-to-be in the Swedish capital. In 1910, Pekka Brofeldt founded the Star of Hope (‘Toivon Tähti’)11 in Finland. This successively associated with Pentecostalism and came to support the ‘free direction’ of Finnish Pentecostalism. In the same year two Swedish missionaries, Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren, left the US for Brazil to start an Apostolic Faith Mission there, later Assambléias de Deus. Simultaneously, several missionaries from Norway, supported through The Free Friends (‘De frie venner’) departed for different mission fields. In 1911 The Apostolic Faith was established in Sweden, first in Malmö and later in Gothenburg, by Norwegian David Grov.12 The year after, the movement extended to Grov’s home country, to Stavanger. Under the name of ‘Den apostoliske tro’, the periodical The Apostolic Faith had been

Meddelanden från Stiftelsen för Åbo Akademi Forskningsinstitut, nr 31 (Åbo: Tidningsbokhandeln, 1978) p.21. 10  See Geir Lie, (ed), Norsk pinsekristendom og karismatisk fornyelse. Ettbinds oppslagsverk. REFLEKS-serien 8 (Oslo: Refleks Publishing, 2008), p.93 and Bundy, Visions of… pp.222–223. Note that Bundy is wrong about the early invitation from Finland; the invitation mentioned in The City Post, May 18, 1907 was from a person in Sweden, (‘Br. Possar’) to accompany him to Finland. 11  Pekka Brofeldt is called ‘Pietaari Brofeldt’ by Holm, Pingströrelsen, p.23. 12  See Lie, Norsk pinsekristendom p.3 and Bundy, Visions, pp.255–257. This was an offshoot of the Oakland branch of The Apostolic Faith Mission.


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published in Norwegian in the US since 1908 and for a short time, from 1910 and onwards, it was published also in Swedish (‘Den Apostoliska Tron’). In 1923, Olaf Kostøl, took over the Apostolic Faith congregation in Bergen. He was the leader of this branch of Pentecostalism in Scandinavia for 34 years. In 1911 the Filadelfia congregation of Stockholm called young pastor Lewi Pethrus to become its leader.13 That same year, the second Swedish Pentecostal periodical was founded by two influential preachers, Olov Leonard Björk and Carl Hedeen: The Voice of the Bridegroom (‘Brud­ gummens röst’). Lewi Pethrus was invited to join the editorial committee. This year was the breakthrough of not only Pethrus in Sweden, but also of Pentecostalism in Finland. For some time Laestadian groups in Helsinki had invited T. B. Barratt to come, but he could not make it until the autumn of 1911.14 Apart from visiting the group in Helsinki, he also went to the YMCA in Kuopio and the Methodist Church in Viborg. At the end of the year, Norwegian-American Gerhard Olsen Smidt arrived in Helsinki from the US and the country experienced revival in Tampere and Lahti. From this year, there was a rapid diffusion of Pentecostalism. Before 1914 Pentecostal work was established in virtually all parts of Finland. Only the year after, in 1912, the first Pentecostal summer conference was held in Lempäälä. People were re-baptized and Finnish Pentecostalism turned towards the line of baptism. The Victory of the Cross was now published in Finnish (‘Ristin Voitto’) and the first Finnish Pentecostal missionary, Emil Danielsson, was sent out to Kenya. This very year, in 1912, the first Danish missionaries, Nils Peter Rasmussen and others, were also sent out, to China.15 During this remarkable year, Smith’s Friends (‘Smiths Venner’) in Norway took a new theological route as regards Christology, something that came to separate them from their peers. In Sweden, the first entirely

13   He was born as Petrus L. Johansson in 1884, but changed his name to Levi Petrus when he entered the army. After some time in Stockholm, he embellished his name to Lewi Pethrus, the spelling that will be used throughout the article. 14  Gunnar Westin, Den kristna friförsamlingen i Norden: Frikyrklighetens uppkomst och utveckling (Stockholm: Westerbergs, 1956), p.360. Holm, Pingströrelsen, pp.21–22. 15  Sundstedt, Pingstväckelsen—en världsväckelse, Band 5 (Stockholm: Normans förlag,  1973) p.46. The others were the wife and children of N. P. Rasmussen as well as Marta Rönager and Swedes Nelly Ohlsson and Anna Larsson. All went to China.

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Pentecostal book, Jesus is Coming (‘Jesus kommer’), was published. As the Baptist editorial refused to publish it, this also meant the emergence of a Pentecostal editorial, the Förlaget Filadelfia. In 1912 the initial Swedish Pentecostal prayer group in Skövde, left the Baptist Elim congregation and thus also the Baptist movement. The year after, in 1913, the success of the Stockholm Filadelfia church increased the tension between the ‘New Movement’ and the classical Baptists. While Ongman and the Örebro Mission remained within the Baptist movement, Stockholm Filadelfia was expelled—and remained outside the movement. In 1914, Gerhard Olsen Smidt left Finland because of the First World War, and the movement was abruptly nationalized. This resulted in the formation of the ‘Pentecostal Alliance of Brethren’ (‘Veljeslitto’). The same year Carl Magnus Seehus became the editor of The Missionary (‘Missionæren’) in Norway and successively turned it into a Pentecostal paper. In Sweden a new Pentecostal hymn book Tones of Victory (‘Segertoner’), later the most frequently used ever, was edited for the first time. In 1915, after a conflict with Ongman, Pethrus replaced the five-week Bible school in Örebro with one in Stockholm. Later the same year a new periodical was started: The Gospel Herald (‘Evangelii Härold’). For almost eight decades this was to be the most influential Pentecostal journal in Scandinavia. Many of the free Pentecostal missionary enterprises of Norway were united in 1915. The Free Gospel Mission Union of Norway (‘Norges Frie Evangeliske Missionsförbund’) was founded at a missionary conference in Christiana. 16 In May 1915, the first Pentecostal congregation in Finland, Siloam, was founded when a group of members was excluded from the Baptist congregation in Helsinki. Albert Kervinen became the leader of the new congregation. In Sweden, the first Bible Study Week (‘bibelstudievecka’) was held at Korsberga, and the first year-book was published under the name of The Christmas Herald (‘Julens Härold’). In 1916 the two main leaders of the Pentecostal movement in Norway, Andersen Nordquelle and Barratt, decided to go separate ways. In 1918, 16  Oddvar Nilsen, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år, (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S 1981) p.73. After complaints from a fellow church with a similar name, the name of this organisation was later changed to ‘The Free Gospel Heathen Mission of Norway’ (‘Norges Frie Evangeliske Hedningemisjon’).


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a precursor of the Pentecostal movement in Iceland was initiated in Reykjavik by an Icelandic American. The same year, the third Swedish Bible Study Week was held in Kölingared, a location that still hosts the largest Swedish Pentecostal Summer conference (nowadays called Nyhemsveckan). The following year, in 1919, the participants of the ‘Week’ published the ‘Declaration of Kölingared’, a refusal of co-operation with the established churches and, indirectly, a declaration of a new Pentecostal denomination. The statement also confirmed the first major split among the Swedish Pentecostals. Lewi Pethrus, together with 97 other men and five women, signed it. John Ongman, O. L. Björk, Carl Hedeen and several other early leaders were notably absent. At the same conference, in 1919, Danish couple Anna Larssen-Bjørner and Sigurd Bjørner were baptized. They now returned to Denmark with a more overt Baptist agenda and started the Evangeliefor­samlingen in Hellerup. During the same year, in 1919, there was a major split in the Finnish Pentecostal Movement over open or closed communion, and the view of Congregationalism.17 One direction was more universal, called the ‘Pentecostal Friends’ (‘Helluntaiystävät’),18 which saw the believers as belonging to a universal congregation, not a local one, and practised informal fellowship. The other direction, inspired by Sweden,19 called the ‘Pentecostal Revival’ (‘Helluntaiherätys’), saw clearly defined, local congregations. In the 1920s the two groups were of equal size, but, successively, the ‘Pentecostal revival’ grew stronger. In the late 1930s this constituted the largest denomination with 90 congregations and 20,000 members. In 1920 Jens Folkertsen founded a Pentecostal congregation on the Danish island of Bornholm. That same year there was a prophetic message that Sigurd Bjørner should become the ‘Apostle of Denmark’. This materialized at a conference in Wales in 1923. More than 700 people decided that the movement in Denmark should join the Apostolic Church (‘Den apostoliske kirke’). Nevertheless, some congregations remained outside the Apostolic movement. The year after, in 1924, the 17  Lauri Ahonen claims that Smidt ‘played a part in the split’. Ahonen in IDPCM…, p.103. 18   The ‘Pentecostal Friends’ ceased to function in the 1990s. Ahonen in IDPCM p.103. 19  See Westin, Den kristna friförsamlingen i Norden, p.365.

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Apostolic Church was formally established. It was led by Nathanael Folkersen from 1946 and Svend Åge Facius from 1948. In the beginning of 1920, Barratt and Pethrus were invited by the Bjørners to an early Scandinavian conference in Copenhagen. There they discussed foreign mission, among other things mission to Africa, resulting in an invitation to Gunnerius Tollefsen to come and talk about missions in Stockholm. The year after, Tollefsen, together with Swede Axel B. Lindgren, led the first Scandinavian Expedition into eastern Belgian Congo. This resulted in the establishment of the first Norwegian mission in the country in 1924.20 Only in 1930 were the Swedes able to join in. That very year, in 1920, the Pentecostal Movement gained a stronghold in the fishing community of the Westman Islands (Vestmannaeyjar) of Iceland. This was as a result of the activities of Swedish missionaries, Signe and Erik Aasbö, from Salem, Gothenburg. In the autumn of 1920, a revival with signs and wonders took place that caused much consternation in the area. In 1920, Gerhard Olsen-Smidt was back in Finland, this time not as a leader but as a co-worker. He helped founding the Filadelfia church in Helsinki. In only four years it grew to the size of 500 members. In 1921, Swedish writer and publicist Sven Lidman joined the Swedish Pentecostal Movement, something that caused headlines in many Swedish newspapers. Just like the Bjørners, he was baptized at a Kölingared ‘Week’. A mere year later he was the editor of The Gospel Herald and transformed it into a most successful journal. At the height of its popularity, some 70,000 copies were printed of each edition. Two years later, in 1923, Anders Petter Franklin transferred from the Swedish Alliance Mission to the Pentecostal Movement. He quickly became the leading man in overseas missions. In 1924 he became the leader of the Swedish Free Mission, an attempt to organize Pentecostal missionary work. This was accompanied by the Högsby school for missionaries, founded in 1925. Also in 1924 there was a shift of leadership in Iceland. Local resistance had made the Aasbös return home. Now they were replaced by Herbert Larsson who later started Pentecostal work in the Faeroe Islands, and in 1925 by Nils and Gyda Ramselius. The latter two reported of baptisms in

See Bundy, Visions, p.335.



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the Holy Spirit and the virtual establishment of Pentecostalism in Iceland.21 In 1924 Smidt left the Helsinki church and Eino Manninen became the first pastor.22 In Stockholm, Einar Ekberg was called to become the first fully employed church singer of the Pentecostal movement. His career included extended time in the US, hundreds of recordings and 200 of his own compositions. He is probably the most well known church singer ever in Sweden. In Finland, in 1926, The Victory of the Cross (‘Ristin Voitto’) was organized as a publishing firm. The year after, in 1927, the Finnish Free Foreign Mission (‘Soumen Vapaa Ulkolähetyd r.y.’) was founded. Yet another year later, in 1928, there was a split of Finnish Pentecostalism into two branches, one Finnish-speaking and one Swedish-speaking. The main congregation in Helsinki was divided into Saalem for the Finnish-speaking, while the Swedish-speaking remained with the name of Filadelfia. The year of 1929 saw a revolution of missionary organisation in Scandinavia. In Sweden Pethrus clashed with Franklin and closed down the Swedish Free Mission. In Norway, Barratt withdrew from the FGHMN in Christiana (now Oslo) and in Finland the FFFM was suspended.23 Instead, all three movements went back to basics: foreign mission should be carried out by the local congregations, without the intervention of a centralized missionary organisation. Simultaneously, the movements were consolidating. Norway experienced a massive revival in 1929–1930.24 Several new congregations were founded. In Stockholm, the Filadelfia congregation, under Lewi Pethrus, constructed the largest church building in northern Europe. On the 1st of November 1930 the new building was inaugurated in the presence of many European leaders of Pentecostalism. In 1931 the first short-term Finnish Bible School was held in Helsinki. Among the teachers were Donald Gee from Great Britain and Lewi Pethrus from Sweden. In 1932 this was followed by the First Pentecostal

21  Arthur Sundstedt, Pingstväckelsen och dess genombrott, Band 3 (Stockholm: Normans förlag, 1971), pp161–164. 22   Westin, Den kristna friförsamlingen i Norden p.365, Oddvar Nilsen, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år, (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S 1981), p.129. 23  Ahonen in IDPCM, p.104. 24  Oddvar Nilsen, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år, (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S 1981), pp.132–137.

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Summer Conference in Finland. These had started as summer meetings in 1912, but from 1939 these became national events. Since 1983 the summer conferences have been hosted by Iso Kirja, Keuruu, and may gather some 30,000 people. This makes it the largest annual Pentecostal conference in Europe. In the year of depression, in 1933, the social work of Filadelfia Stockholm reached its climax. Long lines of poor and needy awaited food and support at the new Filadelfia church. The year after, in 1934, the first ‘Preachers’ Conference’ (‘Predikantveckan’) was held in Stockholm. This quickly became the ideological and theological meeting point of the leaders of the movement. In 1936 the Bjørners left the Apostolic Church and returned to the Pentecostal movement. The same year the first notable revival among indigenous peoples was reported from Argentina by Norwegian missionary Berger Johnsen. In 1938 the Saalem Pentecostal congregation inaugurated its own church building in Helsinki, and in 1939 the European leaders met for the first European Pentecostal Conference in Stockholm. This has often been seen as a precursor of the World Pentecostal Conferences, and was initially intended to be one, but the hard times impeded that idea. In 1940 T.B. Barratt died and the Norwegian Pentecostal movement successively shifted focus. Barratt had promoted women leadership, something that was now questioned and haltered. Just like Pethrus in Sweden, he had been the most prominent leader of his movement and rarely questioned. There was no natural successor, particularly not to his agency as a leader of European Pentecostalism. In 1942 the Filadelfia church started the Rörstrand Folk High School. This was later transferred to Kaggeholm castle that the movement bought in 1943. The same year, in 1943 the first Missionary Conference was held in Alingsås, in southern Sweden. The focus there was on how to reinforce foreign missions. In 1944, at the Kölingared Week the call was for ‘100 new missionaries and 10 million kronors to missionary work’. In 1945 Lewi Pethrus founded the first Pentecostal daily newspaper: the Dagen. This was done to make way for a Pentecostal voice in Swedish society and to fight rationalism and secularisation. The following year the first Nordic Pentecostal Conference was held in Helsinki. The same year there was an attempt to unify the Baptist Pentecostal movements of Sweden, the ‘Unity Conference’ in Örebro. The initiative failed. Another failure became apparent in 1947 when the Elim church of


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Copenhagen split again. More than 300 members left the church and founded the Tabor congregation under the leadership of Holger Petersen. In 1948 the 27 year-long co-operation between Lewi Pethrus and Sven Lidman ended in a public schism and Lidman left the Filadelfia church. The main reason for the split was an increasing division as regards vision. Lidman wanted more of the early Pentecostal spirituality while Pethrus wanted to make a mark on the secular society. In 1948 there was an attempt to reorganise the Finnish Free Mission to make the Finnish mission initiatives more effective. In 1950 The ‘Renovation Revival’ (‘Förnyelseväckelsen’) impacted the Swedish Pentecostal movement. Tears, public confessions, and reconciliation marked the movement. Young evangelist Algot Niklasson was the informal head figure and Gothenburg and Jönköping were two of the cities most affected.25 In 1951 the leaders of the Danish Pentecostal Movement met for a four-day reconciliation meeting at Randers. This marked the end of a long split. Similar meetings followed in 1952 and 1953. A decision was made to jointly start a folk high school in Mariager, eventually inaugurated in October 1955. In 1952 the first Finnish Bible Institute was founded at Paimio. In 1959 it was moved to Katinala, on the road between Helsinki and Tampere. For several decades Bible courses were held there, lasting from a few weeks to a few months and the focus was on equipping the students to evangelize. The Bible Institute moved to Keuruu in 1990 and all educational ministries were provided with their headquarters there. The area got the name Iso Kirja (‘Big Book’). By 1994 a BA programme in theology was offered in co-operation with Global University and in 1999 an MA-programme was commenced. In Norway, in 1954, the Hedmarktoppen conference facilities were taken over by Filadelfia, Oslo. This proved to be a good place for summer conferences,26 and in 1970 a people’s high school was started on the premises. 25  Parallel to the spiritual renewal in Sweden, new commercial grounds were covered. In 1951, the Pentecostal Bank (‘Allmänna Spar- och Kreditkassan’) was founded after an initiative by Lewi Pethrus. 26  Oddvar Nilsen, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år, (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S 1981), p.6 and p.307, p.331.

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In 1955 IBRA radio was founded by the Swedish Pentecostal Movement in response to alleged discrimination of the movement on the Swedish Radio. Almost from the start, the Norwegian Pentecostal Movement joined forces. Later Denmark and Finland also became collaborators. The first broadcasting centre was found in Tanger, Morocco. Very soon IBRA27 transmitted in a variety of languages over four continents. The same year, the fourth World Pentecostal Conference, and the first one to be held in Scandinavia, was celebrated in Stockholm. It was estimated that some 20,000 to 25,000 people from 35 countries participated in the conference. Naturally, IBRA transmitted events and commentaries from the event. In 1957 preacher Aage Samuelsen left the Norwegian Pentecostal movement and started Maran Ata. He was influenced by American healing evangelists like William Branham, Oral Roberts and A.A. Allen. Soon Norwegian descendant Arne Imsen, in opposition to Lewi Pethrus and the Swedish Pentecostal movement, joined forces and a Swedish branch, called Maranata was formed. These initiatives were founded in a criticism of the official Pentecostal position as regards commercial enterprises and involvement in society. The Maran Ata people wanted a revolution, to go back to Pentecostal basics, back to a free spirit and free expressions. In the 1960s they had considerable success, but the revival split and waned with the end of the decade. In 1958 there was a notable shift of leaders in the Stockholm Filadelfia congregation. Lewi Pethrus was replaced by Willis Säwe. This was not only difficult for the congregation, it was a challenge both to the two leaders and to the Pentecostal movement. As a manner of fact, Pethrus changed his ideological position in a number of issues. The year after the shift saw the first ‘free’ initiative by Pethrus. He started the ‘Lewi Pethrus Foundation for Philanthropic Activities’28. Former alcoholic, Erik Edin, was entrusted the leadership. In 1978 the foundation acquired former dancing palace, Nalen, and made it the centre of activities. In 1983 the idea was exported to Norway; there called

27  IBRA read ‘International Broadcasting Radio Association’ but nowadays the acronym has become a trademark in its own right. 28   The name in Swedish was ‘Lewi Pethrus stiftelse för filantropisk verksamhet’, the name came into use in 1961 as Pethrus first refused to have his name associated with the foundation. But leader Erik Edin insisted and eventually succeeded.


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‘The Gospel Centre’ (‘Evangeliesenteret’). Norwegian leaders were from the start Ludvig and Lise Karlsen. In 1961, Nordic Pentecostalism was again struck by division when young, energetic evangelist Arild Edvardsen started the ‘Proof of Faith’ (‘Troens bevis’). In 1964 he established a conference centre in Kvinesdal that, up until his death in 2008, hosted summer conferences, published books, produced music and sent out missionaries. Edvardsen became a prominent leader on the international Pentecostal scene. A new split in Finnish Pentecostalism occurred in the 1960s when Vilho Soininen started ‘The Free Pentecostal Movement’ (‘Vapaa Helluntaiherätys’). After considerable negotiation, Soininen was reintegrated with the main Pentecostal movement more than two decades later, in 1985. In 1964, 70 year-old Lewi Pethrus founded the Swedish Christian Democratic Party (‘Kristen Demokratisk Samling’). He did not act as the first party leader, however, but, in effort to broaden the base for the party, entrusted the leadership to a priest in the Swedish Lutheran church, Birger Ekstedt. It was not until the charismatic son of a Pentecostal preacher, Alf Svensson, took over the leadership in 1973, however, that the party attracted a more varied following. In the 1990s it was the fourth largest political party in Sweden, according to the number of members. The party formed part of the government and was given three ministerial posts in the 1991 Swedish government, and again three ministerial posts in the 2006 government. In 1965, Petrus Hammarberg of the Swedish Pentecostal Mission founded the PMU InterLife.29 He did so, with the explicit support from several mission leaders, to be able to distribute state funds for development through missionaries and mission projects. The same type of organisation, and cooperation with the respective governments, were taken on by the Norwegian PYM and the Finnish FFFM. Over the years, the three agencies together have distributed millions of dollars to the Third World. In 1966, preacher Toralf Gilbrandt took over the editorship of The Victory of the Cross. In a predominantly Norwegian initiative, he later took on two major projects: The Illustrated Bible Dictionary and 29   The original name was ‘Pingstmissionens U-landshjälp’ [roughly: ‘Development Aid of the Pentecostal Mission’], later this was changed to ‘Pingstmissionens utvecklingssamarbete’ [roughly: ‘Development Cooperation of the Pentecostal Mission’], still abbreviated PMU, and in English PMU InterLife.

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The  Study  Bible. These were published simultaneously in Norwegian and Swedish. The former was eventually also published in English. In 1969, a new series of European Pentecostal Conferences was initiated at Nyhem, Sweden. This was a reaction to the conferences initiated by the European Pentecostal Fellowship in 1966. Lewi Pethrus wanted to see more edifying conferences, open also to the ‘free’ Pentecostal movements. Under the leadership of Swiss Jakob Zopfi, the European Pentecostal Conferences have met every three years, notably often in the Nordic countries: apart from Nyhem in 1969, also in Hamar (Norway) in 1975, in Helsinki in 1981, in Jönköping (Sweden) in 1991, in Helsinki again in 2000, and in Oslo in 2007. In 1971 Morgan Kornmo became the first pastor of Filadelfia Oslo; a position he retained until 1989. In the 1970s, revivalist preacher Niilo Yli-Vainio led a wave of rene­wal within the traditional Pentecostal movements of Finland, Sweden and Norway. Until his untimely death in 1982, he incessantly preached and evangelized all over the Nordic countries. His ministry was marked by healings, signs and sermons displaying a Pentecostal zeal. Another wave of renewal, especially among young people, came through the Jesus Movement, an offshoot of christianized Hippie culture from California. Lonnie Frisbee and a group of his followers visited Scandinavia in 1971. A Jesus movement community was founded in Gothenburg the same year. In 1972, to the surprise of many, Lewi Pethrus invited a group of Jesus people to the Nyhem Week. Outside the Pentecostal movements, waves of Charismatic renewal reached Scandinavia through Catholics and Lutherans. In Iceland, in the 1970s, conflicts within the established leadership of the Pentecostal movement resulted in new groups. Two of them developed into independent churches, Vegurinn and Krossinn. As in other Scandinavian countries, the Charismatic Renewal found its way into the youth work of the National Icelandic Church and a section of this movement, Youth With a Mission (UFMH), remained faithful to the confessional foundation of the Lutheran Church. The charismatic renewal led to a re-evaluation of ecumenical positions. Pentecostals, not always with official support from their denominations, participated in the World Council of Churches in Uppsala in 1968, in the Ecumenical Conference, G-72, in Gothenburg, as well as in the Karisma-72, arranged in Stockholm. Somewhat later, the charismatic movements became established in Scandinavia, e.g. the Oasis movement in Norway in 1977, and in Sweden in 1983.


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Ecumenical exchange and trans-denominational contacts came to question the hard Nordic opposition against education for Pentecostal preachers. In 1971 the Pentecostal congregation in Gävle started a oneyear Bible school. The initiative lasted for ten years. It was followed by other initiatives, e.g. a one-year course in Filadelfia, Stockholm. The folk high schools of the Pentecostal movements grew as a response. In Sweden, Mariannelund came as an addition in 1972; Viebäck in 1979 and Dalkarlså in 1991. However, the Bible schools of the folk high schools were not enough for the growing interest in theological education. In 1981 a two-year ‘pastors’ education’ was started in Stockholm, in the suburb of Bromma. Not until 1999, however, was there a formal initiative in Sweden to start higher education in theology. That year the Pentecostal Theological Seminary was founded. In 1977 the commercial nature of the Swedish Pentecostal movement became more obvious with the inauguration of the Dagen building (‘Dagen-huset’) in Stockholm. In this company style building, several branches of the movement were gathered: the Dagen newspaper, editorial firm, record company, bank, insurance company and the like. For many years this was the official façade of the movement. In 1980, Wasti Feldt-Johansson became the first woman to officially pastor a Pentecostal congregation in Sweden. This marked the end of a long process, from the profusion of women evangelists and board leaders of the early 20th century, to the weeding out of all women in leading positions during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, and again the promotion of women leaders in the 1980s. The first women elders in the ‘modern era’ in Sweden were consecrated in 1988 in the congregation of Sollentuna. Not until 1996 did the Stockholm Filadelfia open up for women elders. In 1980, the Bjärka-Säby castle in southern Sweden, with a prominent heritage from the New Evangelical movement, was donated to the Pentecostal congregation of Linköping. Through the leadership of Peter Halldorf, this rapidly developed into an ecumenical centre for retreats, summer meetings and the like. Today it houses the only Pentecostal monastery in Scandinavia. In 1983 the IBRA was supplemented by the start of a television company, TV-Inter. This was a Swedish initiative, but, as in many other projects, other Scandinavian countries came to share the vision. The Norwegian Pentecostal movement joined forces with the Swedes in 1991. From this date, several successful TV programmes were ­produced, first in Denmark 1984, and later in Norway, Germany, Austria, Russia,

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the Baltics, Romania and the Middle East. In Scandinavia several popular programmes, televised on Swedish Televison, have been produced. In 1983 The ‘Word of Life’ (‘Livets Ord’), a charismatic faith movement in Uppsala, Sweden was founded by Lutheran priest Ulf Ekman. He soon attracted a large following and started European conferences that gathered an increasing amount of people. The Word of Life Bible School attracted young people from all over Scandinavia, especially from Norway. In 1987 The Word of Life movement also reached Norway officially through Jan Hagen who founded a congregation that year. In 1989 the Södermalm congregation in Stockholm officially left the Pentecostal movement and joined the Word of Life. In the line of the institutionalisation of the Swedish Pentecostal movement, several new entities were added. In 1984 the Pentecostal Information Centre, today ‘Pentecostal Archives and Research’, was founded and in 1987 the PMU Missionary Institute was added as an agency for documentation, evaluation and research on Pentecostal missionary initiatives. In 1991 the ‘Pentecostal Agency for Assistance to the Disabled’30 was started to assist the congregations in their activities for people with dysfunctions. In 1992 the World Pentecostal Conference met in Oslo. The Spektrum Convention centre was the centre of the conference that attracted people from all over the globe. Among the speakers were David Yonggi Cho from South Korea. In 1993 the Swedish Pentecostal movement started a new line of development, when it inaugurated the PMU InterLife building at Flemingsberg, southern Stockholm. That very year (1993), however, the Pentecostal house periodical, The Gospel Herald, was discontinued to give way for an ecumenical initiative: Petrus. In 1995, Egil Svartdahl, already a well-known TV personality in Norway, became the first pastor of Filadelfia, Oslo. Apart from his ordinary responsibilities as the leader of the congregation, Svartdahl remained active in Norwegian television. That same year, in 1995, the first Nordic mission programme was launched, Aktion Ibrahim. This programme united efforts by IBRA, TV-Inter, and individual missionary initiatives to promote Christianity in the Middle East. The centre of activities was placed in Cyprus.

30   The original name is ‘Pingstförsamlingarnas handikappverksamhet’, abbreviated ‘PHV’.


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In 1999 a new periodical was founded, probably as a result of the absence of The Gospel Herald. The periodical concentrated on information about and for the Pentecostal movement. In an effort to conform with computer language, it was called On the 8th of December of 2001, the first national assembly ever of the Swedish Pentecostal Movement convened in Stockholm. That very year the PMU InterLife building at Flemingsberg was enlarged to also house the new direction of the formalized Pentecostal Movement (‘Pingst Fria Församlingar i samverkan’). In 2003, theses two agencies, together with IBRA and other Pentecostal agencies, moved into this centre, often referred to as the ‘Pentecostal building’ (‘Pingsthuset’). In 2004 the denomination became official.31 In the first decade of the new millennium several so called ‘migrant churches’ of Pentecostal origin were established in Scandinavia. One of them was the Betania Church of God in Oslo, founded by Patrick Quabo Peterson from Liberia. Others included initiatives from Ghana, Nigeria and South Korea. In many ways these migrant churches were representative of the new social situation of Scandinavia—and while the traditional Pentecostal churches were stagnating, or even diminishing, these churches featured growth and enthusiasm. Some Analytical Conclusions The Pentecostal Movement in Scandinavia has its roots in Pietism, Methodism and Baptism. Apart from indirect influences through the Azusa Street movement, however, it was not congruent with the Holiness movement. Initially, it was also heavily influenced by the popular movements that reinforced e.g. Baptist democratic tendencies and Congregationalism. All through Scandinavia we see how periodicals made way for Pentecostalism, e.g. the Swedish Tribune in Sweden, the City Post in Norway and the Star of Hope in Finland. We also see the importance of gatekeepers, of Andersen Nordquelle in Norway, and Ongman in Sweden. The absence of such people in Denmark and Finland might help us analyse why these movements developed more slowly. A first supra-denominational phase, from 1906 to around 1910, was characterized by open borders and mutual bliss and joy. After this period,   The Swedish name was ‘Trossamfundet Pingst – Fria församlingar i samverkan’.


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the Methodists and the Salvation Army managed to domesticate Pentecostalism, while the Baptists instead happened to expel Pente­ costals as if they were ‘infidels’.32 This is the period when the first ‘denominational’ Pentecostal congregations were formed,33 often as a direct response to Baptist disdain. During a second phase, with an increasing focus on foreign mission during the 1910s, we see the sending out of missionaries from all countries in Scandinavia (except Iceland). We see the formation of missionary organisations and more efficient evangelisation. In the decades to come, however, we see a backlash over increasing organisation. Almost simultaneously, in the late 1920s and early 1930s, we see a return to ‘free congregations’ and splits in Norway, Sweden and Finland. The movements in Scandinavia have always been loosely organised, marked by New Testament ideals34 and Congregationalism. Instead of strong, central organizations, the movements have been united through the voices of periodicals and discussions at conferences, the biggest one the summer conference in Finland. Pastors’ education has in general been limited to five week bible schools: the Ongman one in Örebro, Sweden, which was already started in 1891, the one in Stockholm 1915, the one in Oslo in 1919, in Helsinki in 1926, etc.35 These initiatives were originally for women as well as for men. These Bible schools were complemented by folk high schools, especially for missionaries. The Örebro Mission School is probably the oldest long-term education with Pentecostal roots in the world.

32   Thomas Ball Barratt was excluded from the Methodist movement in 1909 and this had repercussions in Norway as well as Sweden and probably Finland. 33   The first congregation to be founded as a distinctly Pentecostal congregation in Norway was probably that of Carl Magnus Seehus in Skien in 1908. A few others followed within a short time. See Lie, Norsk pinsekristendom p.156. The first congregation to be founded as a distinctly Pentecostal (i.e. non-Baptist) congregation in Sweden was that of Skövde in 1912. All previous ones were identifies as ‘Baptist’ churches. See Alvarsson in Pingströrelsen 1 Pingstväckelsens etablering i Sverige: Från Azusa Street till Skövde på sju månader (in:) Claes Waern (ed.) Pingströrelsen (1)—Händelser och utveckling under 1900-talet, (Örebro: Libris, 2007), pp36–38. 34  A favourite expression by T.B. Barratt was ‘Frem mot urkristendommen’ (‘Onwards, towards Primitive [Original] Christianity’), i.e. a typically restorative slogan. 35  Göran Janzon, ‘Den andra omvändelsen’: Från svensk mission till afrikanska samfund på Örebromissionens arbetsfält i Centralafrika 1914–1962. [Doctoral dissertation, Uppsala University; Studia Missionalia Svecana CVII), (Örebro: Libris, 2008), p.87ff; Nilsen, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år. Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S, pp.14–15; Sundstedt, Pingstväckelsen—en världsväckelse, Band 5. Stockholm: Normans förlag, 1973, p62.


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Today, theological schools at university level are available in Norway, Finland and Sweden. Pentecostalism in Scandinavia was early compared to the rest of the world, and it developed rapidly up until the 1970s. In his book on the Pentecostal Movement, Norwegian scholar Nils Bloch-Hoell claimed that in the 1950s Sweden stood out as ‘the most Pentecostalised country in the world’.36 Something happened after the 1950s, however. In spite of several renewal efforts, the Scandinavian Pentecostal movements lagged behind the development in the rest of the world. Even though the Swedish movement surpassed 100,000 members in the 1970s, the other movements did not increase as expected. In Iceland there are less than 4,000 Pentecostals (2006), in Denmark there are some 5,000 adherents to the Pentecostal movements (2008); in Norway there are some 32,000 members in the Pentecostal movements; in Finland there are some 3,000 members in the Swedish-speaking churches and some 46,000 in the Finnish-speaking ones. In Sweden there are now less than 100,000 Pentecostals and neo-Pentecostals all together. Bibliography Ahonen, Lauri K., Mission Growth, A Case Study on Finnish Free Foreign Mission, (Pasadena, Cal.: William Carey Library Publications 1984) —— , ‘Finland’, in S. M. Burgess et al IDPCM, (International Dictionary of the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements) (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002), p.103–104 Alvarsson, Jan-Åke, ‘Andrew Johnson Ek—en kort levnadsteckning’ (Precirculated paper in limited edition). (Uppsala: The Pentecostal Theological Seminary of Sweden, 2005) —— , Pingstväckelsens etablering i Sverige: Från Azusa Street till Skövde på sju månader (in:) Claes Waern (ed.) Pingströrelsen (1)—Händelser och utveckling under 1900-talet (Örebro: Libris, 2007a), s. 10–45. —— , Från kaffeplantage till tv-studio: Några huvuddrag i svensk pingstmission (in:) Claes Waern (ed.) Pingströrelsen (2)—Verksamheter och särdrag under 1900-talet (Örebro: Libris, 2007b) s. 134–187. Bloch-Hoell, Nils, Pinsebevegelsen: En undersøkelse av pinsebevegelsens tilblivelse, utvikling og særpreg med særlig henblikk på bevegelsens utforming i Norge (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1956). Bundy, David, Visions of Apostolic Mission: Scandinavian Pentecostal Mission to 1935. Studia Historico-Ecclesiastica Upsaliensia 45 (Uppsala: Uppsala University Library, 2009).

Bloch Hoell, Pinsebevegelsen, (1958) p.289. The original text reads: ‘Sverige står som det mest ‘pinsebetonte’ land i verden. Det er nesten 13 promille p.venner i Sverige.’ 36

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Burgess, Stanley M. (ed) & Eduard M. van der Maas (ass ed.), International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Revised and Expanded Edition (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2002). Holm, Nils G., Pingströrelsen: En religionsvetenskaplig studie av pingströrelsen i Svenskfinland. Meddelanden från Stiftelsen för Åbo Akademi Forskningsinstitut, nr 31 (Åbo: Tidningsbokhandeln, 1978). Janzon, Göran, ‘Den andra omvändelsen’: Från svensk mission till afrikanska samfund på Örebromissionens arbetsfält i Centralafrika 1914–1962 [Doctoral dissertation, Uppsala University; Studia Missionalia Svecana CVII). (Örebro: Libris 2008). Johnson-Ek, Andrew, Då elden föll: Av ett ögonvittne (Mariestad: Eget förlag 1933). Lie, Geir (red), Norsk pinsekristendom og karismatisk fornyelse. Ettbinds oppslagsverk. REFLEKS-serien 8 (Oslo: Refleks Publishing, 2008). —— , Loft dem opp: kjente lederskikkelser innen internasjonal hellighets-, pinse- og karismatiske bevegelser REFLEKS-serien 10, (Oslo: Refleks Publishing, 2009). Nilsen, Oddvar, …og Herren virket med—Pinsebevegelsen gjennom 75 år, (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S 1981). Pétursson, Pétur, Från väckelse till samfund: Svensk pingstmission på öarna i Nordatlanten. Bibliotheca historico-ecclesiastica Lundensis, nr 22 (Lund: Lund University Press, 1990). Robeck Jr, Cecil M., The Azusa Street Mission and Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement (Nashville, Tennessee: Nelson Reference & Electronic/ Thomas Nelson Publishers, 2006). Sundstedt, Arthur, Pingstväckelsen—dess uppkomst och första utvecklingsskede, Band 1 (Stockholm: Normans förlag, 1969). —— , Pingstväckelsen och dess genombrott, Band 3 (Stockholm: Normans förlag, 1971). —— , Pingstväckelsen—en världsväckelse, Band 5 (Stockholm: Normans förlag, 1973). Svartdahl, Hans, Merkesteiner (Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget A/S, 1981). Waern, Claes, et al. (editors), Pingströrelsen (2 Volumes) (Örebro: Libris, 2007). Westin, Gunnar, Den kristna friförsamlingen i Norden: Frikyrklighetens uppkomst och utveckling (Stockholm: Westerbergs, 1956).

chapter two The Development of British Pentecostalism Neil Hudson Introduction British Pentecostalism is a complicated, crowded movement. This inten­ ­sifies with each passing decade. Until the 1950s, British Pentecostalism largely consisted of the Apostolic Church, the Elim Pentecostal Church and the Assemblies of God. There were other smaller groups, but these were numerically tiny or independent churches that may have had a vigorous spiritual life, but were disconnected from each other. In 2009, the Apostolic Church is a small grouping of approximately 110 churches, largely invisible to the rest of the British church, let alone wider society. Elim has over 500 churches and the Assemblies of God have over 600. It is difficult to be certain of the number of either worshippers or members since there is not a secure way of recording either of these statistics. It is assumed that the combined numbers of worshippers is in the region of 150,000 people.1 There are many newer, vibrant Pentecostal churches in the UK. However, this chapter has a very specific remit. It is to synthesise some of the existing research on the development of classical British Pentecostalism, and in particular to reflect on the relationships between the Pentecostal denominations and the Charismatic Renewal that began in the early 1960s and developed and transitioned from that time on. This later period is one that is still under-researched. This chapter will note, but not engage directly with, the development of expressions of Caribbean Pentecostalism or the aggressive growth of the new African churches that has happened over the past decade. These are essential issues, and in some ways the unknown and untold story of British Pentecostalism.

1   For official presentations, see, http://www.apostolic-church .org/about.phtml,


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The birth and development of British Pentecostalism can best be described as the result of innovative connections between people committed to the belief that the Christian life was more than an intellectual and moralising framework for life. They were convinced that God desired an ongoing renewal of hearts and minds, structures and strategies and that as a consequence, they could expect new outbreaks of his power and presence as this dependency was acknowledged. There has always been transatlantic religious trafficking of ideas across the Atlantic. This was the case prior to the establishing of Pentecos­ talism in the twentieth century and it continued to shape and flavour the new expressions of Pentecostal behaviour in the UK. However, British Pentecostalism developed its own emphases and characteristics that resulted in a different expression of Pente­costalism. Intriguingly, at the beginning of this current century, amidst the exciting upheaval of globalisation this interrelationship is being felt once more. Far from being willing to be a parochial expression of enthusiastic evangelicalism, UK Pentecostalism sees itself as part of a global movement. Although its primary viewpoint is still influenced by American personalities and teaching, increasingly it has become aware of activities on other continents. For example, the impact of Hillsongs, Australia, is apparent as soon as you begin worshipping in any UK Pentecostal context and the influence of African expressions of Pentecostalism on the religious geography of the UK is still nascent, though one feels it will become increasingly unavoidable as this century develops. The Birth of British Pentecostalism, 1907–1914 Pentecostalism emerged in a disrupted and disruptive century. In fact, it could be argued that it was a lack of certainty, an acceptance of change, the embracing of plurality and a challenging of hierarchical relationships that enabled this new form of Christianity to thrive. Born into a modernist philosophical framework, the move towards postmodernism suited Pentecostalism and enabled it to continue to develop. This development was made possible by the personal connections of leaders, encouraging and challenging one another to see wider horizons and to embrace what they felt to be God’s impulse in the religious experiences of people around them. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of Alexander Boddy (1854–1930). Alexander Boddy was a restless, spiritual explorer determined that he would experience any new religious encounters and be able to make

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sense of them.2 He had long been a keen supporter and visitor to the Keswick Convention in the late nineteenth century, embracing their promise that one’s Christian life could be more than a dour duty offered to a God who was almost impossible to please. When he heard of the outbreak of revival in Wales, it was inevitable that he would want to visit the sites where people were experiencing a renewal of faith and make the acquaintance of the primary revivalist, Evan Roberts. Equally, when he read of the new religious stirrings in Oslo in 1907 where people were speaking in tongues and testifying to new found spiritual energy, it was not long before he made the trip to Norway from his ship-building parish of Monkwearmouth, England. Perhaps it is these elements that are the often overlooked irenic beginnings of British Pentecostalism. A middle-aged Anglican vicar, determined not to leave the established church, labouring in a very poor, working class parish where the noise of heavy industry would be a constant aural backdrop to the pre-World War 1 European summits he would gather, host and guide. This is the context from which the new Pentecostals would be nurtured. Boddy is the taproot of the major Pentecostal British family tree. His influence in shaping the new movement was fundamental. His Pentecostalism was rooted in his understanding of Scripture, open to theological debate and decidedly ecumenical in tone. However, there were potential alternative leaders. One such was William Oliver Hutchinson. He visited Sunderland in 1908 to attend the first Pentecostal Conference on British soil. This Whitsuntide Conference was planned by Boddy as a rallying point for believers in the UK and beyond. The Conferences would become annual fixtures for European leaders and spiritual searchers. They were a mixture of motivational preaching, theological reflection and spiritual encounters. Hutchinson, who had received the Baptism in the Spirit here, returned to his home in Bournemouth and facilitated the building of what would become the first purpose-built Pentecostal church in Britain. For the first two years he was happy to be guided by Boddy’s Pentecostal viewpoints. However, he would become increasingly confident that Pentecostals needed a sense of direct prophetic guidance in every area of their lives. Specifically this would occur in their personal lives, but also in the structural governance of church. In time, linking with Pentecostal Christians in 2   G. Wakefield, Alexander Boddy: Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007), pp. 34–54.


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Wales and Scotland, the Apostolic Faith Church became the most radical expression of British Pentecostalism. Hutchinson’s expression of Pentecostalism would develop around his own ministry gifts and personal charisma. However, these elements would, in time, prove to be the limiting force of his ongoing contribution. The Apostolic Faith Church was radical Pentecostalism.3 It found particular resonance in Wales, and two brothers, D.P and W.J. Williams, identified themselves with Hutchinson’s cause. Eventually, after clashes with Hutchinson over authority, in particular the extent of Hutchinson’s control, together with a number of Welsh churches, they split away from him, establishing their own Apostolic Church in 1916. During the years 1917–1922 other groups in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Bradford identified themselves with the Apostolic Church. Because of their history and the fears of heterodoxy surrounding them, and their emphasis on personal directive prophecy, they were ostracised by future Pentecostal denominations.4 Their sphere of influence in Britain was never great. They found far more success in their overseas mission efforts.5 Their emphasis on hierarchical structures may have found a more ready audience in some of the colonial settings in Africa. In the UK, the Apostolic Church would find it increasingly difficult to undergo the necessary renewal and reinvention that other Pentecostals would live through. By the turn of the twenty-first century, of the classical British Pentecostal denominations, the Apostolic Church was small, elderly, more isolationist and more readily identified with the models and values of a previous generation.6 The Legacy of Alexander Boddy: The glory days of inter-war Pentecostalism Boddy had been unable to influence Hutchinson towards a more acceptable form of Pentecostalism, but his shaping of other younger Pentecostal

3   This early history is outlined in G. Weeks, Chapter Thirty Two: Part of a History of the Apostolic Church 1900–2000, privately printed in about 2003. 4  M. Hathaway, ‘The role of the William Oliver Hutchinson and the Apostolic Faith Church in the formation of the British Pentecostal Churches’, EPTA Bulletin, 1996, p. 43. 5  An ‘authorised’ account of the Apostolic Church and their development is presented in J. Worsfield, The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain (Wellington, New Zealand: Julian Literature Trust, 1991). 6   W. K. Kay, Pentecostals in Britain, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000), p. 37

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leaders was crucial in the development of the Pentecostal denominations. One such figure was George Jeffreys. He had led some effective evangelistic meetings in the period after the Welsh Revival and before the outbreak of the First World War. The Revival had had a profound effect on many of the early Pentecostals. It seemed to be such a spontaneous outpouring of revival that it began to operate as an icon of what a true move of God’s power would look like. Certainly for Jeffreys, having experienced the revival in Wales, he would always long to see Pentecostalism achieve similar results. Brooks wrote that it was apparent to everyone who heard him speak whether in private or in public, that Jeffreys was ‘indebted to the Welsh Revival not merely for his conversion but also for his dominating vision and passion for religious revival’.7 Although the Welsh Revival had begun to wane by 1906, Jeffreys joined his brother Stephen in attending midweek meetings held in a home. There were many such groups that developed during this time. They called themselves ‘Children of the Revival’; they were people, deeply affected by the Revival, who longed for God to continue the work that they had witnessed in the previous years. Because some had been ostracised from their churches and chapels, they met to worship in homes. Barratt designated these groups as the recipients of ‘the fresh glorious flow of Revival grace and power’ that the ‘older Christian communities … [had]…shut out’.8 Their meetings were flexible, free of traditional ecclesiastical organisation, and the believers were expectant, fervent and desirous of more of God’s blessing in their lives. These house meetings, in which the Jeffreys’ brothers were participants, became the natural loci for the later Pentecostal outpourings to find acceptance. His experience of revival was that it had spectacular effects upon all who encountered it; his experience of church life was dominated by a stress on organised spontaneity and a lack of clerical control. After supporting his brother, Stephen Jeffreys, in evangelistic campaigns in Swansea, he attracted the attention of Alexander Boddy, who had been at the centre of British Pentecostalism since 1908 and the publication of the magazine, Confidence. In 1913, Boddy went to Wales to visit the two brothers. It was during this visit that he invited George to 7  N. Brooks, Fight for the Faith and Freedom, (London: Pattern Bookroom), n.d., p. 108. 8   T.B. Barratt, ‘Words and Works’ Vol XXXIII (April 1911), 103f quoted in E. Evans, The Welsh Revival of 1904. (Bridgend: Evangelical Press), 1969, p. 196.


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speak at the Sunderland Convention.9 It was Jeffreys’ task to preach the gospel each evening, after the other main speakers had delivered their addresses. Jeffreys had been catapulted into the midst of leaders who were older and vastly more experienced in ministry. This opportunity to take a major part in the meetings, which was a focal point for Pentecostalism, sealed his future. Firstly, it gave him a platform to attract the attention of Pentecostals who had gathered from all over Europe. Secondly, it placed him amongst the older leaders of the new Pentecostal Movement; it was obvious that his role would become more significant as the older generation continued to age. Thirdly, it was here that William Gillespie, an Irish Pentecostal, heard him preach and invited him to Ireland. As a result the Elim Evangelistic Band was launched, with the aim of evangelistic meetings being conducted and churches planted. This period of denominational entrenchment was typified by mutual suspicion between the three classical Pentecostal groups. The Apostolic Church was deemed to be a spiritual danger to those involved, relying too heavily on the prophetic ministry. The concern of the wider Pentecostal body was not merely for the health of those involved; they recognised that their own integrity would be compromised by the perceived compromises made by the Apostolic Church on the role of Scripture. This is an example of an element in British Pentecostalism that has often been overlooked: its inherent conservatism. Although a lazy caricature of Pentecostalism has been that it is populated by ‘chandelierswinging holy rollers’, the truth has been very different. There have been periods of intense psycho-physical spiritual activity, but the norm has been a more controlled spirituality. For example, Jeffreys was constantly concerned about the effect of exotic spiritual activity on the evangelistic ministry he was involved in. He recognised that in order to gain a national hearing, the more excessive practices of maverick Pentecostals needed to be toned down. In particular, a consistently cautious line in Elim was taken against evangelists deemed to be particularly controversial. For example, they were unhappy about some of the methods Smith Wigglesworth, a prominent Pentecostal evangelist and healer, employed in his services and for a time would not allow him to minister in the Elim churches because of this. The concerns seem to have revolved around Wiggles­worth’s style of 9

A.A. Boddy, ‘The Welsh Revivalists Revisited’, Confidence, March 1913.

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ministry. At times, he required the minister of the church to repeat things he said. They were also suspicious of his practice of ‘wholesale healing’, whereby all the sick were asked to stand and lay hands on themselves. When he prayed for the sick, he could be very rough; Gee observed, ‘very often he made people run up and down aisles, and even out into the street to “act” faith. His violent laying on of hands would almost send the seekers flying.’10 For acceptance in Elim, all these methods had to be toned down.11 This conservatism may have sprung out of the particular personality of Jeffreys and his nonconformist working class background. But it was bolstered by his concern for the evangelistic work he was involved in and these endeavours were remarkable. The years 1924–1934 saw him at the height of his success. In 1928, the Daily News, Daily Express, Daily Telegraph and Daily Herald all contained reports of the 1000 people baptised at the service held at the Royal Albert Hall on Easter Monday. These baptisms reflected some of those who had come to faith during the provinces during the previous year. Churches were encouraged to wait for the Easter services for their converts to be baptised. The scale of the meetings attracted the national press, whose stories were syndicated to many of the provincial papers. In 1929, 600 people professed conversion in the evangelistic campaign held in Brixton; of these, nearly 300 were baptised at the Elim Bible College, with 3,000 in attendance. The highlight of the following year was Jeffreys preaching in the Bingley Hall, Birmingham. This evangelistic campaign had begun in the 1200-seater Ebenezer Chapel, but out of necessity had moved to the 3,000-seater Town Hall. The services then moved to the Skating Rink, seating 8,000, until on Whit Monday the 15,000 capacity Bingley Hall was booked and filled. This was arguably the pinnacle of his British preaching career in terms of popularity. The number of reported converts from the 90 meetings held in Birmingham was in excess of 10,000. Brooks reported that in 1934–1935, 1400 people  responded in York, 1500 in Brighton, 1500 in Dundee, 1200 in Nottingham, 2000 in Leeds, 3000 in Cardiff and 12,000 in a series of

10   D. Gee, These Men I Knew, (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing House, 1980), pp. 90–91 11   D. N. Hudson, A Schism and its Aftermath. An historical analysis of denominational discerption in the Elim Pentecostal Church, 1939–1940. PhD Thesis, (Kings College, London), 1999, p. 56


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meetings held in Switzerland. This resulted in the number of Elim churches increasing from 15 in 1920 to 233 in 1937. It is significant to put these figures into a context. Pentecostals were living at a time when they had high expectations of themselves and of God. There is an interesting comparison with another Elim minister, John Dyke, who was evangelising around that time. After a campaign in Merthyr, he sent the following statistics to Elim’s headquarters: 78 Commitment Cards had been received. Of these, 24 people were saved or attending regularly; 20 were definitely not saved; 11 had returned to other churches; 3 had moved away; 6 old people had found the distance too great; 1 had joined the Dowlais church; 9 were attending another church, they were ‘runabouts’; 4 were not traced. In a letter Dyke summed up the experience, ‘I think that this experience has been the most humiliating of my Christian life.’12 One of the leaders in Elim, W.G. Hathaway agreed, ‘it is most unsatisfactory’.13 These figures would be expected, and even welcomed, in contemporary church missions. The expectations of the Pentecostals at that time were very high. The years of 1924–34 were the years of Jeffreys’ remarkable success, where, almost without exception, every town and city he visited saw him conducting huge meetings. However, in 1934 he took the controversial step of ceasing to hold revival services with the intention of opening new churches around the country, preferring to revisit the churches he had previously established. This decision had a number of consequences. One was that he became more focussed on the organisational side of church life. He believed that the movement he had birthed had been shaped by his lieutenant, E.J. Phillips, into a system whereby the Spirit had been muzzled by clerical control. With the containing of the Spirit had come a loss of freedom. This concern for a loss of freedom coincided with an increasingly public row provoked by his support for British Israelism. The previously private debates developed into total estrangement between the charismatic leader and his administrative officer. By 1939, Elim’s Ministerial Conference had witnessed the undignified scenes of their leaders attempting to publicly demolish each other’s ministries and characters. By the following year, the estrangement was complete. The movement he had created voted against his ongoing 12   J. Dyke, Letter to W.G. Hathaway, 2 February 1937, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall. 13   W.G. Hathaway, Letter to J. Dyke, 5 February 1937, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall.

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leadership, leaving Jeffreys to fulminate publicly against that which he had brought into existence. He spent his last 22 years attacking the Elim movement for what he saw as their ‘Babylonish control’. The post-war years proved difficult for all evangelists, but the days of Jeffreys’ success had long gone. The irony is that this battle for control was one of the reasons that the Assemblies of God emerged. Another denomination: The Emergence of the Assemblies of God During 1921, whilst William Burton, an early Pentecostal missionary to Africa, was on furlough, he began to agitate for an increased unity amongst the various small Pentecostal groups. Jeffreys was involved in the initial discussions. The first circular wrote about the ‘errors that are spreading in the movement’. The Apostolics, in particular, were actively proselytising amongst the Pentecostal groups. A conference was suggested for leaders of independent Pentecostal assemblies to be held in Sheffield from 23–24 May 1922, whilst George Jeffreys was holding a mission there.14 There were two speakers in the morning, first, Burton addressed the gathering, and then Jeffreys spoke of the possible advantages that union would bring: the endowments of assets, holding of properties and financial recognition for ministers. In the afternoon they examined various doctrinal issues – eternal punishment, tongues as initial evidence. Within two days letter was sent to the delegates with three suggestions: 1. A Provisional Council was to be established. 2. The Council would draft a method for establishing co-operation. 3. A warning was sent against ‘enquiring of the Lord’ through tongues and interpretation and prophecy. However, this attempt at a unified grouping failed. This was for a number of reasons. Some individuals were against the proposal because, in their eyes, it would mean too much control – either of theological views, or of the local churches’ loss of local autonomy.

14   The fullest account for the formation of the Assemblies of God in the years 1920–25 can be found in R. Massey, ‘A sound and scriptural Union.’ An Examination of the Orgins of the Assemblies of God in Great Britain and Ireland during the years 1920–1925. (PhD Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1988).


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In February 1924 the foundations for another attempt at unity were made by John Nelson Parr, a Manchester pastor and businessman. This time Elim was not invited to the discussions. A meeting of twelve independent pastors was held in at Birmingham on 1st February 1924 and they then arranged a conference in London, 8–9th May to consolidate it. On 7 May, G. Jeffreys, Boulton and Phillips co-signed a letter outlining their desire to be involved in the discussions, and prevent a breach between Elim and the proposed Assemblies of God. The letter was sent in sincerity, and in some confusion at the omission of the Elim groups in the discussions. Yet there was also a recognition that what stymied the possibilities of unity was the presence of ‘organisation’. Phillips suggested to the Conference that Elim could become the evangelistic arm of the Assemblies of God. However, when they attended on the second day of the Conference it became clear that the strengths of the personalities involved, together with the fact that Elim was a wellestablished group by this time, and that the Assemblies were firmly committed to the principle of local autonomy all meant that any real attempt at unity was unlikely. By the time the Elim Council met in December 1924 they had come to the conclusion that it would be better if they remained separate groupings. In 1924, 74 assemblies numbered themselves within the newly formed Assemblies of God. They had agreed to preserve the testimony of the Full Gospel, ensure the fellowship of Pentecostal churches, present a united witness, exercise discipline against immorality and to ensure that assemblies did not fall into unscriptural practices.15 The period up to the Second World War, was one of the denominations seeking to establish themselves – numerically by the growth of the number and the size of their churches. In Elim this centred on the work of George Jeffreys. In the Assemblies of God, it would include Smith Wigglesworth, John and Howard Carter and John Nelson Parr.16 In many ways, these interwar years were fertile soil for Pentecostals. The country, experiencing the desperation of economic collapse and future uncertainty, were only too happy to entertain the reassuring old-fashioned gospel dressed up in contemporary clothing. And the emphasis on the prospect of healing was particularly good news for working class people living prior to the establishing of the National Health Service.  Massey, , ‘A sound and scriptural Union’ pp. 72–74   The story of the Assemblies of God is found in W. K. Kay, Inside Story – A History of British Assemblies of God, (Mattersey: Mattersey Hall, 1990). 15 16

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However, for all the evangelistic campaigns and energetic activities of their charismatic leaders, Pentecostal churches were often small, living with a sense of being separated from the wider evangelical world, but holding fervently to a belief that they were the recipients of divine blessing and significant spiritual awareness. They revelled in the routine of their Pentecostal experiences. They also had very clear boundary markers, not least the experience of the baptism of the Spirit and the attendant use of tongues. Contrary to the ecumenical spirit of Boddy, they were fiercely sectarian, though as in the case of the Apostolic church, the Assemblies of God, were from their birth, passionate supporters of overseas mission. Searching for Power: Pentecostalism Post World War 2 The War marked the end of a settled leadership within the denominations. Howard Carter and George Jeffreys both removed themselves from central leadership in the Assemblies of God and Elim respectively. Carter began a period of global travel, which would establish his credentials as a Pentecostal statesman, but would mean he no longer had responsibilities for every day leadership. Elim’s loss of Jeffreys provoked a natural concern as to where the future growth would come from. It was also a time of low morale and uncertainty as to whether they had lost their Pentecostal power. Responding to a minister’s criticism of Elim, E.J. Phillips, Elim’s leader after Jeffreys’ departure wrote, There is a lot in what he says about Elim’s drift from Pentecost. I think the same applies, but to a lesser extent, to the A.O.G. The sooner we return to Holiness, Pentecost and Evangelism the better.17

In 1941, J T Bradley, another Elim leader, wrote to Phillips, It will be a great thing if we could get back to those Fundamentals of Elim which distinguished us from all the other Evangelical bodies, namely Divine Healing and a greater understanding of the Gifts of the Spirit. If we lose these, then there seems to be no reason for our existence as a separate body, and I fear that we are getting away from these very quickly.18

17  E.J.Phillips, Letter to W.G. Hathaway, 17 October 1943, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall. 18   J.T. Bradley, Letter to E.J. Phillips, 5 October 1941, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall.


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It was not suggested by any that these central doctrines were no longer believed, they simply were not being practised and there was little expectation that they would be experienced in the churches. Generally, it is noteworthy, and more than merely coincidental, that Elim, the Assemblies of God and the Apostolic Church were facing the same fears regarding a loss of spiritual vitality around 1940. Gee reporting on that period pointed to the ‘indefinable differences’ which were discernible in Pentecostalism compared to its earliest days and believed that this indicated that something in Pentecostalism had been lost.19 Allen, supporting Gee’s contention, points out that the number of healings testified to was considerably fewer in the 1940s than had been the case in the late 1920s-1930s.20 Llewellyn, reflecting on activities in the Apostolic Church during this period, wrote, ‘Ministerial hierarchy, area committees and other organisational paraphernalia had assumed a level of importance disproportionate to their effectiveness in promoting the Christian gospel.’21 The changes in society during the immediate pre-war period caught the Pentecostals off-guard, and they were not able to respond to society as they had done ten years previously. That, coupled with the impact of the War and the subsequent rebuilding of the nation, resulted in a firm marginalisation of Pentecostalism. The world had changed, with British society feeling the full rush of modernism. Their answer to declension in their ranks was to raise up other evangelists in the mould of their prewar evangelistic heroes. Initially, in Elim at least, the success of the preWar methodology vindicated their actions. The pioneer evangelism resulted in 34 churches being brought into existence between 1944 and 1954. The next ten years resulted in 49 new churches. However, between 1964 and 1974, a decade when all the changes in society that had been hinted at since the War came to fruition, only 11 churches were added. This contrasted with the 233 churches brought into existence by Elim between the years 1915 and 1937.22

D. Gee, Wind and Flame (Croydon: Heath Press), 1967, 203.   D. Allen, Signs and Wonders: Origins, Growth, Development and Significance of Assemblies of God in Great Britain and Ireland, 1900–1980 Unpub Ph.D., (University of London), 1990, 197–198. 21  H. B. Llewellyn, A study of the history and thought of the Apostolic Church in Wales in the context of Pentecostalism M.Phil thesis, (University of Wales Bangor), 1997, p. 55 22  Hudson, A Schism and its Aftermath, p. 324. 19 20

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Increasingly British Pentecostal looked to America to find the evangelistic catalyst that would provoke a new outbreak of revival. The Americans worked hard, but in this new cultural setting their ministry was diverting but ultimately so disconnected from a changing society that they would only provide moments of respite in the hard work that British Pentecostals faced in spreading the gospel. The Need for Fresh Air: the rise of the Charismatic Renewal One of the few Pentecostals to write creatively and reflectively on the Pentecostal movement was Donald Gee. His writings charted the development of a Pentecostal increasingly out of step with his own movement. By the 1940s, he was only too aware of the ‘free for all’ services and the cheap and ‘happy’ evangelism that he found so nauseating. He felt that the songs were an insult to an adult’s intelligence and that the whole approach was, at worst, a form of pseudo-spirituality.23 In 1951 he questioned all the talk about ‘power when things seemed not to change at all in the churches’.24 His answer to the problem of a stagnating Pentecostalism, was to begin to dialogue with the wider Church. In 1954, he alerted the readers of the talk of Pentecostalism being a ‘third force’ and the dialogue that was beginning to take place.25 Gee encouraged this, realising that both sides had much to gain from each other. After attending a World Council of Churches Faith and Order commission meeting in St Andrews in 1960, he was invited to go to the WCC 3rd Assembly in New Delhi in 1961 as an ‘official observer’, which he accepted. He was advised in the strongest terms that he should cancel the invitation, which with great reluctance he did. He had provoked the concern of Thomas Zimmerman, the leader of Assemblies of God, USA, who said, ‘These are not days for a compromise … God has raised us up as a separate people. Let us not surrender our identification.’ Gee’s retort was, ‘What is compromise and with whom? This is a time for reassessing where we are and who is around us. ‘We persecute and are persecuted, for things that are only

23   B.R. Ross in ‘Donald Gee: Sectarian in Search of a Church,’ Evangelical Quarterly 50 (1978), p. 98 24   D. Gee, Redemption Tidings 22 June 1951, p. 3. 25   D. Gee, Pentecost, 30, 1954.


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relatively important. Yet we pride ourselves we are fighting the battle of the Lord.’26 It is interesting that as this conversation was happening, the Charismatic Renewal was beginning to become established in the mainline churches. In 1959, Dennis Bennett, the Episcopal minister of a wealthy church in Van Nuys, California provoked international reaction when he claimed that he had been baptised in the Spirit and spoken in tongues. This news quickly travelled across the Atlantic. People were both intrigued and encouraged. One such British leader was Michael Harper, Curate to John Stott at All Soul’s, Langham Place, London. In 1962 he claimed to have been baptised in the Spirit and became a significant leader in the Charismatic Renewal movement in Britain.27 In 1964 he founded the Fountain Trust which became a significant factor in renewing mainline churches through the 1970s and was only closed according to its then director Michael Barling, due to it having accomplished its founding purpose in sufficient degree. Harper continued his ministry internationally with SOMA – Sharing of ministries Abroad. The primary impact of the Charismatic Movement reflected the changing cultural mores in wider society. It offered an alternative style of orthodox Christianity that embraced a more relaxed, culturally-acceptable style of spirituality. The music changed from being dominated by an organ, a static instrument played by a technically proficient single player, to worship bands made up of guitars, drums, keyboards and whatever other instruments were available. Alongside the change in musical forms, came a change in the emphasis of lyrics. Choruses moved away from the ‘testimony’ formats of the evangelistic campaign years, to songs that used fewer words, more intimate language and most significantly, allowed the worshipper to address God directly, rather than merely reflect upon God’s deeds.28 The words became increasingly intimate and therapeutic over the years with an emphasis upon the songs being short-lived instruments of spiritual encounter. The songs raised the expectations of the worshipper that the Christian faith is one primarily of encounter. And ironically, at the same time as this was emphasised, the traditional teaching concerning the baptism in the Spirit was soft-pedalled, with the result   D. Gee, Pentecost, 57, 1961.  P. Hocken, Streams of Renewal: The Origins and Early Development of the Charismatic Movement in Great Britain, (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1986), pp. 82–88, 121–127. 28   For an overview of the development of the Charismatic Movement and its impact on Pentecostalism, see W. K. Kay, Pentecostalism, (London: SCM, 2009), pp. 175–192 26 27

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being that encounter could be quite strange and still validated as authentically Christian. Maybe, this was seen most clearly throughout the period known as the Toronto Blessing (approx. 1994–1997).29 In many senses much of the impact of the Charismatic Renewal bypassed the Pentecostals. They may have been aware of what was happening in the mainstream churches, but it was felt that on the whole, these renewed churches were ‘catching up’ with Pentecostals, rather than having any direct effect upon them. The 1960s for Elim and Assemblies of God, was largely a time of lamenting their own spiritual state and wondering what governmental structures they could introduce that would enhance their activities.30 On the whole, this was normal life for British Pentecostals. But during the 1970s, a younger generation of leaders were in place and they were less separatist, products of the relaxed decade of the Beatles, relaxed morality and material prosperity. Although the Cold War kept the prospect of Armageddon a feasible nightmare scenario, there were enough young leaders who wanted something different from their parents’ generation. They wanted to use guitars in worship, they wanted to involve others in ministry and they wanted to move out of their drab, crumbling, inherited buildings into newer facilities. Cultur­ ally, they were moulded to be receptive to the Charismatic Renewal. And in terms of church culture, the ongoing transatlantic dialogue would introduce two other concepts that would suggest significant possibilities: the Church Growth Movement and the Restoration Movement. The first sat easily within a Pentecostal evangelistic DNA. Pioneered by Donald McGavran’s provocative questioning of the effectiveness of Indian churches, it drew on sociological insights to suggest ways that churches could enable grow.31 In British terms, its significance lay less in the specific suggestions provided and more in the encouragement it gave leaders to believe that growth was not simply due to the efficacy of prayer. By the end of the 1970s, Britain as a whole was ready for a change of mindset. Governmental change led to a new spirit of entrepreneurship and the 1980s were largely the scene of an ideological battle between those who saw themselves as fighting for a meritocracy against those who saw themselves holding on to the certainties ­supplied by the structures of the previous decades. The same ideological battles began to be  See D. Hilborn (ed), ‘Toronto’ in perspective, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2001).   W. K. Kay, Pentecostals in Britain, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000), pp. 285–293. 31   D. McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1970). 29 30


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played out in Pentecostal circles – between those who saw the need for a complete change and those who wanted to hold to the traditional Pentecostalism that had been the safe preserve for many during most of the twentieth century. From the late 1970s on, many Pentecostal churches began a new phase of purchasing new buildings. This was encouraged by local authorities who were often in the process of major developmental changes in towns and cities. Existing church buildings needed to be bought so that new roads and municipal plans could be implemented. The effect of new buildings, alongside the American encouragement to prepare for growth brought a new self-confidence. A less public but more internally contentious, stimulus came from within the UK. By the mid 1970s, the Charismatic Renewal had been influenced by a harder-edged, more radical form of neo-Pentecostalism known as Restorationism.32 Their central contention was that the Charismatic movement’s experiences of the Spirit were unable to be contained within the existing churches. New forms of church were needed that could not only provide places for the charismatic experience to be contained, but also allow more radical expressions of church structural life. Central to their teaching was the reconstitution of the office of apostle, one who would co-ordinate the other four church ministry positions. This was allied to an understanding of spiritual leadership, ‘shepherding’, whereby individuals were ‘covered’ by more mature believers. This ‘covering’ in the worst cases extended to the most personal areas of peoples’ lives.33 This led to a sectarian feel to the movement, which in turn became the major source of tension between other mainstream churches and themselves. Their churches began in houses, but as they grew, quickly moved to schools and, in time, to their own buildings. Their concept of restoration was linked to a belief that this re-ordering of church life and expectations would be part of the ­preparation of the bride for the coming King. This was a shift away from traditional premillenialism to a more confident, optimistic and triumphalistic postmillennialism. There was a sense amongst these groups that they were the final chapter in the history of the Church and that God had finished with all the other denominations. 32  See W. K. Kay, Apostolic Networks in Britain: New Ways of Being Church, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2007) who extends the analysis first done by A. Walker, Restoring the Kingdom, (London: Hodder, 1985). 33   For the fullest account of this feature of the new churches, see S. Moore, The Shepherding Movement, (London: T&T Clark, 2003).

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1980s: Pentecostals finding their place The reaction of Pentecostals was significantly more hostile to these new churches than they had been towards the rise of the Charismatic Movement. The essential reason was that they were the biggest threat that the Pentecostal denominations had had to face. Some of their younger ministers were attracted by the vitality of the new churches and were tempted to join them, and some major churches did leave their denominations. The most significant challenge was in the area of leadership. The Restoration Churches were proposing a charismatic model of leadership compared to the more bureaucratic models of leadership that had become the norm in the Pentecostal denominations. The Executive Councils within Elim and the Assemblies of God recognised that this was the central issue to be faced. Local ministers wanted to sense a respect for their role, and they wanted national leaders who would offer a new form of ‘relational’ leadership. In this, the Restoration Movement was providing another spur to an ongoing Pentecostal obsession with church governance. It was assumed that if correct structures were put in place, blessing would automatically follow. Many local churches were taken through a painful process of deselecting deacons and elders and replacing them with new leaders, whilst on a national level the call was for apostolic leadership and prophetic insight. For denominations, this request for charismatic, non-structural leadership would always be a challenge. The denominations responded by appointing a new level of governance, Regional Superintendents, men who would provide support and encouragement in local areas, rather than everything being directed from the centre. The extent to which this was successful is still moot and in many cases the search for perfect structures continues. 2000 onwards: new partners and new challenges The final aspect of the British story is the diaspora that happened amongst African Christians over the past 20 years. In particular, the story that is still developing is that of Nigerian Christians who are settling in Britain and establishing churches at a remarkably fast pace. Burgess reports that in London alone, there are over 80 Nigerian initiated denominations and independent churches. The largest single


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congregation in Western Europe is the London-based Kingsway Inter­ national Christian Centre (KICC), founded by Pastor Matthew Ashimolowo, which has grown to around 12,000 in fifteen years. The largest Nigerian initiated denomination in Britain is Redeemed Christian Church of God, which has planted more than 250 congregations in under twenty years. Its flagship congregation, Jesus House, has over three thousand members.34 This is a significant addition to the Pentecostal scene in Britain. And although these new churches are growing at a remarkably fast rate, there are some West African Christians who choose not to attend a new awayfrom-home home church, but choose to connect with the existing Pentecostal congregations. And as happens with anyone who joins a local congregation, they come with their own presuppositions and expectations. It would be a reasonable generalisation to suggest that their key emphases include understanding wealth to be a blessing from God made available to all, a strictness in personal morals and an expectation of revival and the concomitant demand that intensive prayer should be offered for this to happen. These emphases are beginning to make a difference in some of the churches in the cities that are large centres of immigration. At a time when British Pentecostals were more at ease in their culture, with a more relaxed holiness code, an increased wealth due to the general economic growth in the country and a relativised approach towards revival, it was a shock to come face to face with a previous generation’s concerns. At present it is unclear whether the British Pentecostals will be able to assimilate their new found brothers and sisters. They have come with a fervency that can be humbling for a ‘cool’ British Pentecostalism. However, if anything has been learnt from the inglorious history of the relationship between the Windrush generation of Pentecostals and their white British counterparts, then there may yet be hope that a renewed form of Pentecostalism will be reborn for another integrated generation. And it is possible that a new fruitful dialogue will begin, this time not with the traditional partner in the United States but with the African continent. This will raise a whole range of new theological issues and spiritual expectations to the surface.35  R. Burgess, ‘Nigerian Pentecostal Theology in Global Perspective’, PentecoStudies, vol. 7, no. 2, 2008. 35  R. Burgess, ‘African Pentecostal spirituality and civic engagement: the case of the Redeemed Christian Church of God in Britain’, Journal of Beliefs & Values, Volume 30: 3, December 2009, pp. 255–273. 34

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The lesson of the past century is that where Pentecostal denominations are willing to engage with the changes that are happening around them in society, and are sufficiently humble enough to acknowledge their ongoing need for renewal, then they can survive and thrive by a process of evolution. This is never without the pain of leaving the old ways behind, and during the process of change, it is never automatically clear as to what is the right way to take. However, there is hope that new growth will emerge. This is the experience of Elim and the Assemblies of God. The sadder experience of the Apostolic Church is that when a church cuts itself adrift from the changes it perceives, and resists all attempts at renewal, it will be left behind by the next generation. And quickly those who once seemed to be the most radical party begin to appear the most entrenched and brittle. Whether the Apostolic Church can survive past its centenary has to be uncertain at the moment. They may have passed a critical point in their history. Bibliography Allen, D., Signs and Wonders: Origins, Growth, Development and Significance of Assemblies of God in Great Britain and Ireland, 1900–1980 unpublished Ph.D., University of London, 1990. Anderson, A., Introduction to Pentecostalism, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004). Boddy, A.A., ‘The Welsh Revivalists Revisited’, Confidence March 1913. Boulton, E.C.W., Ministry of the Miraculous, (London: Elim Publishing Co., 1928). Bradley, J.T., Letter to E.J. Phillips, 5 October 1941, (Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall). Brooks, N., Fight for the Faith and Freedom, (London: Pattern Bookroom, n.d.). Burgess, S.M. and E. Van der Maas, (eds), New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002). Burgess, R., ‘Nigerian Pentecostal Theology in Global Perspective’, PentecoStudies, vol. 7, no. 2,2008 Carter, J., Howard Carter – Man of the Spirit, (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing House, 1971) Cartwright, D., The Great Evangelists, (Basingstoke: Marshall Pickering, 1986) Dyke, J., Letter to W.G. Hathaway, 2 February 1937, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall. Evans, E., The Welsh Revival of 1904, (Bridgend: Evangelical Press, 1969). Gee, D., Wind and Flame, (Croydon: Heath Press, 1967). Gee, D., These Men I Knew (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing House, 1980). Hathaway, M., ‘The role of the William Oliver Hutchinson and the Apostolic Faith Church in the formation of the British Pentecostal Churches’, EPTA Bulletin, 1996, 43. Hathaway, W.G., Letter, to J. Dyke, 5 February 1937, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall. Hocken, P., Streams of Renewal: The Origins and Early Development of the Charismatic Movement in Great Britain, (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1986). Hudson, N., A Schism And Its Aftermath. An historical analysis of denominational discerption in the Elim Pentecostal Church, 1939–1940. Unpub PhD., University of London 1999.


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Hudson, N., ‘The Early days of British Pentecostalism’, Journal for European Pentecostal Theological Association, 2001 pp. 49–67. Kay, W.K., Inside Story – A History of British Assemblies of God (Mattersey: Mattersey Hall, 1990). Kay, W.K., Pentecostals in Britain (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000). Llewellyn, H.B., A study of the history and thought of the Apostolic Church in Wales in the context of Pentecostalism unpublished M.Phil thesis, University of Bangor, 1997. Moore, S.D., The Shepherding Movement, (London: T&T Clark, 2003). Phillips, E.J., Letter to W.G. Hathaway, 17 October 1943, Donald Gee Archive, Mattersey Hall. Wakefield, G., Alexander Boddy: Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007). Walker, A., Restoring the Kingdom, (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1985). Warrington, K. (ed.), Pentecostal Perspectives (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1998). Weeks, G., Chapter Thirty Two: Part of a History of the Apostolic Church 1900–2000. (privately printed in about 2003).


chapter three The Development of the pentecostal and Charismatic Movements in the Germanic Countries Carl Simpson Introduction This brief historical overview of the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movement in the German speaking world will focus mainly on Germany, but will also make reference to both Switzerland and Austria. Pente­ costalism in Germany began in 1907 amongst evangelical believers who were greatly influenced by the Holiness Movement1 and the Fellowship Movement – the Gemeinschaftsbewegung.2 Jonathan Paul (1853–1931) emerged as the recognized leader of German Pentecostals in the early years, assisted by Emil Meyer (1869–1950) of Hamburg and Emil Humburg (1874–1969) of Mülheim. Within two years an irreparable split occurred between the fledgling Pentecostal Movement and the Gemeinschaftsbewegung whose leaders initially favoured the Pentecostal outpouring but then altered their convictions, convinced that the new Movement was influenced by a false spirit, and conducted a determined campaign of opposition which led to the Berlin Declaration of 1909 in which Paul and the Pentecostals were denounced by evangelical churchmen.3 1   The Holiness Movement plus the Welsh Revival of 1904 created a heightened expectation of a similar move in Germany. This was realized in 1905 in Mülheim-on-Ruhr when 3,000 souls were converted during evangelistic meetings conducted by Jonathan Paul and Jakob Vetter. 2   The development of the Fellowship Movement from Pietism created a unique expression of evangelical Christianity specific to Germany. In reality the members of the Gemeinschaften are normally committed members of the Lutheran Church who attend service in their local State Church on Sunday morning but then have a Sunday evening service and midweek meetings in their Gemeinschaft Hall, where they emphasize personal holiness, Bible study and evangelism. 3   Clearly the Pentecostals bore some responsibility but Gemeinschaft leader Fabianke also laid blame at the feet of the Gemeinschaftsbewegung of which, in his


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The years between 1909–1914 were characterized by a struggle to maintain a legitimate presence against virulent opposition, and by Pentecostal conferences, attended by thousands, in which doctrines and practices were shaped and formed, charismata experienced and the Pentecostal influence extended. The organization of the Mülheim Verband in 19114 offered Pentecostals an organism within which interested parties could fellowship and further their interest in Pentecostal matters whilst maintaining their own denominational affiliation. For various reasons a number of leading Pentecostals, including Emil Meyer, Benjamin Schilling and Heinrich Vietheer, were excluded from this and became involved with independent Pentecostal churches, the latter with the Elim Movement. The rise of National Socialism in the 1930’s witnessed a period of proscription for Pentecostals, but in the post-war period various groups saw significant increase in membership and new organizations were founded. The major Pentecostal denominations in Germany, notably the ACD (later BFP) and the Gemeinde Gottes (Church of God, Cleveland Tennessee) have largely developed since World War II. More recently the charismatic renewal in the historic denominations paralleled by new independent and charismatic churches, such as JMS Altensteig, BGG Stuttgart and Gemeinde auf dem Weg, Berlin has altered the scene for the classical Pentecostals in Germany. The Pentecostal scene in Switzerland and Austria in the early years until World War I was impacted by the German leaders but subsequently an independent development can be traced in each land. A Contentious Beginning During the month of July 1907 meetings were conducted in the town of Kassel by the evangelist Heinrich Dallmeyer, to which he had also invited two Norwegian sisters,5 where people received the eyes, the Pentecostal Movement was a child, thus the parents must take their share of the blame. Paul Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland (Hannover: Heinr. Feesch Verlag, 1957), p.270. 4   The Hauptbrüdertag began meeting in 1911 and featured leading Pentecostals from within Germany and Holland who represented Pentecostal Fellowships, irrespective of denominational affiliation. It did not see itself as a new denomination but an organism to promote fellowship and growth, c.f. note 26. 5   In Barratt’s meetings in Norway Emil Meyer had met two young women, a 25 year old teacher, Dagmar Gregersen, and a young milliner, Agnes Thelle, who felt they had

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S­ pirit-baptism evidenced by glossolalia.6 Jonathan Paul was never present in Kassel7 but he had visited Barratt in Norway to investigate the new Movement.8 Paul had reported his observations to the evangelistic Conference in Brieg on 22nd to 26th April 1907 and gave a positive testimony, but also issued a specific warning of the need to test the spirits.9 Although Heinrich Dallmeyer was present in Brieg he failed to heed Paul’s advice. Had he done so, and exercised wiser and more responsible leadership, he may have prevented some of the excesses that caused this particular revival to end in scandal and shame, closed down by the police after three weeks, with some individuals arrested.10 The Barmen Conference – December 1907 Concerned by the events at Kassel, the Gemeinschaftsbewegung held a Conference at Barmen on the 19th to 20th December 1907, attended by thirty-four leading German Churchmen, to discuss the ‘Tongues Movement’.11 Jonathan Paul was present and could make a first-hand contribution having received the gift of tongues on 15th September at Bad Liebenzell. It was clear that there was a division of opinion, for and a call to introduce the new Movement to Germany. They travelled with Meyer to Hamburg in June 1907 and shared in meetings at the Strandmission, assisted by an interpreter. The Gemeinschaft evangelist Heinrich Dallmeyer had been invited by Meyer to conduct an evangelistic campaign in Hamburg in the month of June 1907 where he met the two Norwegian sisters and Dallmeyer speaks of being challenged to purify his heart. Two days later he received the Spirit-baptism, and simultaneously received healing of a longstanding heart complaint. As he moved on to evangelize in Kassel in July he prevailed upon the two Norwegians to accompany him. The meetings were convened in the Blue Cross Hall and ran from 7th July to 1st August.  6   The number of those baptized in the Holy Spirit became ever more numerous, with manifestations of charismata of speaking in tongues and prophecy, accompanied with signs and wonders such as the healing of longstanding medical conditions. Some sighed and groaned, others prayed and praised aloud, or made loud animal-like noises. Upon receiving the Holy Spirit some fell to their knees, some lay prostrate face-down on the floor, while some fell backwards. All of these manifestations, though physical, and difficult to explain, were accepted as genuine indications of the Holy Spirit at work. Various Gemeinschaftsbewegung leaders visited the meetings, saw no real problem with the manifestations but were unsure what to make of it. Schrenk as the leader of the Gemeinschaftsbewegung had intended to call a halt to the meetings but was convinced that what he saw was a genuine move of God, for which he had waited fifty years.  7  Ernst Giese, Jonathan Paul, Ein Knecht Jesu Christi, Leben und Werk (Altdorf: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1965), p. 125.  8   Jonathan Paul, ‘Herzensreinheit’, Die Heiligung, Nr. 104, 9. 8 (Mai 1907), p.1.  9   Giese, Jonathan Paul, p.125. 10  Ernst Giese, Und flicken die Netze (Marburg: Giese, 1976), p. 95. 11   Confidence, 1. 1 (1908), Supplement 2.


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against, with a sizeable number of neutrals like Ernst Modersohn. Fear and uncertainty motivated evangelical leaders to call for a one year moratorium on matters related to spiritual gifts and the new Movement in all church publications. The Hamburg Conference – 8th – 11th December 1908 As this time of silence came to an end in December 1907 the German pastors and brethren who were motivated to examine the Pentecostal outpouring called a conference in Hamburg. Leading figures from other European lands were invited to attend, notably Boddy and Polhill from England, Barratt from Norway, and the Polmans from Holland. A total of 52 people gathered to discuss the Pentecostal outpouring, glossolalia and other spiritual gifts and their use and abuse, including two who had actually visited Azusa Street.12 A chief concern of the German Pentecostals was to allay the fears that had arisen due to the scandalous events at Kassel in 1907, and provide a reasoned explanation of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit and things which pertained to it. The Hamburg Conference was a forum for earnest debate, and questions could be directed to the speakers e.g. could someone speak in tongues without real holiness?13 A new magazine Pfingstgrüsse, edited by Jonathan Paul, was announced at Hamburg as a vehicle for the Pente­costals and carried reports of the conference. A carefully scripted message sought to reaffirm the basic truths of the Pentecostal outpouring, giving them a sound basis in both doctrine and praxis. Jonathan Paul had issued a statement in the first edition of Pfingstgrüsse that speaking in tongues was not considered proof of the Baptism with the Holy Spirit, the Fruit of the Spirit is the main thing.14

12   The Pentecostal Movement was still young, but many present in Hamburg at that time would have identified Azusa Street, Los Angeles as its origin. Of all the persons present at the Hamburg Conference, it seems very probable that only Andrew Johnson from Orebro, Sweden, and Cecil Polhill had been present at Azusa Street, and personally experienced the Revival in April 1906, though neither claimed to have received the Baptism of the Holy Spirit in the famous meeting place at 312, Azusa Street. 13   Pfingstgrüsse, 1. 1 (1909), p.7. In response Boddy set out the classic 3 steps of New Birth, followed by Full Sanctification through the death and burial of Jesus, and lastly the Spirit-baptism, which required a clean vessel. 14   Pfingstgrüsse, 1. 1 (February, 1909), p.2. Speaking in tongues, for the German leaders, was not a Shibboleth, and any child of God who had not received this gift was not regarded as inferior.

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The Berlin Declaration 1909 The year 1909 marked one of the saddest events in the history of the Christian church in Germany, when leading figures in the Evangelical Movement, which had been so united in the cause of evangelizing the nation, issued the Berlin Declaration on 15th September. They condemned the Pentecostal Movement as ‘from below’, denounced the (‘Jesus wird’) holiness teaching of Jonathan Paul, and ascribed the emotional manifestations witnessed at Kassel to a ‘lying spirit’. The divison within the Gemeinschaftsbewegung ran deep and was made deliberately irreparable by the antagonists of Pentecostals. So great was the setback to the cause of evangelism and the Kingdom of God in Germany that the metaphor of a torn net was used to describe it. The attack was intentional, carefully planned and designed to polarize opinion in a way which would cause many to reject the Pentecostal message in perpetuity. The Pentecostal Response – The Mülheim Declaration The first Pentecostal Conference convened after the Berlin Declaration was held in Mülheim from 28th September to 1st October 1909,15 with a massive attendance of 2,500,16 far in excess of any similar gathering organized by the Gemeinschaftsbewegung, which partly explains the deep unease of those in the evangelical camp worried by the growing numbers and influence of the ‘tongues speakers’. This Conference issued the so-called ‘Mülheim Declaration’ of the 29th September 1909 which displayed a spirit of love and reconciliation, but also clearly outlined the beliefs and practices of Pentecost. The entire audience rose to their feet to approve the measure.17 Three main points in their ‘Antwort’18 addressed the accusations. First they believed the Pentecostal Movement to be a 15   This was the second Mülheim Conference, the first having been held in July 1909 see Thomas Jeffreys, ‘Conference at Mülheim-on-Rohr (sic), Germany. – July, 1909’, Confidence, 2. 8 (1909), pp.189–192. 16  Adelheid Junghardt and Ekkehart Vetter, Ruhrfeuer (Mülheim a.d. Ruhr: Christus Gemeinde, 2004), p.109. A. A. Boddy, reported an attendance of 2,300, ‘Across the Channel’, Confidence, 2. 11 (1909), p. 245. 17   ‘Answer to the Declaration of Berlin, of September 15th 1909’, translated by Arie Kok, Confidence, 2.10 (1909), pp. 228–230. 18   The complete text of the Mülheim Answer to the Berlin Declaration in German is found in Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung, pp.143–148; Krust, 50 Jahre Deutsche Pfingstbewegung Mülheimer Richtung, (Altdorf Missionsbuchhandlung, 1958), pp. 72–77; Giese, Und Flicken die Netze, pp. 129–133.


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gift from above and not from below; an answer to prayer for a worldwide revival. Second, Jonathan Paul’s false teaching of the ‘Pure Heart’ was explained that one is cleansed from sin only in Christ, and not in himself 19 and that he opposed the idea of sinlessness as it was possible for one to sin again. Third, confusion and misrepresentation were the result of human ignorance, misunderstandings and false reports. A concluding paragraph affirmed that the true Holy Spirit of God was at work in the Pentecostal Movement. Three further measures were announced which underlined the Pentecostals’ resolve, organization, and awareness of the power of the printed word. Pfingstgrüsse was to be issued fortnightly, i.e. twice as frequently as before, a printing house for Pentecostal Literature in Mülheim-Ruhr would be established, the first publication of which would be a hymn book for the Pentecostal Movement, (Pfingstjubel).20 Theology and Practice in the Early Years Beginning at Hamburg in 1908 Paul and the German Pentecostals, with their English, Dutch and Swiss brethren, sought to identify distinctive theology and practice. These early years of Pentecostal history in Germany were far more than the infancy of a movement, rather it was the formative period when precedents were set, its language, theology and praxis formulated and recorded for posterity.21 Examining the records of Pentecostal conferences22 held in Germany and Europe in the seminal early years, one may grasp a fuller picture of the development, theology, hymnology, hermeneutics, language, of the German Pentecostal movement which developed synchronically with the wider phenomenon

19   ‘Answer to the Declaration of Berlin, of September 15th 1909’ translated by Arie Kok, Confidence, 2. 10 (1909), p.230. 20   Krust, 50 Jahre, p.80. 21  A wide range of literary genre including theology, history, biography, testimony/ hagiography, and oral tradition was published by the early Pentecostals, and their antagonists. It was presented in various forms, many of which are extant: books, pamphlets, tracts, magazines and periodicals, the Mülheim New Testament, music and hymn books, notably Pfingstjubel, in addition to the unpublished sources such as diaries, correspondence, and church records. 22   In the first decades of the twentieth century it was uncommon to record the contents of a local church worship service, or even the sermon, but it was normal, even required, to record the minutes of Conferences. Stenography was used in the early twentieth century and Meyer recorded the Barmen conference in this way. Such a record could be later edited or it could be used to provide verbatim copies of sermons, teachings, testimonies etc.

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of Pentecost in the early twentieth century yet with significant differences to that documented in America.23 Allan Anderson identified the early years of Pentecostalism as the ‘decisive heart of the movement’24 which both Land and Hollenweger limited to the first ten years of the twentieth century.25 In Germany this can be extended to the outbreak of World War I, on 1st August 1914, the first seven years. This included the unprecedented attack of the Berlin Declaration, the Pentecostals’ response and the formation of the Mülheimer Verband with the inception of the Hauptbrüdertag in January 1911,26 exclusions from which prompted the growth of independent Pentecostal fellowships. The influence of Azusa Street and North American Pentecostalism cannot be ignored, but the positive witness of the Holy Spirit at work in the lives of committed believers caused a separate and unique Pentecostal development in Europe, much influenced by Paul and the German Pentecostal Movement. This is evidenced in the 1912 Declaration of the International Pentecostal Council, a specifically European body, in which tongues as initial evidence was not promoted but Pentecostal Holiness was emphasised.27 In 1914 Paul reviewed the first seven years of Pentecostalism in Germany.28 He assessed that the Pentecostals wanted simply to glorify Jesus, and desired Freedom of Conscience and Freedom of Operation. As the pioneer leader of German Pentecostalism, he summarized the

Augustus Cerillo Jr. ‘Interpretive Approaches to the History of American Pentecostal Origins’, Pneuma, 19. 1 (1997), pp.29–52. Cerillo’s four-fold construct of American Pentecostal origins cannot be fully applied to Europe. Although there was some interaction between nationalities in Europe which could be ascribed cross-cultural, there was no trace of the multi-cultural African or Afro-American impulses in the north European Protestant heritage. Nor is the functional approach to disinherited, socially dysfunctional, new immigrants and blacks who made up the margins of American society readily applicable to early Pentecostals in Germany. 24  Allan Anderson, Spreading Fires (London: SCM Press, 2007), p.5. 25   Steven Land, Pentecostal Spirituality (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), 47. Land referred to W. J. Hollenweger ‘Pentecostals and the Charismatic Movement’, in Jones, Wainwright and Yarnold (eds.) The Study of Spirituality (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp.549–553. 26   Giese, Und Flicken die Netze, p. 204. The Hauptbrüdertag, which would meet biannually, provided an opportunity for the leading men to meet and exchange opinions, evaluate the progress of Pentecostal fellowships and how best to advise the members to live in accordance with biblical principles. 27   ‘Declaration of the International Pentecostal Consultative Council’, Confidence, 5. 12 (1912), p.277. 28   Jonathan Paul, ‘Seven Years of German Pentecostalism’ Pfingstgrüsse 7. 2 (1914), pp.9–12. 23


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‘heart period’ as a holiness movement, with an ever increasing evidence of practical holiness. To Paul a Pentecost devoid of holiness was an anathema; and even his opponents in the Gemeinschaftsbewegung had linked his extreme form of holiness to the Pentecostal Movement. Pentecostal Holiness was the bass line for the new song, the setting for the new jewels of rediscovered Spiritual Gifts. The Growth of Pentecostalism during the Early Years Rather than stunting the growth of the Pentecostal Movement in Germany the Berlin Declaration may have initially provided further impetus. Reports emanating from this time period, in late 1909 and 1910, acknowledge persecution and difficulties but also catalogue real, sustained, numerical and spiritual growth. Polhill noted how much the work had grown in one year since Hamburg 1908, in comparison to the slower growth in England largely due to adverse prejudice!29 New Pentecostal centres opened in many parts of Germany, and Pentecostal conferences were held in several regions. From the Pentecostal viewpoint, in 1910 they were in the ascendancy, with great meetings and conferences, spiritual gifts like tongues and prophecy exercised, freedom in worship, wonderful healings. In addition Pfingstgrüsse had a circulation of 4,000, the Pfingstjubel hymnbook was already published in its 4th Edition, and new centres opened all over Germany and in Alsace,30 giving the impression of a dynamic, growing, exciting new Movement. A simple comparison can be made with the Evangelische Allianz which in 1906 reported a readership of the Allianzblatt of 4,000 and attendance at the Bad Blankenburg Conference of 2,000.31 The numbers are very similar to those claimed by the Pentecostals after only three years of rapid growth, but in Germany the Allianz had been in existence over half a century since its foundation in 1851.32

29   C. Polhill, ‘Ansprache von Missionar Polhill auf der Konferenz in Breslau’, Pfingstgrüsse, 2. 9 (1910), p.5. The conference had been held 6–9th Dec. 1909, Pfingstgrüsse, 2. 2, (1909), p.8. One can only surmise that Polhill believed adverse prejudice to be more damaging than outright persecution and opposition. 30  Alsace and Lorraine belonged to Germany from 1870 to 1918. 31  Erich Beyreuther, Der Weg der Evangelischen Allianz in Deutschland (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1969), p. 77. 32   Beyreuther, Der Weg der Evangelischen Allianz in Deutschland, p. 17.

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The Beginnings of Organization Whereas the Hamburg Conference of 1908 and the publication of Pfingstgrüsse was seen by some as the beginning of the organization of the Pentecostals,33 the definitive separation in early 1911 by the Gnadau Union34 caused the Pentecostal leaders to reassess the situation and necessitated a greater degree of co-operation at a national level. Locally Pentecostal fellowships either seceded, or were expelled, from the Gemeinschaften loyal to the Gnadau Union. There came a recognition that to protect, nurture, direct and further the Pentecostal cause there needed to be an umbrella organization. The considerable variety of theological understanding among the Pentecostals held the potential for further schisms. In addition many Pentecostals, motivated by Darbyism35 promoted completely independent local churches.36 During the course of 1911, after the establishment of the Hauptbrüdertag, Humburg, Paul and Edel, the triumvirate, emerged as the recognized leaders, whereas for various reasons other leaders such as Regehly,37 Meyer and Vietheer were excluded or fell away. 33   Holthaus, Heil-Heilung-Heiligung, Die Geschichte der deutschen Heiligungs- und Evangelisationsbewegung (1874–1909) (Giessen: Brunnen Verlag, 2005), p.582, traced the development of the conferences and local fellowships from the inaugural Hamburg conference, through Brieg, Silesia and Mülheim on Ruhr, through Paul in Berlin and Pommerania, through the brothers Bramstedt in Elmshorn to Meyer in Hamburg. He concurred with Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung, p.74, who believed Hamburg 1908 was the beginning of the German Pentecostal Movement and who also cited centres in Frankfurt under Eleanor Patrick, Rheinland-Pfalz under Gotz, Barmen under Rüger, Beeck under Knippel and Velbert under Rees. Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, 189–196, showed that many of these centes already existed in 1907–1908 before the Hamburg Conference and conclusively preferred Kassel 1907 as the origin of German Pentecostalism. He was more uncertain of the date of origin of the Mülheimer Verband and offered the first Mülheim Conference 1909, the first Hauptbrüdertag 1911, or the formation of the Christliche Kolportage Gesellschaft 1913/14 as possible dates. 34  An influential evangelical group, started in 1888, which represented the manifold fellowships in the Gemeinschaftsbewegung. 35   Darby’s pre-millennial Rapture teaching was popular amongst both the Pentecostals and Gemeinschaftsbewegung. Paul also held that belief viz.‘Erklärung’, Pfingstgrüsse, 3. 18 (1911), p.144. 36   Michael Diener, Kurshalten in stürmischer Zeit, D. Walter Michaelis – Ein Leben für Kirche und Gemeinschaftsbewegung (Giessen: Brunnen Verlag, 1998), p.207, c.f. Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung, p.193. 37   Giese, Jonathan Paul, 184, Regehly suffered a nervous breakdown, in April 1911, (see also Confidence, 4, 11 (1911), 261,) which he blamed directly on the pressure of being in leadership of the Pentecostal Movement. He left the Pentecostals, but died soon after at the age of 46, on 6th May 1912, see ‘Heimgegangene’, Pfingstgrüsse, 4, 34 (1912), 271.


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The Great War cut across the continued development of German Pentecostalism by preventing its leaders from travelling and participating in European Pentecostal conferences, though such gatherings continued to be held in Germany. One notable success was the production of the first Pentecostal Bible translation. The translation of the New Testament into contemporary German, was the work of a team of five theologians and seven Bible researchers38 supervised by Jonathan Paul, and first published in December 1914 as the Mülheim New Testament. The Post-war period was characterized by much soul-searching and repentance, especially amongst the Pentecostals, in the midst of which at a pre-conference leaders’ meeting in Mülheim in September 1919 Jonathan Paul denounced his ‘perfectionist’ holiness teachings, the cause of much of the contention with the Gemeinschaftsbewegung. He regretted the pain and division caused by the systematic doctrine he had developed from his personal experiences, and recognized that he had allowed legalism to displace the genuine Gospel of grace.39 He continued in a position of leadership of the Mülheim Verband until his death in 1931, and though this latter period was much less exciting, the German Pentecostals consolidated their position. Independent Pentecostal Churches The Christliche Gemeinshaft Velbert Here the Velberter Mission Society was founded already existed as an independent fellowship formed by the merger of an Evangelische Gemeinschaft with a Baptist congregation in 1905. In 1908 Arie Kok, from Holland, introduced them to the Pentecostal message. He departed soon afterwards with his wife Eva, Europe’s first Pentecostal missionary, to China,40 but was instrumental in Adolf Wienecke being sent out as Velbert’s first foreign missonary, accompanied by his wife Maria, also to China, to Tsining, Shantung Province.41 Otto Karrenberg one of the   Pfingstgrüsse, 7.16 (1915), p.124.   Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung, pp. 262–263, analysed the reasons for the retraction and linked it to scandalous revelations concerning Eugen Edel which had caused his dismissal as leader of the large Pentecostal fellowship in Brieg. 40   The Koks trained with the P.M.U. in England and arrived in China, early 1911, reaching their destination Tse-chao-fu on February 27th. A. and E. Kok, ‘Through the Plague Zone to China’, Confidence, 4, 5 (1911), pp. 103–106. 41   Joost Reinke, Deutsche Pfingstmission: Geschichte-Theologie-Praxis (Bonn: Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft, 1997), p.35. 38 39

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leaders in the early years took the oversight in 1919 and encouraged an orientation towards foreign missions which ultimately resulted in the founding of ‘Vereinigten Missionsfreunde’ in 1931. The Pentecostal Church in Velbert became officially known as Christliche Gemeinschaft Velbert, on 27th November, 1920.42 Elim and Vietheer Heinrich Vietheer (1883–1968), Paul’s son-in-law, established his own evangelistic tent mission in 1922 within the German Evangelical Alliance. As an evangelist he had charisma and a very strong personality he was a successful soul-winner and this ministry provided the platform for the Elim Movement43 which he founded in Hamburg in 1926, followed soon after by branches in Bremen, Lübeck, Kiel, Dresden and Erzgebirge and which in ten years grew to a membership of 5,000. His teaching was essentially Pentecostal but he avoided using the nomenclature so as not to be linked to the Mülheimer Verband, or the scattered independent Pentecostal fellowships. Eventually Vietheer settled on the term ‘Geistesbewegung’ (Spirit Movement), thus Elim can be identified as the most significant Movement to have developed from the Pentecostals, and one of the first charismatic groups. The Nazi Era The rise of National Socialism in Germany affected all walks of society and the Pentecostals were not exempt. Somewhat surprisingly Vietheer initially welcomed Hitler’s rise to power for bringing order back to society, but restrictions on religious liberty imposed by the Nazis caused Vietheer to bring Elim into an alliance with the Baptist Union in 1938. The Mülheimer Verband was forced to change its name by order of the law44 and took the title ‘Christlicher Gemeinschaftsverband G.m.b.H. Mülheim Ruhr’.45 They had to draw up a new constitution which had to contain ‘a clear confession to the German people and the Fatherland’, under threats of prohibition, which caused them also to adopt doubtful accessed 3rd March 2009.  Not to be confused with the denomination of the same name in the U.K. 44   Sven Brenner, ‘Pentecostalism in Nazi Germany’, GloPent Conference 2009, Birmingham, U.K., 2. A law which protected the terminology of the NSDAP of 7.4.1937, RGBI. I, P, p.442. 45   Krust, 50 Jahre, pp.173–74. 42 43


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political statements.46 Mülheim historian Krust rather boldly described Mulheim’s response to the Nazis as a time of resistance, but the documents of 1938 suggest more of a tacit compliance, which enabled Mülheim to survive the period with little damage or changes. A clarification of the role of the Mülheim Verband during the Nazi period was accepted by the 1991 Hauptbrüdertag.47 Karl Fix and the Volksmission The experience of Karl Fix (1897–1969), who founded the ‘Volksmission entschiedener Christen’ in 1935 was significantly different to the previous two groups, who had entreated him to join them but he refused. Although under observation from the Gestapo 1935–1945 the VM managed to remain lawfully unproscribed because they were not considered Pentecostal. The probable reasons for this were that Fix insisted on very orderly behaviour in the worship services, not permitting the raising of hands in prayer or worship which could have been misconstrued as a poorly executed Nazi salute; avoiding concert prayer which the Gestapo disliked because they could not monitor what was said; or perhaps his gift of oratory which enabled him to convince the Gestapo that his groups were simply not Pentecostal.48 Hermann Lauster and the Church of God Another individual who began a Pentecostal evangelism and church planting movement in Germany was Hermann Lauster, attributed with bringing the Gemeinde Gottes (Church of God, Cleveland, Tennessee) to Germany. Lauster had emigrated to the U.S.A. and came into contact with Church of God, where he was saved and Spirit-baptized. He then received a call to return to his native Germany with this Pentecostal message, his arrival coincided with increased Nazi curtailment of

46   Gottfried Sommer, ‘Die Pfingstbewegung und die Judenfrage im Dritten Reich’ unpublished manuscript (Singen, 2006), pp.14–15; c.f. Ekkehart Vetter und Adelheid Junghardt, Hrsg., Ruhrfeuer, p.146.; Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, pp.295–297. The actual excerpt reads: ‘In der Rassengesetzgebung ersehen wir eine gottgewollte und biblisch begründbare Bestrebung zur Reinigung und Reinerhaltung des Volkes vor fremdrassiger Vermischung. Die Herausführung der Juden aus der Gemeinschaft unseres Volkes wie auch der anderen Völker ist für uns ein Vorgang nach göttlicher Vorsehung und göttlichem Willen’. 47   Junghardt and Vetter, Ruhrfeuer, p.147. 48   Brenner, ‘Pentecostalism in Nazi Germany’, p.7.

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Pentecostal activities. Lauster began planting churches in 1937, was arrested and imprisoned in the Welzheim Concentration Camp from 22nd August 1938 to 16th March 1939.49 Even after his release the Gestapo kept him under surveillance, but although the activities of Gemeinde Gottes were officially stopped, the believers continued to meet secretly in homes and forests as an underground church. Pentecostal believers learned to be innovative to protect their existence and practice their beliefs during the Third Reich. In Berlin members of the independent Pentecostal church pastored by Erwin Lorenz, formerly by Schilling, continued to meet despite prohibition in 1937, and Lorenz being called into military service. They disguised their small group services as ‘House Music’ or ‘Garden Celebrations’ which the Nazi authorities favoured for political reasons.50 The Post-War Period The leaders who had resisted the attentions of the Gestapo quickly became prominent in the period after the war. It was a time of great need in the land and Pentecostal churches grew rapidly, especially in pietistic Swabia where Karl Fix of the Volksmission evangelized with a large tent in Stuttgart in 1946, in co-operation with Paula Gassner.51 Hermann Lauster returned from England where he had been a prisoner of war and quickly began a prodigious work of church planting, and church building in southern Germany, the heartland of Gemeinde Gottes which by 1954 comprised 30 churches with around 1,000 in attendance.52 Lauster died suddenly of a heart attack after having preached his last sermon at a retreat in Berchtesgaden in 1964.53 By this time the number of

49   Hermann Lauster, Vom Pflug zur Kanzel (Krehwinkel: Verlagsgesellschaft Walter Greiner & Walter Schmidt, 1964), pp. 60–69; Bobbie Lauster, One Man and God (Cleveland, TN: Pathway Press, 1967), pp.93–119; c.f. Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, pp.323–328. 50   Ludwig David Eisenlöffel, Freikirchliche Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoch & Ruprecht, 2006), p.36. 51   Bernhard Röckle, Geboren in schwerer Zeit (Stuttgart: Volksmission Selbstverlag, c.2002), pp. 44–45. Gassner led a fellowship in Stuttgart, and had received the Spiritbaptism at Kensington-Temple in London. The fellowship later became the Biblische Glaubens Gemeinde or BGG Stuttgart, the largest single local church in Germany today with over 3,000 members, currently pastored by Peter Wenz. 52   Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, pp. 303–304. 53   Bobbie Lauster, Nachwort, Hermann Lauster, Vom Pflug zur Kanzel (Urbach: STIWA n.d.), p. 92.


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Gemeinde Gottes churches had grown to 46 pastored mostly by young men who had been trained in the Bible School in Krehwinkel, Lauster’s home village, and which became the European Bible Seminary, Rudersberg in 1973. Many of the refugees who either fled or were driven from Poland and East Germany set up dynamic Pentecostal churches in West Germany, some of which endured, while others disappeared due to further migration. Many of these were referred to as Freie Christen­gemeinde and later aligned themselves to the BFP. In East Germany, the communists prohibited the Pentecostal Movement in May 1951 whereby the Mülheimer Verband lost a significant number of members but they could still report 25,000 in Heilszeugnisse with even more adherents.54 Mülheim was still the biggest Pentecostal Movement and continued to be led by Humburg and Schober but the tendency towards Quietism encouraged by Voget55 prevailed and there was no return to the heady early days of Spiritual Gifts manifested when their opponents labelling them as ‘Schwärmer’, (enthusiasts). The post-war period also saw the growth of a number of independent works such as Ecclesia led by Hermann Zaiss (1889–1958) whose charismatic leadership saw over 120 churches planted in the first decade after the war. Danish and English missionaries established the Apostolic Church which in 1953 was renamed Apostolische Kirche – Urchristliche Mission (AKUM) to avoid confusion with the New Apostolic Church.56 International Conferences The first World Pentecost Conference held in Zurich 1947 organized by Leonard Steiner of the Swiss Pentecostal Mission drew 260 delegates from 23 countries, mostly pastors and missionaries, of whom two were German. Two years later the second World Conference in Paris gave further opportunity for fellowship and rehabilitation of the German Pentecostal Movement after the war. The benefits were seen in increased co-operation between the various branches of Pentecostalism in Germany witnessed to by a series of Unity Conferences in Stuttgart and elsewhere between 1947 and 1949.   Fleisch, Die Pfingstbewegung, p. 360.   Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, p. 204. Voget had counselled a more reserved, more orderly, form of Pentecostalism during the 1920’s, and even though he died in 1936 his legacy lived on in the Mülheimer Verband. 56   Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, pp. 308–313. 54 55

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A Spirit of Co-operation The decade of the 1960’s witnessed the post-war generation of Pentecostals working together to organize large-scale evangelism and healing meetings featuring Oral Roberts in 1964 and T.L.Osborn, the folowing year. Foremost in this co-operative effort were the Volksmission, Gemeinde Gottes, the ACD, AKUM and several Free Pentecostal fellowships.57 From this growing openness came the awareness that there could be closer unity and the realization that, in spite of certain specific doctrinal or practical differences, a focus on the basic tenets of Pentecostalism would enable them to advance their cause. A series of seminars and symposia were planned, to which German, Austrian and Swiss leaders were invited, culminating in the formation of the Forum Freikirchlicher Pfingstgemeinden (FFP) on 28th March 1979 at the Schloss Naumberg. The participants, along with the number of members they represented, were as follows:58   - The Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Christengemeinden in Deutschland (ACD) with around 12,000 members – Rolf Cilwik, Ludwig Eisenlöffel, Werner Geiger, Alfred Koschorreck, Richard Krüger, Reinhold Kurlanda, Siegfried Orzechowski, Werner Preuß, Reinhold Ulonska, Wolfgang Wegert, Gerhard Wessler;   - The Apostolische Kirche – Urchristliche Mission (AKUM) circa 1,200 members – Werner Dörr, Dieter Poppe;59   - The Christliche Gemeinschaftsverband Mülheim/Ruhr (CGV Mülheim), 7,000 members – Siegfried Keller, Dr. Wolgang Meißner;   - Gemeinde Gottes, circa 3,500 members – Dieter Knospe, Edmund Kunkel, Heinrich Scherz;   - The Volksmission entschiedener Christen (VM) circa 4,000 members – Albert Bühler, Gottlob Ling. Each group was allotted three votes and Dieter Knospe was chosen as the first Chairman, with Wolfgang Meißner Vice-Chairman.60 Ludwig Eisenlöffel was appointed to handle business matters on behalf of  Eisenlöffel, Freikirchliche Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland, pp. 321–322.   Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, p. 444. 59   The leader of theis group Emanuel Enke was unable to be present. 60   Chairmanship of the FFP has been rotated amongst the constituent members as follows: 1979–82, Dieter Knospe – Gemeinde Gottes; 1982–85, Wolfgang Meißner – CGV; 1985–96, Gottlob Ling – VM; 1996–2000, Paul Schmidgall – Gemeinde Gottes; 2000–2005, Ingolf Ellßel – BFP; 2005- Bernd Scheven – Ecclesia. 57 58


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the FFP. It was an inter-denominational forum with clearly defined goals: to promote unity amongst Pentecostals and Charismatics; as a platform to exchange views on theological, social and ethical matters; to co-ordinate with other church groups and the State; for planning large-scale events especially of an evangelistic nature; and to participate in the European Pentecostal Fellowship (PEF) and the World Pentecostal Conference.61 Though the combined membership was only a little more than 25,000, the addition of adherents meant that some 50,000 believers were represented by the FFP and the five fingers of God’s hand were pointing the way to blessing for Germany.62 In particular, the FFP envisaged the reconciliation of the Pentecostals with the German Evangelical Alliance after 70 years of separation following the Berlin Declaration. In the pursuit of the above goals, the first FFP Council on 27th February 1980 extended the bridge-building to representatives of the charismatic renewal also involving other independent Pentecostal and Charismatic groups in the FFP. The first FFP Conference, 7–8th November 1983, drew around 100 particpants from the five member bodies and invited guests. This was followed by a second conference at Kniebis, 19–20th March 1984 which was a very ecumenical affair involving almost all the leaders of the newly-formed ICB representing the Charismatic Renewal, and individuals from a wide range of chur­ches, mission and parachurch groups who expressed interest in the FFP. This resulted in a further five groups later becoming full members.63 The importance of the FFP was underscored by their organizing and running of the PEC conferences in Stuttgart 1984 with 3,000 in attendance, then in Berlin 2003 attended by 20,000, the latter featuring nightly evangelistic meetings at the Jahn Stadium at which Reinhard Bonnke preached.

61   Paul Schmidgall, 90 Jahre Deutsche Pfingstbewegung (Erzhausen: Leuchter Verlag, 1997), p. 7. 62  Eisenlöffel, Freikirchliche Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland, 326. It was Eisenlöffel’s fiftieth birthday and he saw the formation of the FFP as his best present. The anthropomorphism was a clever allusion to emphasize that the groups could remain independent but work closely together to achieve common aims. 63   Schmidgall, 90 Jahre, p.88. Named the groups as: 1.Vereinigte Missionsfreunde e. V., Freudenberg; 2. Jugend-Missions und Sozialwerk e.V., Altensteig; 3. Gemeinde der Christen Ecclesia e.V., Solingen; 4. Internationale Jesus Gemeinde e.V. (Church of God of Prophecy); 5. Pfingstgemeinden der Sinti und Roma. Guest membership was also extended for a time to Freies Evangelisches Gemeindewerk (fegw) e.V. (International Foursquare Church).

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The Bund Freikirchlicher Pfingstgemeinde The largest Pentecostal grouping in Germany today, with some 40,000 members in 600 churches, is the BFP which was created from the former ACD when that movement was granted the Körperschaftsrechte in 1974. The enhanced legal status proved attractive and other Pentecostal groups, which had co-operated together in the FFP subsequently allied themselves to the BFP, as the Movement became known in 1982; e.g. the Volksmission in 1988, thirteen Elim Churches from the former East Germany in 1991, and in May 2000 the Ecclesia Gemeinschaft added a further 30 churches. Ingolf Ellßel served as the President of BFP from 1994–2007, and since 2002 held the same office in the European Pentecostal Fellowship (PEF). The Bible School Beröa in Erzhausen provides the theological training for the BFP. The Gemeinde Gottes One significant Pentecostal group which maintains a separate identity from the BFP, is the Gemeinde Gottes which has some 4,000 members (10,000 adherents) in 80 churches in Germany, with Erich Schneider as the National Overseer.64 It has its own training facility, the Europäisches Theologisches Seminar in Kniebis, led by former overseer Paul Schmidgall. A sister church, the International Jesus Gemeinde, is the German expression of the Church of God of Prophecy which has two congregations in Langen and Erlangen and works closely with Gemeinde Gottes. The Charismatic Movement The Charismatic Movement, introduced to Germany by Lutheran pastor Arnold Bittlinger in 1962,65 provided both a challenge and an input to the traditional Pentecostal churches in Germany. The new emphasis on charismata and their use caused a re-evaluation by the Pentecostals as such manifestations were an integral part of their history, but by this time rarely experienced. The main challenges posed by the Charismatics were in the areas of Holiness, which questioned traditional legalistic outward observances, and Spirit-baptism, which required a charismatic  manifestation but not necessarily glossolalia as initial evidence.   Gemeinde Gottes also achieved the legal status of K.d.ö.R in 2004.   Reinhard Hempelmann, ‘The Charismatic Movement in German Protestantism’, Pneuma, 16. 2 (1994), p. 217. 64 65


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Freer praise and worship gradually spread into the traditional Pentecostal churches, despite some resistance. During the 1960’s a number of ecumenical Charismatic conferences were held highlighting the work of the Holy Spirit in the main State Churches. The existence of charismatic groups within the Lutheran and R.C. churches paved the way for wider acceptance of the Spiritual Gifts and Pentecostalism. Bittlinger was succeeded in 1976 by Wolfram Kopfermann who guided the work of the Geistliche Gemeinde-Erneuerung (GGE). When he left the Lutheran Church in 1988 he started his own Anskar Church.66 Many other independent Pentecostal or Charismatic churches exist, some of which have developed into some of the largest local churches in Germany, notably JMS Altensteig, BGG Stuttgart, Missionswerk Karlsruhe, Gemeinde auf dem Weg, Berlin. A particular phenomenon, not restricted to Germany, has been the growth of ethnic churches amongst immigrant groups.67 Two decades later the Third Wave re-examined the importance of the Holy Spirit to the Church and provided another challenge to the Pentecostal understanding of Holiness, and the emphasis on spiritual warfare caused some disquiet and theological reflection.68 Followers of this teaching felt no compulsion to leave their denominations, and even traditional evangelical churches began to embrace Spirit-baptism. In the 1990’s the ‘Toronto Blessing’ and Pensacola revival had some impact on the German churches. Teams of young people and preachers from the latter, visited Germany stirring the flames of revival, especially amongst young people. ‘Wake Up’ conferences over New Year in Göhlen and Freudenstadt, and ‘Holy Spirit Nights’ in Baden-Württemberg have become focal Pentecostal-Charismatic youth events. The Mülheimer Verband – No Longer Pentecostal The earliest of the German Pentecostal groups, formed by Jonathan Paul and his contemporaries in 1911, continues today as the Mülheimer Verband, also known in some locations as the Christus Gemeinde. In 1998 its ministers re-evaluated the denomination, delineated their beliefs and theology, with the result that they classed themselves as ‘an   Hempelmann, ‘The Charismatic Movement in German Protestantism’, p. 218.   See Claudia Waehrisch-Oblau, The Missionary Self-Perception of Pentecostal/ Charismatic Church Leaders from the Global South in Europe, Bringing Back the Gospel (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 68   Tübingen theologian Jürgen Moltmann examined these and other questions related to the Holy Spirit in his book Spirit of Life. 66 67

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evangelical Free church in Germany, with an evangelical-charismatic theological basis’.69 Officially they were no longer a Pentecostal church and their president Klaus-Gunther Pache withdrew their membership of the FFP in 2003. Several attempts had been made in the twentieth century to repair the breach caused by the 1909 Berlin Declaration70 and which in the light of the Charismatic Movement and Third Wave seemed particularly anachronistic. On 12th January 2009 leading representatives of the Gnadau Union and the Mülheimer Verband issued a joint declaration in which they adjudged the Berlin Declaration to have no meaning in their present and future relationships.71 No more fitting gesture could have been made in the MV’s centennial year72 than to finally undo the damage and declare the Berlin Declaration null and void. Unfortunately it may be many more years before this becomes common knowledge and is accepted by German Christians at large. The Pentecostal Movement in Austria In Austria the Pentecostal Church was begun in 1923 in Vienna by Swedish missionaries from Lewi Pethrus’ Philadelphia Church.73 In the early 1930’s Erwin Lorenz also ministered in Vienna and when the last of the Swedes was forced to leave in 1936 there were two Freie Christengemeinden in the capital city, Philadelphia and Salem, though the property belonging to Philadelphia was sold at this point.74 Two years later as Austria was absorbed into Nazi Germany, Karl Fix and the Volksmission enabled the survival of the Pentecostal Church in the land.75 Churches were planted in the Salzburg area in 1928 by Josef 69  Ekkehart Vetter, Jahrhundertbilanz – erweckungsfasziniert und durststreckener­ probt,(Bremen: Missionsverlag des Mülheimer Verband, 2009), p.496. 70   For example the so-called ‘Kasseler Erklärung’ of 1996 issued by the BFP and German Evangelical Alliance, and adopted by the FFP. Schmidgall, Hundert Jahre, pp. 439–442. 71   Vetter, Jahrhundertbilanz, p. 400–403. 72   The Mülheim Movement elected to celebrate its centenary in 2008, referring back to the Hamburg Conference held in 1908, rather than the formation of the Hauptbrüdertag, of 1911. 73  Nikolaus Betschel, Zum 25jährigen Bestehen der Freien Christengemeinden in Österreich (Stadt: FCGÖ-Eigenverlag, 1972), p. 3. 74   Betschel, Zum 25jährigen Bestehen, p.3. 75   Klaus Winter and Anton Bergmair, Eine Bewegung stellt sich vor: 50 Jahre Freie Christengemeinden in Österreich, 1946–1996 (Salzburg: Lebensbotschaft – Eigenverlag, 1997), pp. 16–18.


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Enzinger a native of Fuschl am See, with the help of preachers from the Swiss Pentecostal Mission, these too suffered harassment and closure in 1936, leading to secretive home meetings or services lit by storm lanterns in the forest,76 but in 1938 they joined the Baptists and operated freely again. The Austrian Pentecostal Movement was reconstituted at a meeting on 14th December 1946 at Sattledt, when 26 ministers agreed to 5 districts of churches with a national council of elders under the umbrella of the U.S. Assemblies of God. The post-war years witnessed a time of growth in Austria, Pentecostal churches held meetings especially amongst displaced persons in refugee camps, so that by 1948 there were 1,800 members. However, a wave of emigration particularly to Canada saw those numbers reduced to just a few hundred.77 In the 1970’s aided by missionaries from Scandinavia, Britain, Holland and the U.S.A. the numbers of churches and members has steadily increased. The Freie Christengemeinden in Austria, as they became known, celebrated their golden anniversary in 1996 when they had 1,470 members. Since then 25 churches joined the Movement in 2005–2006. In 2008 they had 66 local churches, with circa 4,000 members, and around 5,600 adherents.78 Another significant group in Austria are the Romanian Pentecostal Churches linked to Gemeinde Gottes. Moses Gaode a student at the European Bible Seminary in Germany together with leaders from Germany established contacts with Romanian believers, who had fled the Ceaucescu regime, in refugee camps. The first church was opened in Vienna, which now has around 700 members, and together there are over 20 Romanian churches numbering some 5,000 adherents.79 The Swiss Pentecostal Movement In Switzerland the Pentecostal Movement developed synchronically with that in Germany. The two Norwegian sisters left Kassel and ministered with some success in Zurich, closely followed by their mentor 76   Susanne Kühner, ‘Die Pfingstbewegung in Österreich’, unpublished Term Paper, Europäisches Theologisches Seminar (Kniebis, 2009), p. 3. 77   Winter and Bergmair, Eine Bewegung, pp. 15–21. 78   Johannes Fuchsberger, und Angelika Stötzer, 60 Jahre Freie Christengemiende Bürmoos (Bürmoos:Eigenverlag FCG, 2008), p.10. 79   Paul Schmidgall, From Oslo to Berlin (Erzhausen: Leuchter Edition, 2003), p. 67.

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Barratt in the Spring of 1908. A couple called Cooke-Collis from Les Pralies near Nyon, attended the Hamburg Conference in December 1908. C.E.D. de Labilliere took over the work in Zurich and published Die Verheissung des Vaters which had a reciprocal arrangement with Confidence in which many reports of the early years may be found. In September 1910 a Pentecostal conference in Zurich featured Barratt, Paul, Edel and the Polmans among the guest speakers, in 1911 a second conference was held in Basle.80 The Berlin Declaration had a negative impact on the Pentecostals in Switzerland who experienced a distancing from the Swiss Evangelical Alliance. Despite this setback the influence extended as other towns which had a Pentecostal witness in the early years were Lausanne, Nyon, Remismühle, Winterthur, Thun Goldiwil, Wädenswil, Schaffhausen and St.Gallen, followed shortly after in Interlaken and Burgdorf.81 Polman visited to encourage the brethren in 1915 even though the war made travel difficult. Smith Wigglesworth held exciting meetings in different parts of Switzerland in 1920 in which many souls were converted and remarkable healings witnessed. The Schweizer Pfingstmissiongesellschaft (Swiss Pentecostal Mission Society), was formed in 1921 with the express goal of training, sending and supporting missionaries, the first of whom was sent to Lesotho. In 1935 the Missionary Society and some of the Swiss Pentecostal churches merged to become the Swiss Pentecostal Mission (SPM). Anton Reuss, who had signed the Amsterdam Declaration in 1912, Leonhard Steiner and P. Richard Ruff gave able leadership which resulted in the planning and organization of the first Pentecostal World Conference in 1947 in Zurich. Jacob Zopfi administered the SPM Conference centre in Emmetten, and was president of SPM from 1973–1997 during which time he had significant influence in both the World Pentecostal Conference, and PEF. He also edited World Pentecost Magazine and Wort und Geist (the successor to Die Verheissung des Vaters). The SPM grew from 3,900 members in 1980 to 9,300 in 66 churches in 2006.82 Other Pentecostal groups in Switzerland83 were the Gemeinde für Urchristentum (GfU) initiated by a German pastor named Drollinger 80   Jacob Zopfi, …auf alles Fleisch. Geschichte und Auftrag der Pfingstbewegung (Kreuzlingen: Dynamis Verlag, 1985), p. 46. 81  Andreas Owen, ‘Die Geschichte der Pfingsbewegung in der Schweiz’, unpublished Term Paper, Europäisches Theologisches Seminar (Kniebis, 2008), p. 4. 82  Owen, ‘Die Geschichte der Pfingsbewegung in der Schweiz’, p.7. 83   In French speaking Switzerland, Romandie, George Jeffreys and Douglas Scott conducted evangelism but the groups remained largely within the state church as the ‘Union


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who united a number of churches around Plötschweid in 1927; by 1996 this organization had 5,000 adherents in 50 locations.84 The Freie Christengemeinde originated in the 1930’s through the activities of Swedish evangelist Georg Steen and was for many years led by Adolf Rutz in Ebnat Kappel. Today a Pentecostal Federation, the BPF – Bund Pfingstlicher Freikirchen, represents Pentecostals from all over Switzerland and has about 25,000 adherents with a strong missionary emphasis.85 Conclusion The Pentecostal and Charismatic churches have provided colour and diversity to the ecclesiastical map of the German speaking lands of Europe. The original German Pentecostals had much in common with the 1960 Charismatic renewal, with their de-emphasis of tongues and desire to remain within their original State Churches. This overview is brief, though hopefully not superficial. Much more could have been written on Pentecostal and Charismatic contributions to foreign missions and social ministries, the many ethnic churches, and the separate developments in Austria and Switzerland. What emerges is an understanding that during the last one hundred years, many impulses from the U.S.A., Britain and Scandinavia have served to inform and inspire the development of Germanic Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity, which nevertheless has formed its own unique expression. Bibliography Betschel, Nikolaus, ‘Zum 25jährigen Bestehen der Freien Christengemeinden’ in Österreich, (Stadt: FCGÖ-Eigenverlag, 1972). Beyreuther, Erich, Der Weg der Evangelischen Allianz in Deutschland (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1969). Brenner, Sven. ‘Pentecostalism in Nazi Germany’, Doctoral Research paper, University of Heidelberg, GloPent, 2009. Cerillo Jr. Augustus. ‘Interpretive Approaches to the History of American Pentecostal Origins’, Pneuma, 19.1 (1997), 29–52. Diener, Michael, Kurshalten in stürmischer Zeit, D. Walter Michaelis – Ein Leben für Kirche und Gemeinschaftsbewegung (Giessen: Brunnen Verlag, 1998). pour le Reveil’. From these a Pentecostal free church was started by A. Hunziker known as FELPS (Féderation des Eglises Libres Pentecôtistes en Suisse). 84   Schmidgall, Oslo to Berlin, p. 113. 85   Schmidgall, Oslo to Berlin, p. 114.

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Eisenlöffel, Ludwig David, Freikirchliche Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland (Göttingen: Vandenhoch & Ruprecht, 2006). Fleisch, Paul, Die Pfingstbewegung in Deutschland (Hanover: Heinr. Feesch Verlag, 1957). Fuchsberger, Johannes und Angelika Stötzer, 60 Jahre Freie Christengemeinde Bürmoos: 1948–2008, Festschrift zum Jubiläum (Bürmoos: Eigenverlag, 2008). Giese, Ernst. Jonathan Paul, Ein Knecht Jesu Christi, Leben und Werk (Altdorf: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1965). —— Und Flicken die Netze. Dokumente zur Erweckungsgeshichte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Marburg: Giese, 1976). Hempelmann, Reinhard. ‘The Charismatic Movement in German Protestantism’. Pneuma, 16. 2 (1994), 215–226. Holthaus, Stephan, Heil – Heilung – Heiligung. Die Geschichte der deutschen Heiligungs und Evangelisationsbewegung (1874–1909) (Gießen: Brunnen Verlag, 2005). Junghardt Adelheid, Ekkehart Vetter, Ruhrfeuer. (Mülheim a.d. Ruhr: Christus Gemeinde, 2004). Krust, Christian H., 50 Jahre Deutsche Pfingstbewegung Mülheimer Richtung (Altdorf: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1958). Kühner, Susanne, ‘Die Pfingstbewegung in Österreich’, unpublished Term Paper. Europäisches Theologisches Seminar. (Kniebis, 2009). Land, Steven, Pentecostal Spirituality (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993). Lauster, Bobbie, Bobbie Lauster, Nachwort, Hermann Lauster, Vom Pflug zur Kanzel (Urbach: STIWA, n.d). —— , One Man and God (Cleveland, TN: Pathway Press, 1967). Lauster, Hermann, Vom Pflug zur Kanzel (Krehwinkel: Verlagsgesellschaft Walter Greiner & Walter Schmidt, 1964). Owen, Andreas,‘Die Geschichte der Pfingsbewegung in der Schweiz’, unpublished Term Paper, Europäisches Theologisches Seminar, (Kniebis, 2008). Reinke, Joost, Deutsche Pfingstmission: Geschichte-Theologie-Praxis (Bonn: Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft, 1997). Röckle, Bernhard Geboren in schwerer Zeit. Stuttgart: Volksmission Selbstverlag, c.2002. Schmidgall, Paul, Hundert Jahre Deutsche Pfingstbewegung, (Nordhausen: Verlag Traugott Bautz, 2007). —— , 90 Jahre deutsche Pfingstbewegung (Erzhausen: Leuchter Verlag, 1997). —— , Von Oslo nach Berlin! Die Pfingstbewegung in Europa (Erzhausen: Leuchter Edition, 2003). Sommer, Gottfried. ‘Die Pfingstbewegung und die Judenfrage im Dritten Reich’, unpublished manuscript. (Singen, 2006). Vetter, Ekkehart, Jahrhundertbilanz – erweckungsfasziniert und durststreckenerprobt. (Bremen: Missionsverlag des Mülheimer Verband, 2009). Winter, Klaus and Anton Bergmair, Eine Bewegung stellt sich vor: 50 Jahre Freie Christengemeinden in Österreich, 1946–1996. (Salzburg: Lebensbotschaft – Eigenverlag, 1997). Zopfi, Jacob, …auf alles Fleisch. Geschichte und Auftrag der Pfingstbewegung (Kreuzlingen: Dynamis Verlag, 1985).

chapter four The Development of Pentecostalism in Dutch Speaking Countries Cornelis van der Laan 1.  The Netherlands Birth and establishment 1907–1930 In this historical analysis we trace the main developments of Pentecos­ talism in the Dutch speaking countries, first the Netherlands and then Flemish Belgium, also called the Low Countries. Birth Gerrit Roelof Polman (1868–1932) and his wife Wilhelmine J.M. Blekkink (1878–1961) were the undisputed leaders during the birth and formative years of Pentecostalism in the Netherlands (1907–1930). Gerrit Polman was born in a hamlet near Zwolle, son of a farmer. Reared in the Netherlands Reformed Church, he experienced a religious con­ version when he turned twenty. Shortly thereafter (1890) he joined the Salvation Army. Through Arthur S. Booth Clibborn, commissioner of the Salvation Army in the Netherlands, Polman became acquainted with the healing evangelist John Alexander Dowie and his Christian Catholic Church in Zion, Michigan. In 1902 Polman followed Booth Clibborn in his resignation from the Salvation Army and joined the Zion church of Dowie. In 1903 Gerrit Polman married Wilhelmine Blekkink, who had been raised in the Dutch Indies and had also left the Salvation Army because of the Dowie controversy. The same year the couple moved to Zion to study theology and languages. They were baptised by threefold immer­ sion as was the practice in Dowie’s church. In January 1906 they returned to Holland as messengers of the Zion church. The same month they started a prayer group in Amsterdam with a number of former Salvationists interested in Dowie. Shortly hereafter Dowie was deposed causing the ties with the Zion church to be loosened.


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Remembering the revival in Wales (1904) the members of the prayer circle in Amsterdam started to long for a new work of the Holy Spirit in their midst. By means of their contacts in Zion they soon received the Apostolic Faith paper and learned of the revival in Los Angeles (1906), where believers were baptized in the Holy Spirit and were speaking in tongues. In the course of 1907 these manifestations penetrated Europe as well: Norway, Germany, England and Switzerland. On October 29, 1907, Mrs. Polman was the first of the prayer circle to receive the bap­ tism with the Holy Spirit in this way. Many others were soon to follow. The relation with Zion was definitely broken. Polman himself received the Spirit Baptism during the Whitsuntide Conference in Sunderland, June 1908, when Alexander and Mary Boddy laid hands on him. Spreading the Message In April 1908 Polman started the publication of the Spade Regen (Latter Rain) paper that would continue till 1931. The title came from James 5:7-9, associating the latter rain with the second coming of the Lord. Next to Spade Regen the illustrated monthly Klanken des Vredes (Sounds of Peace – from 1915 till 1929) appeared for the purpose of evangeliza­ tion. From Amsterdam the Pentecostal message gradually spread over the country. In 1912 the Emmanuel Hall was erected. Many believers from surrounding countries would travel to Amsterdam to receive the Spirit baptism in this centre. The Emmanuel Hall also housed a training school for missionaries. The mission program was connected with the British Pentecostal Missionary Union, until Polman in 1920 founded the Nederlands Pinksterzendingsgenootschap (Netherlands Pentecostal Missionary Society). Dutch missionaries went out to China, Congo, Venezuela and the Dutch Indies. Under the dynamic and charismatic leadership of the Polmans the Dutch movement kept close contact with Pentecostals from neighbour­ ing countries. The couple was much appreciated speakers at interna­ tional conferences (Mulheim, Sunderland and London) and contributed to Pentecostalism in Great Britain, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium and France. Polman was part of the ‘International Pentecostal Advisory Council’, that during 1912–1914 held meetings in Sunderland and Amsterdam. In January 1921 Polman convened an international confer­ ence in Amsterdam. The purpose of the Pentecostal movement in the eyes of Polman was not to build a church of its own, but the building up of the existing

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churches. Nevertheless the Dutch Pentecostal movement in its infancy years was perceived by clergy of various churches as false or even demonic. The Berlin Declaration of 1909, in which 56 leaders of the German Gemeinschafstbewegung condemned Pentecostalism as demo­ nic, had prejudiced many in the Netherlands. Polman’s longing “to loose ourselves as the Pentecostal movement into the larger body of Christianity” was frustrated.1 Much to his regret he eventually organized the movement into Pentecostal assemblies and introduced membership cards. The wish to revive the churches slowly faded away. In the end Polman failed morally, which led to his with­ drawal in 1930. This sad development caused many to turn away from the Pentecostal movement. Reconstruction 1930–1950 The national unity that had characterized the first period disappeared with the removal of Polman. Three new leaders came to the fore: Peter van der Woude (1895–1978), Piet Klaver (1890–1970) and Nico Vetter (1899–1945). Klaver and Vetter were trained by Polman. Both returned from the mission field: Klaver from China and the Dutch Indies and Vetter from Venezuela. Van der Woude also came from abroad, but had never met Polman. Piet Klaver succeeded Polman as pastor of the Pentecostal assembly at Amsterdam. From there he tried to restore the national work of Polman, in part by the publication of the periodical Kracht van Omhoog (Power from on High) from 1937. Nico Vetter (1899–1945) became pastor of the Pentecostal assembly at Haarlem. Vetter too started a national net­ work. In 1936 he founded the missionary association Kleine Kracht (Little Power) and in 1937 he started the periodical Middernachtelijk Geroep (Midnight Cry). Under the name ‘Emmanuel’ six Pentecostal assemblies closely co-operated with Vetter. Unlike Klaver and Vetter, Van der Woude had a good education and social status. He became the chief chemist at Van den Berg factories (Unilever) at London, where he lived as from 1921. Drawn first by an open-air meeting in Hyde Park, he was converted in the Pentecostal assembly of Summer Road Chapel at Peckham, London. The Peckham


Spade Regen 18/1 (April 1925), 16.


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church was called the ‘Black Man’s Church’ after its Ghanaian pastor and founder T.B. Wilson. Van der Woude would become assistant pastor. In 1932 Van der Woude returned to the Netherlands and started a Pentecostal assembly in Rotterdam South. He received help from a number of English evangelists, in particular William Hacking, Jack Perkins and F. Sharples. A number of outposts were rapidly founded. He organized a national work under the name Gemeente Gods (Assembly of God) and from 1933 published the periodical De Spade Regen (Latter Rain, after the World War continued as De Volle Evangelie Koerier). He maintained many international contacts. At home he also kept relations with pastors from mainline churches. In 1961 he was allowed to intro­ duce David du Plessis to princes Wilhelmina. Rivalry between the three leaders hindered a broad national cooperation. The war years brought the Pentecostals closer together. The ‘Vereenigde Pinkstergemeenten in Nederland’ (United Pente­ costal Assemblies in the Netherlands), founded in 1941, renamed ‘Pinkstergemeenten in Nederland’ (Pentecostal Assemblies in the Netherlands) in 1944, became known as ‘Volle Evangelie Gemeenten’ (Full Gospel Assemblies) as from 1947. A mission fund for the training of evangelists, pastors and missionaries was founded. Selected candi­ dates were sent to the International Bible Training Institute (IBTI) that had just started at Leamington Spa, England. Among the first students of IBTI were the young Walter J. Hollenweger and his fellow-countryman Ernst A. Graf and a number of students from the Netherlands. In 1952 a new start was made with the foundation of the ‘Broederschap van Volle Evangelie Gemeenten’ (Brotherhood of Full Gospel Assemblies). The Volle Evangelie Koerier became its official paper. Growth and Fragmentation 1950–1980 The growth of the present Pentecostal movement dates from the 1950s. The visits of foreign healing evangelists, the repatriates from the Dutch Indies and the rise of ‘Stromen van Kracht’ (Streams of Power) were very influential. After the Osborn crusade (1958) developments moved fast. The ministry of Johan Maasbach assumed large proportions. Under the inspiring leadership of businessman Peter van den Dries, the ‘Volle Evangelie Zakenlieden’ (Full Gospel Business Men) organized mass meetings called ‘Vreugdedagen’ (Joy Days). The Beukenstein con­ ferences (1960–1968) and the developments around the periodical Kracht van Omhoog led to an important wing of Dutch Pentecostalism

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called ‘Power from on High’. Part of the Pentecostal assemblies, organ­ ized as the Brotherhood of Pentecostal Assemblies, established a bible school. Other assemblies organized themselves as ‘Volle Evangelie Gemeenschap’ (Full Gospel Fellowship). The ‘One Way Day’ youth ­rallies and the annual camp meetings around Whitsuntide (since 1974 held at Vierhouten) of Ben Hoekendijk and his ‘Stichting Opwekking’ (Foundation Revival) drew thousands of people. With the growth, frag­ mentation increased too. Hereafter some of the main developments, which led to the formation of national groups or streams are briefly outlined. Healing Evangelists The 1950s were the hey-day of the healing evangelists, also in the Netherlands. The visit of the Indian evangelist Lam Jeeveratnam in January 1950 was small in scale, but caught the attention of the press. People fell on the floor shouting. This was so unusual in Holland that the evangelist was arrested by the police and deported back to England. Visits of Elaine Richards (1951–1952), a lay Anglican and member of the Order of St. Luke, and Hermann Zaiss (1952, 1953 and 1956), a German businessman, received considerable attention from the churches and made deep impressions. Their presence stirred much interest in the message of divine healing within the mainline churches. For the Pentecostal movement the visit of Tommy Lee Osborn in 1958 was the climax. The open-air meetings in The Hague and Groningen were prepared by an interdenominational committee. The public attend­ ance was unprecedented. Some of the meetings in The Hague drew more than 100,000 people. Many church goers touched by the crusade joined the Pentecostal movement. For months debates were held in the ecclesiastical press between advocates and opponents of this healing en masse. Pentecostal leaders were active in making use of the new opportunities. Osborn’s books were translated and sold by the thousands. The film Holland Wonder, a pro­ duction of Osborn, was a success for many years. Young evangelists like Johan Maasbach and Ben Hoekendijk and later on Hans Koornstra started their own healing crusades. In spite of protests from the organizing committee Osborn had cho­ sen the unknown Johan Maasbach (1918–1997) as his interpreter. Hereafter the doors went wide open for Maasbach. In the advertisements he announced himself as the interpreter of Osborn. Nearly every large


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city received a visit from the Dutch ‘Osborn’. With his American style, Maasbach managed to build up an impressive work ‘Johan Maasbach World Mission’ with headquarters in The Hague. During the 1990s the growth stagnated. His son David succeeded him. After some difficult years the work is slowly growing again. One of the most important co-workers Jan Zijlstra left in 1992 and started an independent work ‘De Levensstroom’ in Leiden. Today Zijlstra has a very successful healing ministry. Streams of Power Courses on the spiritual gifts taught by the visiting Canadian evangelist B.G. Leonard in 1952 gave rise to a new movement. Leonard taught that, by means of prayer and the laying on of hands for the baptism with the Holy Spirit, every believer would receive all nine gifts mentioned in 1 Corinthians 12:8–10. The use of these gifts had, according to Leonard, nothing to do with mysticism and ecstasy but was a matter of down-toearth faith. Where the old Pentecostal assemblies instructed believers to ‘wait upon the Spirit’ and to ‘sanctify’ themselves, Leonard saw speaking in tongues not as an act of the Holy Spirit, but as an act of the believer. The believer, not the Holy Spirit, speaks in tongues. Thereby Leonard emphasized the human element. Out of fear for ‘foreign fire’, most of the Dutch Pentecostal leaders repudiated the teachings of Leonard. Nevertheless through Streams of Power the same approach would greatly influence the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements. Upon departure, Leonard laid hands on his students thus ordaining them as prophet, teacher or apostle to spread the message in Holland. Elma van Riemsdijk, appointed as teacher, started to give courses on the spiritual gifts in Leusden and Amersfoort. Among her students were Wim Verhoef (who was to become the leader of the Charis­­ matic Renewal), Albert H. van den Heuvel (who later served as the General Secretary of the Netherlands Reformed Church) and Karel Hoekendijk. Karel Hoekendijk (1904–1987) had spent his youth in the Dutch Indies where his father was missionary. His brother of Hans Hoekendijk was Professor of Mission at the University of Utrecht. At the Academy of Fine Arts in Rotterdam Karel had met his wife Elisabeth la Rivière. Thereafter his artistic career began. While Karel became completely absorbed by his work, Elisabeth experienced a spiritual renewal follow­ ing the course given by Leonard. A dangerous heart disease immobilized

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Karel. After prayer and the laying on of hands by a Pentecostal lady, he was instantly healed. It was spring 1953; Karel was 48 years and a grand­ father. From then onwards he would be an itinerant healing evangelist. Without any theological training, except for the course from Elma van Riemsdijk, he started to lead meetings in Bilthoven and from then on in other places. The movement became known as ‘Stromen van Kracht’ (Streams of Power). Meetings were held during the week in the evenings. In 1957 meetings were held in 21 places and four full-timers carried on the work. Also the two sons of Karel, Ben and Frans, and the two daughters, Els and Liebje, were fully engaged in the ministry. Elisabeth led the songs, prophesied and taught courses on the spiritual gifts just like Leonard. The movement was looked upon with suspicion by both the Pentecostal assemblies and the mainline churches. When Hoekendijk in 1957 started to administer the Lord’s Supper and baptism by immersion, he was vig­ orously denounced by the churches. The Netherlands Reformed minis­ ter Wim Verhoef, who had been a member of the editorial board of Stromen van Kracht, pulled out and with others commenced the periodi­ cal Vuur (Fire), which was the start of the charismatic renewal in Holland. At the end of the 1950s the ministry of Karel and Elisabeth Hoekendijk extended to Switzerland, Germany and Belgium. From 1960 until the death of Karel in 1987, their ministry was largely abroad, leading large crusades in South-Africa, Surinam, West-Indies, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India, Japan and Australia. In some countries, missionaries of Streams of Power were left behind to follow up the work. In 1969 Kees and Fieke Goedhart returned from the mission field because of serious internal problems in Streams of Power in the Netherlands. Streams of Power fell apart as a national movement. Goedhart considered it his duty to build a solid home base for the missionaries abroad. In the same year he there­ fore founded the mission society ‘Zending en Gemeente’ (Mission and Assembly). From now on mission was carried out with the support of local assemblies. A number of Streams of Power circles in the Netherlands developed into local Full Gospel assemblies. Through the ministry of Streams of Power many thousands in the Netherlands received the Spirit baptism. Dozens of them became pastors and missionaries. Three of the four children became very active in the Pentecostal movement. Frans Hoekendijk started the conference centre De Bron (The Fountain


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Spring), where the Charismatic Renewal up to 2008 held its biannual National Conventions. Ben and his sister Else with her husband Peter Vlug started the Foundation Revival. Ben Hoekendijk (born 1938) followed in the footsteps of his father. At age 18 he became the national youth leader of Streams of Power. In 1959 he married Wiesje Hijink and started as an independent evangelist. For 15 years Ben and Wiesje held crusades in a tent throughout the country. In 1960 Ben started the publication of the periodical Opwekking. Eight years later he separated from Streams of Power. With his brother in law Peter Vlug he led the ‘Stichting Opwekking’ (Foundation Revival). As from 1967 a directory with addresses of Pentecostal and evangelical assemblies and organisations is annually published that because of its colour became known as the “Gele Gids” (Yellow Guide). New activities were started in the 1970s like the well attended annual conferences with Whitsuntide marches through the cities, One Way Days for youth and the development of the songbook ‘Opwekking’. In 1990 Ben suddenly left Foundation Revival, leaving the work to be continued by Peter Vlug. The annual Whitsuntide conferences continued and saw a growth to attendances of over 50,000. As from 1999 Joop Gankema succeeded Peter Vlug. Over the years the work became more and more professional and specializes in organizing big events. The songbook is widely used in both Pentecostal and non-Pentecostal assemblies and churches. Churches from the Dutch East Indies After the transfer of sovereignty of the former Dutch Indies to Indonesia in December 1949 tens of thousands of Indonesians emigrated to the Netherlands during the 1950s. Among them were hundreds of Pentecostal believers. After the return of New Guinea to Indonesia in 1962, a second group followed. Rather than joining the existing Pentecostal assemblies, these believers often preferred to form their own assemblies. Four national groups developed: Christelijke Gemeen­schap De Pinksterbe­ weging (Christian Fellowship The Pentecostal Movement), Bethel Pentecostal Temple Fellowship Netherlands, Bethel Pentecostal Church Netherlands (Bethel Pinkster Kerk Nederland), Volle Evangelie Bethel Kerk (Full Gospel Bethel Church). Many of these assemblies are strongly influenced by a specific teaching on the Tabernacle as developed by their former leader in Indonesia George van Gessel. The first three have con­ tacts with their mother churches in Indonesia and the latter is affiliated with the Church of God Cleveland, Tennessee.

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Kracht van Omhoog (Power from on High) During the period 1960–1968 the so-called Beukenstein confer­ ences  were held, named after the conference centre Beukenstein in Driebergen. From the start exorcism had an important part. Christians from all churches and circles came and experienced the ‘full gospel’. Every year hundreds were baptized by immersion in a swimming pool at Amersfoort. Young people received training for short term evangelization in Holland and abroad. From 1965 conferences, especially for foreign visi­ tors, were organized. In 1966 one edification week was held in Southern France, near Grenoble. Izaak Roose regularly preached in Brussels, Geneva, Kaiserslautern and Sheffield. In 1964 Jo van den Brink, editor of Kracht van Omhoog, wrote that the ministry at Beukenstein perhaps would have a temporal character, with the purpose of stimulating the assemblies to do the same. At the end of 1968 the conferences ended when the new owner of the Beukenstein centre had the building demolished. In the meantime the message brought here for eight years had carried fruit. Across the country new assemblies had deliberately chosen the name Full Gospel Assembly (Volle Evangelie Gemeente) of which many practiced the message of Beukenstein. Kracht van Omhoog remained to serve as the paper bridge for all involved. The expelling of demons from Christians as had occurred at Beukenstein, met a lot of resistance from fellow-Christians. Van den Brink used his periodical to answer the objections. In trying to find a biblical foundation for this practice, he developed several controversial teachings. He repudiated the traditional doctrine of original sin. Instead he claimed that human beings are not sinful in themselves, and that every sin is caused by contact with a demon. With this teaching he clashed with the Brotherhood of Pentecostal Assemblies, of which he was a member. In 1966 he withdrew. The controversies would only become stronger in the coming years. In 1966 his first article on spiritual Israel appeared. Van den Brink also opposed the doctrine of the pretribulation rapture of the church. The contacts abroad established during the Beukenstein period led to the publication of foreign editions of Kracht van Omhoog in English, French, Italian and Portuguese: Power from on High, Puissance d’en Haut, Pensieri dall’Alto, Podor do Alto. Some of Van den Brink’s books have been published in four languages. An international cassette service mails


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the taped message in seven languages. Missionary work in Brazil and Italy is supported by the Dutch assemblies. Through his articles in Kracht van Omhoog, his many books and lec­ tures, Van den Brink had a strong influence in a large number of full gospel assemblies. Power from on High never became a denomination, but did become the designation for assemblies in agreement with the message of the periodical. In 1981 his son-in-law Peter Bronsveld took over as editor of Kracht van Omhoog and as pastor of the assembly at Gorinchem. Van den Brink’s prediction: ‘Peter will certainly work towards overcoming our isolated position’, proved to be correct. Gradually the periodical assumed a more balanced position. Some of these assemblies are unhappy with the new openness and wanted to move on independently on the ‘Higher Way’ of the Van den Brink era. After the death of Bronsveld in 1995 the publication ceased. There are still 23 assemblies that keep in contact with another. The leaders meet annually. The 19 Dutch assemblies (out of 23) have a total membership of about 1,500. Broederschap van Pinkstergemeenten (Brotherhood of Pentecostal Assemblies) The search for national fellowship has already been mentioned. Out of the earlier attempts for cooperation came the foundation of the Brotherhood of Full Gospel Assemblies in 1952. Support came from the Swedish missionaries Brohede, Malmström, Sagström and Johansson. Weekly broadcast programmes through IBRA (International Broad­ casting Radio Association), an initiative of the Swedish Pente­costals, resulted in many new contacts, especially in the southern (RomanCatholic) provinces of Brabant and Limburg. Assemblies in Breda, Eindhoven and Treebeek were founded. Visits of David du Plessis made a strong contribution to the subse­ quent dialogue with the Netherlands Reformed Church. He stimulated the Brotherhood to open a bible school in Groningen and through him the contacts with the North American Assemblies of God were established. The foundation of the bible school required a corporate body. This led to the foundation of the ‘Broederschap van Pinkstergemeenten’ (Brotherhood of Pentecostal Assemblies) as a denomination in 1960. When the bible school in Groningen failed, support was secured from the Assemblies of God (U.S.A.) for a new start, but demanded more

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c­ larity on doctrinal issues. The Brotherhood adjusted the constitution, in particular the statement of faith. It meant a choice for a firm union of local assemblies with a clear identity. A number of members preferred a less formal fellowship and withdrew. In 1967 the reor­ganization was finalized with the installation of the new executive council. The same year the Central Pentecostal Bible School (now Azusa Theological Seminary) was opened in The Hague. A visit of David Wilkerson in 1967 meant the start of Teen Challenge in the Netherlands. In 1979 Herman N. van Amerom became the first full-time President in the Brotherhood. The membership of local assemblies was increas­ ingly emphasized. Personal membership of the Brotherhood is open to pastors, evangelists, teachers, missionaries and pastoral workers with no restriction for women. In 1991 the first woman was elected to the execu­ tive council. The Brotherhood had its own ministerial training institute; departments for women, youth, social outreach (Teen Challenge); Sunday school materials (Ezra); mission; church planting; and a periodi­ cal: Parakleet (Paraclete). The Brotherhood participated in the official consultation between the churches and the government. Owing to the latter, the Brotherhood has been able to appoint army chaplains since the 1970s. Volle Evangelie Gemeenten (Full Gospel Assemblies) After World War II many Pentecostal assemblies showed a preference for the name Full Gospel Assembly. Assemblies derived from Streams of Power or from Beukenstein deliberately chose the name Full Gospel. They considered themselves ‘new’ Pentecostals in contrast to the ‘old’ Pentecostals, among whom the Pentecostal assemblies from before Osborn were categorized. In May 1969 the ‘Volle Evangelie Gemeenschap’ (Full Gospel Fellowship) was founded. Membership was open to assemblies repre­ sented by pastors and elders. The organizational aspect was minimal. The fellowship was basically formed by regular meetings for pastors and elders at Hilversum, without establishing departments or publications. In 1972 eleven assemblies rooted in Streams of Power formed the Federation of Full Gospel Assemblies. After a few years the close rela­ tionship with the Full Gospel Fellowship in its aims and structure became apparent. This resulted in an amalgamation in 1978. The name changed into Full Gospel Assemblies in the Netherlands. The character of the meetings in Hilversum remained the same. In 1980 the Fellowship was


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officially registered as a denomination. Only assemblies had voting rights. Missionaries and evangelists could attain personal membership without voting rights. In 1987 an amalgamation with a number of former Power from on High assemblies took place. During the 1980s the national board of the Full Gospel Assemblies invited the Brotherhood to meet on a regular basis for prayer and fellowship. This would develop into the National Platform Pentecostal Movement. 1.4  Rapprochement and Emancipation 1980–2009 Where the third period was characterized by growth and fragmentation, the last period shows rapprochement and emancipation. We see new groups arise, like Raphael, The Door, Berea, Vineyard, New Frontiers, Victory Outreach and the colourful migrant churches. John Wimber introduces the concept of ‘power evangelism’ and causes a ‘third wave’. The ‘Toronto Blessing’ of the 1990s caused controversy. Rapprochement became visible in the formation of the National Platform and in the fusion of the Brotherhood and the Full Gospel Assemblies. Azusa Theological Seminary moved to the VU University Amsterdam together with the establishment of a Professorial Chair for Pentecostal Studies and the Hollenweger Center. The ‘Opwekking’ songbook became accepted in various churches. Teaching on the gifts of the Spirit with accompanying Gift tests became common in the mainline churches. The Dutch Pentecostals celebrate the centennial in the Olympic Stadium in Amsterdam. The Protestant Church invites the Pentecostals for an offi­ cial dialogue. De Deur (The Door) De Deur (The Door) is the Dutch branch of the Christian Fellowship Ministries (CFM). Its spiritual father is the American, Wayman Mitchell, founder of the Potter’s House Christian Centre, Preston, Arizona. It started in 1980 and has grown to 42 assemblies or outposts with a total of 2,265 members. Due to their rather aggressive style, there is little contact with other assemblies or churches. Rafaël Nederland (Raphael Netherlands) Rafaël Nederland (Raphael Netherlands) was founded in 1989 by five assemblies and is affiliated with the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel. Henk Rothuizen, son of a Pentecostal pastor, took the initiative and was the first President. Much emphasis was given to

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church planting. Its philosophy according to the website is ‘Unity in pri­ mary matters, freedom in secondary matters and love in all matters’. Rothuizen was succeeded by Ap Verwaijen in 1997 and since 2006 Raphael is led by Piet Brinksma. Today there are 42 assemblies with a total of 4,700 members. The national work is divided into three districts. There are national ministries for children, youth, prayer and mission and for families there is the magazine 4-Plus. A part-time ministerial training is located in Amersfoort. In 1996 Raphael co-published a Dutch translation of Guy P. Duffield and Nathaniel M. Van Cleave, Foundations of Pentecostal Theology. Berea Fellowship The Berea Fellowship grew out of the local Berea Full Gospel Assembly at Haarlem founded by J.J. Bronsveld in 1964. The assembly adopted the ‘Power from on High’ teachings, which was strengthened when son Peter Bronsveld married Ank, daughter of Jo van den Brink. In 1966 the parttime Berea bible school started. As from 1978 the quarterly Herstel (Restoration) appeared, followed by Restoration Conferences for fami­ lies. The conferences, periodical and bible school led to many contacts all over the country. Bronsveld was succeeded by his son in law Rob Allart in 1985. Allart initiated meetings with pastors and elders as from 1990. Allart joined the Australian Associated Christian Ministers International (ACMI) founded by Hal Oxley. In 1994 Jan Pool succeed Rob Allart as pastor of the Haarlem church, providing Allart the freedom to develop a national apostolic ministry. Next to the ACMI relations, he connected with Derek Prince Ministries and with the foundation The Bridge, which worked in Eastern Europe. Four national leaders formed a ‘Herstel Team’ (Restoration Team): Allart, Jan Sjoerd Pasterkamp, Bram Oosterwijk and Piet van Walsum. In 1996 it became structured as the Berea Fellowship. Its characteristic focus was on fellowship and open­ ness to new movements of the Holy Spirit. The Toronto Blessing was warmly welcomed in most of these assemblies. Next to his national apostolic ministry, Allart had started a Berea Assembly in Amsterdam in 1995. The assembly grew fast and opened a large hall in 1998. For ten years the Berea Fellowship had a phenomenal growth rate reaching 46 assemblies with 5,500 members, after which it collapsed. In 2000 Allart visited Sunday Adelaja, the Nigerian pastor of the mega church God’s Embassy in Kiev. Much impressed by what he saw Allart placed himself under the ‘spiritual coverage’ of the much younger


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Adelaja. In his own country Allart would position himself more and more as the anointed apostolic leader. From Berea Amsterdam several God’s Embassy assemblies were founded: in Amsterdam (together with Youth with a Mission), in Utrecht and Enkhuizen. Contacts in South Africa led to the establishment of ‘Hope of Africa’ and next of ‘Hope of the World’. A cooperation between churches and businessmen would enhance the Kingdom of God in society. This mingling of spiritual and economic affairs was not without danger. Allart became chairman of ACMI, who supported him in his plans. The increasing international activities led Allart to hand over the chairmanship of the Berea Fellowship in the Netherlands to Gerard de Groot in the beginning of 2005. In December 2004 big problems arose when Allart was accused of financial mismanagement. Allart was co-owner of Kingdom Financial Services (KFS). In need of money for projects in South Africa he also recruited funds among the Berea church members. Investors were promised enormous interests, while at the same time the kingdom of God was build. A disaster followed. The Netherlands Bank intervened because KFS had acted improperly and without a licence. The public prosecutor started an investigation. Allart saw it all as slander and satanic attacks. The Berea Apostolic Team tried in vain to persuade Allart to withdraw from Berea. Afterwards it expressed regrets at not having acted earlier. It caused so much commotion within Berea circles that in the course of 2005 many assemblies left the fellowship. In February 2006 the Berea Fellowship was closed down. A number of the assem­ blies joined the VPE (see later), others continued independently under a new name. Victory Outreach In 1967 Sonny Arguinzoni, a former drug addict and gang member, felt called to start a church and rehabilitation centre in Los Angeles. From there Victory Outreach (VO) spread to other countries. In 1985 a team was sent to Amsterdam to start the first VO assembly in Europe. From Amsterdam other assemblies were founded. The very active VO assem­ bly in Rotterdam, led by Jerry and Xanalou Mendeszoon, organized in 1997 a public march against the free distribution of heroine by the gov­ ernment. Next to Amsterdam and Rotterdam, VO has assemblies in Utrecht, The Hague, Arnhem, Alkmaar, Almere and Heerlen, with a total membership of 3,300 (2007). Membership is very mixed as to age, social and cultural background. Next to the local assemblies and the VO

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rehabilitation homes, there is a training school and the youth depart­ ment GANG (God’s Anointed Now Generation). Vineyard Netherlands John Wimber (1934–1998), founder of Vineyard Christian Fellowship in Anaheim California, visited the Netherlands in 1991,1992 and 1993. His conferences were organized by the Kana Committee. This commit­ tee was led by Jan Bernard Struik and composed of ministers and leaders from reformed, evangelical and Pentecostal backgrounds. The name Kana expressed the longing for ‘new wine’. The relaxed and down to earth manner in which Wimber taught about the gifts of the Spirit was well received. Wimber did not teach about the baptism in the Holy Spirit. This approach, typical for the ‘third wave’ proved helpful for those from a non-Pentecostal background, who had theological objections to a ‘sec­ ond blessing’. Until January 2004 Kana also organized other activities: men’s conferences, a children’s program (Royal Kids) and annual wor­ ship conferences ‘In Your Presence’, out of which the youth organisation Soul Survivor developed. As chairman of the Kana Committee (1990–1995) Jan Bernard Struik (born 1950) was much involved in the visits of Wimber to the Netherlands. A split in the Full Gospel assembly he was leading at Wageningen led to the establishment of the first Vineyard church in the Netherlands in 1994. The Vineyard style is informal and ‘seeker sensitive’. Between 1997–1990 Vineyard churches were planted in Zwolle, Utrecht, Dieren and in Gent (Belgium). The assembly in Zwolle is closed down. People that want to become member need to follow a three month course to get acquainted with the specific Vineyard values. In total there are 800 mem­ bers (2007). The Netherlands is part of Vineyard Benelux, of which Struik is the chairman. Toronto Blessing – Partners in Harvest The so-called Toronto Blessing starting in the early nineties in the Vineyard Airport Church in Toronto, Canada, also flew over to the Netherlands. Several Dutch leaders visited Toronto and introduced the features here, strongly supported by the ‘Vonk-bedieningen’ (Spark ministries) from Youth with a Mission (YWAM). In 1994 YWAM organ­ ized meetings with John Arnott and his team in Zwolle and Veenendaal. Although Arnott brought a balanced message, the whole affair caused so much confusion and disunity among the Dutch assemblies that YWAM


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apologized in an open letter and pulled back. In 1996 Rodney Howard Brown visited the country. The emphasis on external manifestations appeared unhealthy and became the cause of disharmony. Tens of assemblies embraced the Toronto Blessing, often causing churches to split. In particular among the Berea Fellowship it found much support. The Brotherhood organized a seminar for reflection, the outcome was published in Parakleet (1996). The report pleaded for openness for God’s Spirit, but warned against un-biblical practices. There was also internal turmoil within Vineyard. When Wimber dis­ tanced himself from the Toronto Blessing, the airport church moved on independently as Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship. This led to a new international network in 1996: Partners in Harvest (PIH). Since the foundation of PIH five Dutch assemblies joined. To also allow organisa­ tions to become member, Friends of Harvest (FIH) was established. In the Netherlands two assemblies and one organisation joined FIH. New frontiers New Frontiers is the Dutch branch of an international family of churches. It is a network based on friendship with an apostolic structure, counting 700 assemblies in 60 countries, led by the apostle Terry Virgo from England.2 A Bible study group within the Reformed church in Berkel en Rodenrijs established extensive contacts with a charismatic Baptist church in Woking, England. When eight members were baptized in water, it was decided in good harmony with the Reformed church to continue independently. In 1981 the ‘Wijnstok’(Vine) assembly was established. When the church in Woking joined Terry Virgo, the Vine assembly followed. In 1983 Virgo visited the Netherlands. Contacts with some Full Gospel assemblies led in 2005 to an official Dutch branch of Newfrontiers. The fellowship has six assemblies with a total of 1,000 members (2007) and issues the periodical Newfrontiers Magazine. VPE The Verenigde Pinkster – en Evangeliegemeenten (VPE – United Pentecostal and Gospel Assemblies) was founded in 2002. It is a fusion of the Brotherhood of Pentecostal Assemblies with the Full Gospel Assemblies (FGA). Peter Sleebos became chairman and Bert Niehof the 2 (accessed 9 Sept 2010)

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vice-chairman. The prayer sessions since the 1980s had paved the way for further cooperation. Initial consultations led to a letter of intent in 1999. Doctrinally there was little difference, but more in the area of organizational structure. The Brotherhood with various departments, periodicals, a statement of faith and many business meetings was more a work-community, while the FGA was more a fellowship. The merging went quickly and without problems. Both chairmen Peter Sleebos and Bert Niehof played an important role in this process. At the moment of the fusion, 115 assemblies with nearly 16,000 members joined. The merger of the two largest Pentecostal denominations stimulated a number of independent assemblies to join the national body. Next some new assemblies were planted and some former Berea assemblies joined. In seven years the VPE has grown to 170 assemblies with 26,000 mem­ bers (2009). The growth is paralleled by an increasing diversity, which creates one of the challenges for the future. The core values of the VPE are: 1. Trustworthiness in service; 2. Balance in Word and Spirit; 3. Involvement in one another and in soci­ ety. There are departments for education, social ministry, mission, church planting and youth. The national office is located at Urk. The VPE is part of the World Assemblies of God Fellowship. It is also mem­ ber of the Pentecostal European Fellowship and has relations with the Flemish, German and Surinam Pentecostals and is member of the Evangelical Alliance. The VPE is part of the Inter Church Contact with the Government (C.I.O.). In 2002 Azusa Theological Seminary, the min­ isterial training, moved to the VU University Amsterdam, together with the establishment of a Professorial Chair for Pentecostal Studies and the opening of the Hollenweger Center for the Interdisciplinary Study of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements (a joint project by the Faculty of Theology, the Faculty of Social Sciences and Azusa Theological Seminary). Landelijk Platform Pinksterbeweging (National Platform Pentecostal Movement) During the 1980’s the board of the Full Gospel Assemblies invited the board of the Brotherhood for prayer sessions. Later on (1989) other Pentecostal groups were also invited for these prayer sessions. Next to prayer, issues of mutual concern were also discussed. In 1994 it adopted an official status under the name ‘Landelijk Platform van Pinkster- en Volle Evangeliebeweging’, this name was recently abbreviated to ‘Landelijk Platform Pinksterbeweging’ (National Platform Pentecostal


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Movement). As always there was a practical reason for this official status. At that point the Pentecostals, some of the smaller conservative Reformed churches, Baptists and the Evangelical Alliance were seeking for public radio and television rights. They pulled their forces together and founded the ‘Zendtijd voor Kerken’ (Broadcast for Churches). Since 1995 there have been Pentecostal services on public television on a regular basis sub­ sidized by the Dutch government. The Platform is one of the partners in this Broadcast for Churches and for this purpose it needed an official status. Peter Sleebos also became chairman of the Platform and the VPE takes care of all the secretarial work. The activities of the Platform are: partnership in Broadcast for Churches, annual leadership conferences (since 1999), discuss issues of national concern and incidentally organ­ ize national campaigns like the celebration of the centennial. It has served very well to bring more unity in the Netherlands’ Pentecostal Movement. It also has had discussions with representatives of Christian political parties. In 2006 two Pentecostal members of the political party Christian Union who were running for Parliament presented themselves at the leadership conference and received prayers. In 1999 the Platform adopted a behaviour code for pastors and pastoral workers. Only nation­ ally working Pentecostal denominations can become members. The fol­ lowing seven denominations are member: VPE, Raphael, Victory Outreach, Newfrontiers, Full Gospel Bethel Church, Full Gospel Bethel Church, Bethel Temple Pentecostal Fellowship. Migrant Churches Until World War II, immigration to the Netherlands was very limited. The first groups of post-war immigrants mainly came from the former Dutch colonies in the East: Moluccans (or Ambonese), East-Indies Dutch, East-Indies Chinese and, since 1962, Papuans. During the 1960s, many workers from southern Europe arrived: Spaniards, Italians and Yugoslavs (labour migration), somewhat later labourers were recruited from Turkey and Morocco. The 1970’s saw the influx from Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles; initially to study, but increasingly they decided to stay. Around the time that Suriname gained independence (1975), a large group of Surinamese took up permanent residence in the Netherlands. Next to the already mentioned groups, refugees started to come from Latin America, Asia and Africa. The religious background of the migrants was not registered, but the large numbers of Muslims focussed the publicity. Until recently the

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fact that the newer immigrants also included many Christians was overlooked. In 2002, Kathleen Ferrier, co-ordinator of the platform for migrant churches SKIN, estimated the number of immigrant Christians at 800,000, the majority being Roman Catholic.3 The established churches assumed they would join the existing churches. During the late 1990s the Dutch churches have gradually become aware of the rise of the migrant churches. Other bodies of newer migrant churches are: GATE (Gift from Africa to Europe), which is associated with the Alliance of Evangelical Churches in Africa; and the Pentecostal Council of Churches, founded in 1996 and based in Amsterdam. In view of its worldwide growth, it is not surprising that many of the migrant churches are Pentecostal. The different denominations of Indonesian Pentecostal churches with services in Dutch have already been mentioned. In addition to these there are a number of Indonesian Pentecostal churches with bilingual services. Many Surinamese and Antilleans have joined existing Pentecostal churches, formed new Pentecostal churches, or joined the African migrant churches. The largest Pentecostal church in the country, Maranatha Ministries in Amsterdam, consists mainly of Surinamese and Dutch-Antilleans. However, its pastor, Stanley Hofwijks, does not want his church to be labelled as an immigrant church. Newer Migrant Churches The other ‘new’ immigrant churches have been established since the mid 1980s. Their members are usually not (yet) familiar with the Dutch lan­ guage and culture. Many of these migrant churches are mission posts of a mother church from the country of origin. For this reason they are called ‘Reverse mission’ churches. African examples are: the Kimbanguist Church (Congo), The Church of Pentecost (Ghana), Redeemed Christian Church of God (Nigeria). A second category of migrant churches are the denominational churches. If the home church is part of a larger interna­ tional denomination, then one often looks for affiliation with a sister denomination in the Netherlands. Migrants from Latin America and Africa who have been members of the Assemblies of God apply for affiliation with the VPE. Examples of this second category are: El 3  Kathleen Ferrier, Migrantenkerken. Om vertrouwen en aanvaarding. In the ‘Wegwijs’ series (Kampen: Kok, 2002) p. 30.


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Elcuentro Con Dios, Covenant World International Ministries, Glad Tidings Assemblies of God. The VPE made a special International District for these migrant churches. Its district leader is also member of the National Board. This International District accounts for 10% of the VPE membership. A third category is to be found in the independent migrant churches. They are formed without a connection with a mother church or a denomination. Examples are: The House of Fellowship International (Amsterdam), The Acts Revival Church International (The Hague), Universal Church of Christ Mission (Rotterdam). These churches often develop their own international network. If they grow, they may plant daughter churches in other cities and in surrounding countries and sometimes in the country of origin. In this phase they often expand their name with additions such as ‘International’, ‘Worldwide’ or ‘Global’. From this point they can be regarded as denominational churches. Independent churches have a strong fluctuating membership. Many of its members are asylum seekers and undocumented refugees. Church of Pentecost In February 1992 the Church of Pentecost was officially registered as a denomination in the Netherlands with Emmanuel Konney as its first chairman. A crisis in the board led to an intervention of the interna­ tional board from Ghana and a few years later to the withdrawal of Emmanuel Konney (2000). After A.L. Angoh was sent from Accra to the Netherlands in 1998 to take over leadership, peace was restored. The COP is well structured. The Netherlands is divided in 5 districts with 20 assemblies and in total 2,115 members (2007). Each district is led by a full time district leader who is also pastoring three to four assemblies. These five pastors are assisted by 83 elders, 64 deacons and 105 deacon­ esses. The services are held in English and in Twi. In Germany the COP is affiliated with the Bund Freikirchlicher Pfingstgemeinden. Resurrection Power and Living Bread Ministries (RPLBM) Two female members who lived in the Netherlands started a prayer group. When the group expanded the mother church in Ghana directed pastor Emmanuel Asare Baidoo, from Aikmoeda, to Amsterdam. Registration as a denomination took place in 1993. Some schisms occurred. In 2007 there were four assemblies in the country with in total 1,000 members. There are sister assemblies in Germany and Italy. RPLBM is a member of SKIN.

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Christian Church Outreach Mission International The Christian Church Outreach Mission International (CCOMI) was founded in Hamburg by the Ghanaian Abraham Bediako in 1978. In 2007 there were 12 congregations in Germany. There are branches in Spain, England, USA and in Ghana. Worldwide the church counts 100,000 members. The Dutch branch has assemblies in Amsterdam and The Hague with a total of 200 members. Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) The (Nigerian) Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) started in The Hague in 1996. Thereafter followed Delft (1998), Rotterdam (2000) and Amsterdam (2002). In 2007 there were 18 assemblies in 14 cities with a total of 900 members. The work gives the impression of being well organized. The national office in The Hague is at the same time the head­ quarters for Europe. The national leader is pastor Dele Olowu at The Hague. In April 2007 the first owned church building was opened in Rotterdam (Wolphaertsbocht). All services are held in English; in some Dutch translation is supplied. Most visitors come from Africa and then from Suriname and the Antilles. Eglise Kimbanguiste Since 1978 there have been three French speaking assemblies of the Eglise Kimbanguiste in Belgium. The members are mainly from Zaire. There are also assemblies in France, Switzerland, Germany and as from 1990 in the Netherlands as well. The services in Utrecht are held in French and in Lingala and are led by pastor Richard Komona Lembe. The church is member of SKIN and counts a few hundred members. Igreja Maná The Igreja Maná was founded in Portugal by Jorge Tadeu in 1984, married to the Dutch Christel Krale. The first Dutch Maná Assembly was launched in Gorinchem (1990). The specific approach of Maná did not attract the Dutch audience; the Dutch speaking assembly was dissolved in 1996. In other cities it did have success among the Portuguese spea­­king communities; mainly Portuguese, Angolese and Cape Verdeans. In 2007 there were ten Maná Assemblies. The total membership is estimated at 1,000. The church is tightly organized. Local assemblies are led by pas­ tors and they are supervised by bishops. There are regional, national and


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international bishops; ultimately all fall under the authority of Tadeu, the apostle of the church. Universele Kerk van Gods Rijk (UKGR – Universal Church of God’s Kingdom) The Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus grew in 30 years to several mil­ lion members with thousands of assemblies around the world. It is known for it huge and luxury church buildings, including the cathedral in Rio de Janeiro seating 10,000. The church has spread to more than 80 countries, including the Netherlands. There are Portuguese services at 13 addresses. The membership is estimated at 1,000. El Encuentro Con Dios In 1988 the Spanish speaking assembly El Encuentro Con Dios was established and joined the Brotherhood (now VPE). The church grew fast and had to move several times until a large hall was bought in Duivendrecht. Apart from the mother church there are daughter assem­ blies in Rotterdam, Almere and The Hague with in total 900 members. Next to the Spanish speaking services, there are also services in Dutch and in Portuguese. The church offers an extended social program, with courses to help church members to integrate in society. The pastor Alejandro Lopez is district leader of the international district of the VPE and member of the national board. There are an estimated number of 300 Pentecostal migrant churches with 25,000 members. Part of them belongs to the Indonesian Bethel groups and to the VPE (about 50 assemblies with 5,000 members). In 1996 the Amsterdam Bible Academy for migrant churches was estab­ lished. In 2002 Azusa Theological Seminary started to offer an English bachelor of theology degree to accommodate users of English. Most migrant churches have a strong urge for mission. Although they try to reach the Dutch people, they have not been very successful as yet. With their multicolour presence they certainly add a new dimension to the collection of Dutch Pentecostal churches. Relations with the Churches A number of the early leaders in Europe, like Alexander Boddy (Anglican), Carl O. Voget (German Reformed) and Louise Dallière (Swiss

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Reformed), remained in their traditional church, while others were forced to leave. In the Netherlands the Pentecostals were soon rejected as sectarian in spite of Polman’s longing to be a blessing for all the churches. Today the Pentecostals are increasingly engaged in dialogues and most churches have seen the rise of charismatic renewals in their midst. Charismatische Werkgemeenschap Nederland (Charismatic Work Community) Initially there was very little contact between the Pentecostal Movement and the historic churches. This changed in the 1950s when the historic churches showed a growing interest in the message of divine healing. Visits from Elaine Richards, Hermann Zaiss and T.L. Osborn stirred many. Karel Hoekendijk (Stromen van Kracht) drew a great number of church people to his meetings, where many received the Spirit baptism. When Hoekendijk started to baptize church members by immersion, the Reformed Churches turned against him. For this reason Wim Verhoef, minister in the Reformed Church, left Stromen van Kracht and started the publication of Vuur (Fire) in 1957. Verhoef wanted to inte­ grate the Pentecostal message in the historic churches without challeng­ ing the practice of infant baptism. Under Verhoef ’s editorship Vuur developed into a broad charismatic ecumenical periodical. Bible study weekends were started followed by the publication of books and bro­ chures. In the meantime other ministries with a charismatic emphasis emerged like the Order of St. Luke, the Oase healing ministry of K.J. Kraan and W.C. van Dam and the Near East Mission. In 1972 most groups joined forces in the ‘Charismatische Werkgemeenschap Nederland’ (CWN – Charismatic Work Fellowship Netherlands). Vuur became the official organ of CWN. Started in reformed circles, the CWN emphasized the ecumenical character of the charismatic experi­ ence. In 1978 CWN started publication of Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie, a scholarly quarterly for theological reflection edited by Martin Parmentier and Wim Verhoef. From 1992 till 2002 dr. M.F.G. Parmentier (old catholic) held the professorial chair for the Theology of the Charismatic Renewal established at the VU University of Amsterdam by CWN together with the Roman Catholic Charismatic Renewal. In 2003 Parmentier was succeeded by C. van der Kooi until 2008. The CWN organizes conventions, renewal conferences, retreats, courses and youth camps. In 14 locations regional meetings are held on a weekly or monthly basis. The largest gatherings are the bi-annual national


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c­ onventions of five days (held since 1977) having an average of 1,000 participant, the large majority coming from the reformed churches. Those active in the various CWN activities amount to several thousand. The number hardly includes Catholics and does not seem to grow. Outside of the CWN there are many other initiatives by which the char­ ismatic experience is introduced in many churches. The Alpha Course developed by the Anglican Holy Trinity Brompton church in London, became a huge success in the Netherlands. Since 1996 the number of courses offered has grown to 850. A large number of reformed churches are involved, but also Catholic, Evangelical and Pentecostal. New Wine also came from England to the Netherlands. The first New Wine Conference was held in Houten in 2000. In 2003 New Wine was offi­ cially launched aiming for a spiritual renewal of the mainline churches in the Netherlands. The annual Summer Conferences draw 1500 people. Tests to discover your spiritual gifts as developed by Peter Wagner and later by Christian Schwartz were translated in Dutch and propagated by the Evangelical Alliance. Pentecostal and charismatic songs from ‘Opwekking’ have found their way into most churches. Those influenced by the charismatic renewal in a broader sense (including Catholics) cer­ tainly amount to several tens of thousands, probably anywhere between 50,000 and 100,000. Dialogue with the Churches During the 1960s a dialogue between the Netherlands Reformed Church and the Brotherhood had a promising start, but stranded. It would taken 25 years before new steps were taken. In November 1991 the Brotherhood commissioned a committee to establish relations with the historic churches. When the Brotherhood celebrated its 40th anniversary in 1992 the committee organized a sym­ posium ‘The Future of the Christian Assembly’ with Reformed and Pentecostal speakers. The “Gereformeerde” (Re-Reformed) Churches invited the Pentecostals for a dialogue, which lasted for three years. Since that time, Pentecostals in the Netherlands have entered into several other national dialogues. One of these dialogues (1998–2004) was initiated by the Netherlands Missionary Council and included representatives from the Reformed, Pentecostal, Catholic, and Migrant churches. Another dialogue between the Brotherhood and the Roman Catholic Church began in 1999. It continues to this day. During the centennial celebration in the Olympic Stadium at Amsterdam, on September 15, 2007, Dr. Bas Plaisier, Secretary of the

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Protestant Church in the Netherlands (PCN), surprised everyone by asking for forgiveness from the Pentecostals for the way the Reformed churches in the Netherlands had treated them. Two months later, on November 16, 2007, Peter Sleebos addressed the General Synod of the Protestant Church of the Netherlands. Sleebos on his turn asked forgive­ ness for the way the Pentecostals spoken of Reformed Christians in the past. This led to an official dialogue, starting in September 2008, between the PCN and the National Platform Pentecostal Movement. Conclusion Initially, Pentecostalism was regarded by outsiders as sectarian and of a temporary nature. Today the Pentecostals are increasingly recognized. Their growth has attracted the interest of academic researchers. Sociological research has shown that Pentecostalism is no longer limited to one class of the population, but is present in all layers of society. The number of Pentecostal believers in the Netherlands in 2007 was estimated at 120,000 spread over 900 assemblies. This includes the Pentecostal migrant churches, but does not include the Charismatic Renewal. Many of the Dutch Pentecostal assemblies are independent and do not fall under any of the mentioned fellowships. Such fragmen­ tation entails a great variety in doctrine, spirituality, structure and liturgy. At the same time there is a general longing for national contacts on a free basis. The Leadership conferences initiated by Youth With A Mission have attracted large attendances. Today these conferences are continued by the Platform. Polman’s longing for the Pentecostal movement was to lose oneself in the larger body of Christianity. It is a challenge for Pentecostals today to learn from their ecumenical pioneers, to understand again what it means to be part of the larger body of Christianity. Flemish Belgium Inception As far as we know the first Pentecostal witness in Belgium was Mrs. Ada Esselbach-Whiting (1867–1927), from England. Before her marriage in 1904 to the German Frederick Esselbach (1848–1925), she had been a Church Army Mission worker in England. Since August 1904 the couple


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had taken charge over the International Sailors’ Rest at Antwerp. In April 1909 Mrs. Esselbach-Whiting received the Spirit baptism in Amsterdam and from then on became a witness to the Pentecostal message in Belgium. She would remain in close contact with Polman, who for some years organized Pentecostal meetings in Antwerp (1920–1924). Cornelis T. Potma (1861–1929), from the Netherlands, had been an evangelist among the blacks in Virginia and probably stayed some years in South Africa before he settled in Belgium in 1920. Initially he cooperated with Ralph C. Norton, founder of the Belgian Gospel Mission. As Norton did not agree with Potma’s Pentecostal convictions, Potma ended up as an independent itinerant evangelist supported by the British Elim churches. In 1926 a Pentecostal Revival Campaign with George Jeffreys resulted in 18 people being baptized in the Antwerp Public Bath. In 1929 Potma died and was succeeded by the Dutch couple Rietdijk. Johannes Rietdijk (1901–1986) and Anke van Hoften (1874–1975) met in Belgium, where Johan was enrolled at Norton’s Flemish Bible School. Because Anke was 27 years older, Norton disapproved of the marriage and dismissed Rietdijk from the school in 1925. Rietdijk joined Potma and received the Spirit baptism. Whereas Potma never seems to have established an assembly, Rietdijk founded the ‘Evangelische Kerk Pniël’ at Kiel, a suburb of Antwerp, the first Pentecostal assembly in Flanders. In 1933 the assembly moved to nearby Hoboken where a new church building was opened. Other assemblies came and went. Growth Pentecostalism in Flanders remained small. Only after the second World War the movement started to grow stronger. Important Flemish leaders were: Francois L. De Meester (1908–1984) and Johan Van Kesteren (1905–1981). Missionaries from abroad (Netherlands, England, Scandinavia, USA, South Africa) worked independently of one another, making it difficult to find a national identity. Since 1969 representatives from Pentecostal assemblies met annually. This led to the formation of the ‘Broederschap van Vlaamse Pinkstergemeenten’ (Brotherhood of Flemish Pentecostal Assemblies), which received more structure in 1979. A little earlier (1978) Michael Williams of Antwerp had formed the ‘Belgische Christelijke Pinkstergemeenschap Elim’ (Belgium Christian Pentecostal Fellowship Elim) as umbrella organization for several assemblies in and around Antwerp. Both groups merged in 1993 in the ‘Verbond van Vlaamse Pinkstergemeenten’ (VVP – Union Flemish Pentecostal Churches).

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Starting with 24 assemblies in 1993 it has grown to 121 in assemblies in 2009 with 12,000 members. The recent growth can largely be attributed to the migrant churches. More than 60% of the number of VVP assem­ blies are migrant churches, mostly from Africa and Latin America. The VVP has departments for Prayer, Mission, Youth and Education and publishes the quarterly VlaAnders. The VVP is member of the Pentecostal European Fellowship, the Federal Synod of Protestant and Evangelical Churches and of the Evangelical Alliance. It is affiliated with the Assemblées de Dieu Franscophones de Belgique, the Elim Pentecostal Church in England, and with the VPE in the Netherlands. The other Pentecostal assemblies are either independent or are con­ nected in some kind of (often international) network like: Peniel, Vineyard, De Deur, Calvary Chapel, Capitol Worship. Since the 1980’s many migrant churches, nearly all Pentecostal or Charismatic, have emerged. First in Brussels, then in Antwerp, but now more spread over the country. For instance in Aalst where only one small Pentecostal assembly existed, five African migrant churches have been opened. Brussels has over 100 migrant churches in the Flemish speaking areas. In total the Pentecostal movement in Flemish Belgium is estimated to have 350 assemblies with 38,000 members. Relationships with the government In Belgium the government takes responsibility for the salaries of priests and ministers from the recognized churches. The older Protestant churches (Reformed and Methodist) are joined in the ‘Verenigde Prot­ estantse Kerk in België’ (VPKB – United Protestant Church Belgium). Because most evangelical and Pentecostal churches did not want to unite with the VPKB they were not eligible for government support. In 1997 a report of a parliamentary investigation into the dangers of sects even named some evangelical and Pentecostal churches. The following year, the Federal Synod of Protestant and Evangelical Churches in Belgium (FS) was founded. The majority of the members are Pentecostals. Searching for government recognition the FS joined hands with the VPKB and together they established the ‘Administratieve Raad voor de Protestants-Evangelische Eredienst’ (ARPEE – Administrative Council Protestant-Evangelical Worship). Since 2003 the FS member churches are officially recognized by the Belgium government and can no longer be confused with sects. It also implies access to subsidized television and radio, teaching religion in public schools and chaplaincy in army,


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prisons, hospitals and nursery homes. Some VVP churches have a pas­ tor who is full time paid by the government! Conclusion The other Pentecostal assemblies are either independent or are con­ nected in some kind of (often international) networks like: Peniel, Vineyard, De Deur, Calvary Chapel, Capitol Worship. Since the 1980s many migrant churches, nearly all Pentecostal or Charismatic, have emerged: first in Brussels, then in Antwerp, but now spread over more of the country. For instance in Aalst where only one small Pentecostal assembly existed, five African migrant churches have been opened. Brussels has over 100 migrant churches in the Flemish-speaking areas. In total the Pentecostal movement in Flemish Belgium is estimated to have 350 assemblies with 38,000 members. Bibliography Bundy, David D., ‘Pentecostalism in Belgium’, Pneuma: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies 8:1 (Spring, 1986), 41-56. Bundy, David D. ‘Charismatic Renewal in Belgium: A Bibliographical Essay’, EPTA Bulletin 5/3 (1986):76-95. Demaerel, Ignace, ‘Tachtig jaar pinksterbeweging in Vlaanderen (1909–1989)’. Licentiaatthesis, Universitaire Faculteit voor Protestantse Godgeleerdheid, Brussels, (1990). Droogers, André, Cornelis van der Laan en Wout van Laar (eds.), Fruitful in the Land. Pluralism, Dialogue and Healing in Migrant Pentecostalism (Den Haag: Boekencentrum, 1999). Ferrier, Kathleen Migrantenkerken. Om vertrouwen en aanvaarding. In the ‘Wegwijs’ series (Kampen: Kok, 2002) p. 30. Kooij, Rijn van, Spelen met vuur. Een onderzoek naar de relatie tussen de charismatische beweging en de Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland (Zoetermeer: Boekencentrum, 1995). Laan, C. van der, ‘Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman (1868–1932) and the Birth of Pentecostalism in the Netherlands’, Studies in Evangelicalism 21 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1991). Laan, C. van der and P.N. van der Laan, Toen de kracht Gods op mij viel:100 jaar pinksterbeweging in Nederland (Kampen: Kok, 2007). Laan, P.N. van der, The Question of Spiritual Unity. The Dutch Pentecostal Movement in Ecumenical Perspective, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham, (1988). New Frontiers’ Website: (accessed 9 Sept 2010). Slijkerman, Kees (ed), 25 jaar Katholieke Charismatische Vernieuwing (Helmond: Bouwen aan de nieuwe aarde, 1992). Stoffels, H.C. (ed.), Pinksteren. Nieuwe Religieuze Bewegingen in Nederland 20 (Amsterdam: VU, 1990). Zegwaart, Huib, Pinksterkerken. Geschiedenis en verschijningsvormen van het Pentecostalisme. Serie Wegwijs. (Kampen: Kok, 2003).

chapter five The Development of Pentecostalism in Francophone Europe Raymond Pfister Introduction: Methodological considerations The Christian identity of Pentecostals is something new, because it is not only very different from the catholic one, but also from the traditional Protestant identity.1 Modern day Christianity in francophone Europe2 has witnessed different movements in various traditions and forms that claim a special reference to the experience of the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost and/or to an on-going practice of spiritual gifts, without necessarily or explicitly describing themselves as Pentecostal (or even Charismatic3). Apart from an organisational complexity in terms of affiliation (or absence of it), there is also a recurring problem of sources. Therefore this essay is wide-ranging in its approach of the subject, without claiming to be comprehensive. Pentecostalism in francophone Europe (1,850,000)4 is a challenging mosaic puzzle with some elements that are more difficult to identify than others. If worldwide Pentecostalism has never been a uniform movement linked with a single denomination, in the case of

1   Walter Kasper, ‘Le nuove sfide del movimento ecumenico’ in Tempi di Unita, No 11–12, January-June 2008, 6. This article is a revised version from a paper presented at an ecumenical seminar for the bishops of the Southern Cone, held in Argentina, 19–23 September 2007 (translation from Italian by the author). 2   Francophone Europe includes, besides France, the following countries: Belgium (i.e. Wallonia and Brussels), Luxembourg, Switzerland (i.e. Romandy), as well as the Principality of Monaco (city-state). 3   The Union de Prière Charter never uses the term ‘charismatic’. 4   Unless indicated otherwise, global statistical estimations have been recalculated based upon the figures published by David B. Barrett and Todd M. Johnson in the 2nd revised edition of: The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. , (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002).


raymond pfister

France the temptation has been great (and still may be) to believe that ‘When one speaks of Pentecostalism in France, one must speak for the most part of the Assemblies of God (AG) of France’.5 This approach has often led to a very selective and reduced reading of Pentecostalism in France. This chapter will therefore endeavour to present Pentecostalism in francophone Europe as a multiform and ecumenical movement of the Spirit by including not only the various expressions of Protestant Pentecostalism (narrower scope), but also Catholic Pentecostalism (extended scope), as well as Messianic Judaism, African Initiated Churches, and Unitarian Pentecostalism (marginal scope). Some Historical Roots Historically, one finds a great variety of contexts and many European antecedents while investigating a journey from the Acts of the Apostles to the Welsh Revival6 by way of the French Catholic mystics (e.g. Madame de Guyon) and the French Protestant prophetic movement (cf. the wars of the Camisards and several hundreds of French Prophets like Élie Marion from the Cévennes region), German Pietism, and British Wesleyan tradition. French-speaking Pentecostalism shares with Pentecostalism worldwide common roots found in the early chapters of the early JudeanChristian community, i.e. the New Testament book of the Acts of the Apostles, in particular. Experiences of the Spirit as described by Luke convey a pragmatic understanding of the Christian faith as ‘mighty in word and deed’,7 i.e. a paradigm of vocational calling and empowerment for mission and service through charismatic gifts.8

G. R. Stotts, ‘France’ in S. M. Burgess & E. van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.105–107 6   In his pamphlet D’aplomb sur la Parole de Dieu (1932), Louis Dallière starts his chapter on ‘Origine du Réveil de Pentecôte’ by referring first of all to the Welsh revival. He does not see any particular location as the birthplace of revival, not even the one in Azusa Street, Los Angeles. 7   Borrowed from the title of the following book: James B. Shelton, Mighty in Word and Deed: The Role of the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts, (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1991). 8   Cf. Roger Stronstad, The Charismatic Theology of St. Luke, (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1984). 5

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European pietism and francophone Pentecostalism – Two major contributions: Spener and de la Fléchère The first one contributed to the development of a more emotional experience of conversion, while the second introduced the term baptism of the Holy Spirit to describe the process of sanctification. Both exercised the greatest part of their ministry away from home: one in Germany and one in England. Often called the ‘father of Pietism’, Philipp Jacob Spener (1635–1705) was born and educated in Alsace (now in France) at a time when its history was going through major changes. It was part of an essentially German empire, the sacrum Romanum imperium nationis Germanicae9, when the Treaty of Westphalia started in 1648 a process of integration of the province into the Kingdom of France. The treaty had put an end to the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648). This had produced a historical and social context which created a physical, moral, and religious crisis showing the gap between Lutheran doctrine and social change. Spener studied French in Geneva before doing his doctorate in theology in Strasbourg (1664). Best known for his classic work Pia Desideria10 (1675), he made a major contribution to the reorientation of theological thinking within Protestantism. 17thc.–18thc. Pietism, as an inner church movement with its own organization within the German Lutheran Church, is in many ways a forerunner of the modern evangelical / Charismatic movement, as it promoted both an individual experience of faith (through conversion/new birth) and a renewal of community life (through committed small circles of believers, the collegia pietatis).11 Jean-Guillaume de la Fléchère alias John Fletcher of Madely (1729–1785), close collaborator of John Wesley (1703–1791), was an Anglican clergyman originally from French-speaking Switzerland (Nyon). During his whole life, he spoke of ‘the expectation of a filling

9   So named in 1452, the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation was formally abolished in 1806. From 1438 to 1806 every Holy Roman Emperor but one is part of the Habsburg dynasty. Even though the term ‘Nationis Germanicae’ appeared in the 15th century, it was really put in use in the 17th. (accessed March 29, 2010). 10   Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 1964) (print 2002). 11   Carter Lindberg, The Third Reformation: charismatic movements and the Lutheran tradition (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), pp.131–39, 144.


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with the Holy Spirit, a Spirit-baptism, a new Pentecost.’12 In his writings he established a special link between sanctification (the doctrine of perfection) and the gift of the Holy Spirit.13 Fletcher believed in experiencing Christ in the power of the Holy Spirit, both as a punctual experience [point in time] and as a continuing and dynamic operation in the Christian life. To describe it, he used the phrase ‘baptism in the Holy Spirit’, which has now become a common expression in Pentecostal theology.14 Protestant Pentecostalism (447,000) Historically and theologically, the modern Pentecostal movement in Francophone Europe must be seen essentially as ‘an orthodox form of Protestantism’.15 Initially, the Pentecostal message of Spirit-baptism and experience of charismatic gifts was aiming at bringing new spiritual fervour to all Protestants churches, be they multitudinist (e.g. Reformed churches) or professing (e.g. Baptist churches) in character.16 The structures of the traditional Protestant denominations are not able to accommodate the aspirations for openness and change of those entering such a charismatic dimension. Such frustrations and disappointments will ultimately open the doors to various new forms of Pentecostal congregations. Only sporadic information is available about individual Pentecostal believers and their meeting places in the early 1900s, and their possible links with each other and/or with other countries. While it has become a ritualisation of French religious history to interpret Pentecostalism as an obvious product of North American Pentecostalism in general and the Azusa Street Revival (1906–09) in particular,17 a more obvious direct 12   Patrick Streiff, Reluctant Saint? A Theological Biography of Fletcher of Madely (Peterborough, UK: Epworth Press, 2001), 83, 291. Cf. Lawrence Wood, The Meaning of Pentecost in Early Methodism: Rediscovering John Fletcher as John Wesley’s Vindicator and Designated Successor, (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2002). 13   Wood, The Meaning of Pentecost, p.187. 14   Daniel Brandt-Bessire, Aux sources de la spiritualité pentecôtiste (Genève, CH : Labor et Fides, 1986), pp.63–72. 15   Louis Dallière, Le Mouvement de Pentecôte, 6, quoted in David Bundy, ‘Louis Dallière: Apologist for Pentecostalism in France and Belgium, 1932–1939’ in Pneuma, (Fall 1988), Vol. 10:2, p.98. 16   Distinguishing here between ‘Eglises multitudinistes’ that practice infant baptism and ‘Eglises confessantes/professantes’ that practice believer’s baptism. 17   Jean-Paul Willaime, ‘Le Pentecôtisme: contours et paradoxes d’un protestantisme émotionnel’, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions 105 (January–March 1999), p.6.

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link like eyewitness evangelist Frank Bartleman’s visits to the greater Paris area (1910, 1912) did not generate any noticeable revival. The Assemblies of God are the first and possibly the second largest group within French classical Pentecostalism (after the Pentecostal Gypsies). They have established a structure and organisation with no organic relationship with their American counterpart. Classical Pentecostalism (188,000) Assemblées de Dieu – France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland (Assemblies of God) Historically, French-speaking18 classical Pentecostalism in Europe has its main origins in the British Isles19, and is best understood against the background of British Holiness-Keswick spirituality (‘Higher life’), new Pentecostal missionary fervour, and the emergence of new Pentecostal denominations in that country – more specifically the Elim Pentecostal Church (1921)20 and the Assemblies of God (1924). Of particular implication is also the visit by early Pentecostal Anglican pioneer Alexander Boddy (1854–1930) in October 1909 to Swiss-born Hélène Biolley’s (1854–1947) newly opened Ruban Bleu, a Christian temperance hotel and restaurant in Le Havre, Normandy. He shared about the Pentecostal message, on the subject of ‘Full Salvation, including the Baptism of the Holy Ghost with Signs’. Boddy also witnessed how Ms Biolley told her staff the story of ‘Pentecost at Sunderland’.21 This led eventually to the invitation of other preachers from England, among whom were healing   During the 17th c. Alsace-Lorraine became French-ruled territories despite their distinct ethnocultural identity and language. Due to renewed German parentheses in its history, Pentecostalism in Alsace will only gradually become French-speaking after the 1960s. Cf. Raymond Pfister, Soixante ans de Pentecôtisme en Alsace (1930–1990). Studies in the Intercultural History of Christianity, Vol. 93. (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1995). 19  Olivier Favre, Les Eglises évangéliques de Suisse : Origines et identités (Genève : Labor et Fides, 2006), 82. He mentions for French-speaking Switzerland George Jeffreys and Douglas Scott as « promoteurs essentiellement britanniques des idées pentecôtistes ». 20   For the sake of clarification, the Elim Pentecostal Church (EPC) was actually founded in Ireland in 1915 as the Elim Evangelistic band and six years later also in England. In 1934, the name was changed to Elim Foursquare Gospel Alliance, which still today remains its legal registered name. 21   Alexander A. Boddy, ‘Across the Channel – Days in France’ in Confidence (November 1909, Vol. II, No. 11), pp.263–64. 18


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evangelist Smith Wigglesworth (1859–1947) in 1920 and 1921, and more significantly Douglas Scott, who became France’s first major Pentecostal leader.22 Douglas Scott (1900–1967) The Pentecostal background of this English evangelist is to be found in the Congregational Church of his birthplace Ilford, Essex, and his association with revivalist George Jeffreys, a child of the Welsh revival and Pentecostal founder of the British Elim movement23. Scott did not plan to become a Pentecostal pioneer to France when he first arrived in  Le Havre on vacation in 1927. He started his preaching and healing  ministry in 1930 with a very limited ability to speak French. A strong sense of divine guidance and of the prophetic element always guided his church-planting strategy. In less than four decades, his energetic contribution to the spreading of the Gospel message and experience of the Holy Spirit made him an apostle of Pentecostalism in Francophone Europe. The success of his evangelistic activities was defined not only in terms of miracles and physical healings, but above all in terms of people getting baptized in water (by immersion) and in the Holy Spirit. During the initial years (1932–34), he worked first in Normandy (western France), then in Wallonia (southern Belgium), Romandy (western Switzerland) and French Riviera (southeastern France). His impact was however not limited to Europe as his mission field reached out very early to an extended Francophonie, which included countries (i.e. in particular French-speaking colonies under European administration) in North and Central Africa. He worked in French Algeria (1933 and again 1953–56) and lived with his wife Clarisse in (what was then) Belgian Congo (1939–46) during the Second World War years after which he went to France, Northern Africa and onto the Caribbean.24

P.D. Hocken, ‘Biolley, Hélène (c. 1854–c.1947)’ in S. M. Burgess & E. Van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.417–418 23   There is also a Pentecostal Elim movement that originated in Germany, yet not historically related to the British one. 24   Jean-Paul Wildrianne, Consécration totale: La vie, le ministère et l’influence durable de Douglas John Ranger Scott, (Grézieu-la-Varenne : Viens et Vois, 2006), pp.26–30. See also the Minutes of the British AoG Overseas Mission Council 1930s– 1960s. 22

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A story of growth and quasi monopoly until the late 1960s Intense evangelistic meetings and healing missions coupled with church planting initiatives were occurred in the North-western and Southeastern parts of France. Emerging leaders included individuals from various European and denominational backgrounds. For example, Pierre Nicolle was French and Baptist, Christo Domoutchief was Romanian and Orthodox, and Ove Falg was Danish and Lutheran. The spread of the Pentecostal message led to the formation of the French Assemblies of God (hereafter ADD for Assemblées de Dieu) in Le Havre in February 1932, but quickly also reached into southern Belgium (1931) and Switzerland (1950). Those developments soon received international recognition, as the 2nd World Pentecostal Conference, organized by David Du Plessis (1905–1987)25, met in Paris, France in 1949. Despite internal divisions and external opposition, continuing growth made the ADD a strong lay missionary movement which established 664 autonomous congregations and evangelistic outposts (2008), which are governed by elders and presided over by a pastoral body of 481 pastors. They have 42,000 members (baptized by immersion) and reach altogether 105,000 people (this figure would include children and youth as well as regular adult visitors). They have a Bible school (Institut de Théologie Biblique) with a two-year programme open to all, and an additional third year for those called to the ministries mentioned in Ephesians 4.26 However, it is a model of apprenticeship based on training on the job rather than formal theological training, which defines the pathway for those entering the pastoral ministry. In terms of structure, decision-making affecting strategic developments within the ADD is organised in sections forming two regional conventions (north and south) and one national convention. Doctrinally, conservative evangelical theology has been largely adopted, while mostly confined to its fundamentalist expression, dispensationalism, with its particular focus on cataclysmic end times features. It has allowed for a number of minor modifications to that system of interpretation in order to accommodate its Pentecostal experience and reading of the book of Acts. It advocates a two-stage understanding of salvation, i.e. conversion and Spirit baptism with glossolalia as accompanying initial physical sign. 25   As a consequence of his ecumenical and international ministry as a Pentecostal spokesman, Du Plessis will become known as Mr. Pentecost. 26   Annuaire des Assemblées de Dieu de France 2009, p.136.


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It usually refers to ‘the nine gifts of the Holy Spirit’27 when describing its belief in the charismatic gifts of the Church. The ADD maintain a national media ministry (Radio, TV and Publishing House), a national children, youth and family ministry (Children and youth camps, camping clubs, vacation homes, retreat centres, nursing homes, rehabilitation centres and student outreach), national support ministries (in particular for widows and orphans of pastors, as well as for persecuted Christians) and a national home missions department. Its foreign missions department involves 43 missionaries on various mission fields, mostly in French-speaking West Africa, a few in South-east Asia. The ADD in the French overseas departments and territories (Dom-Tom) count 74 pastors (2004) and 116 congregations and evangelistic outposts (2008). While its activities led to continuing growth and life-changing transformation in the lives of people from various professional, ethnical and religious backgrounds, the process of institutionalisation within the ADD has led increasingly to more homogeneity within and the emergence of other Pentecostal and Pentecostal-like28 denominations without. Divisions and separations happened for various reasons (e.g. doctrinal disagreements, moral shortcomings, leadership conflicts, rejection of monolithic denominationalism, call for more pluralism and diversity), but the one single event which changed the face of French Pentecostalism was the decision of the Pentecostal Gypsies in 1968 to establish their own autonomous organisation in order to meet the needs of their historical and cultural specificity often exposed to discrimination and rejection in French society. Since the 1990s, the ADD has entered a series of discussions with the French Protestant Federation (hereafter FPF). Only a few ADD congregations have formally joined the FPF under the banner Union d’Églises Chrétiennes Évangéliques (1995). Developments within the ADD in the broader European Francophonie The Francophone Assemblies of God in Belgium (Assemblées de Dieu francophones de Belgique) started in 1931 and report now a total of

27   This is due to a traditional approach to the spiritual gifts which limits its study to I Corinthians 12–14. 28   This is an attempt to translate the related French terms ‘pentecôtiste’ and ‘pentecôtisant’.

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26  affiliated congregations (four of which are however not Frenchspeaking; two are Spanish, one Portuguese and one Russian-Ukrainian). Almost half of them are located in the urban centres of Brussels (4) and Charleroi (7).29 The Assemblies of God World Missions agency (USA)30 has established Continental Theological Seminary31 as a university level theological school in Belgium. It was founded in 1959 as Emmanuel Bible Institute by the French-speaking Belgian Assemblies of God, and was then located in Andrimont, Wallonia. During its history, it changed location several times within the Brussels urban agglomeration before moving to its present facilities in Sint-Pieters-Leeuw (Flanders) in 1977. It offers degrees in French and English for students coming from European and non-European countries. The International Correspondence Institute (ICI) was founded by US missionary Dr. George Flattery in 1967, before moving their central office to Brussels, Belgium for over two decades (1969 to 1991). In the early part of 2000 it merged with Berean University and is now called Global University, with its present headquarters in Springfield, MO, U.S.A. It provides distance education for evangelism, discipleship, and training in 180 countries around the world in 124 languages.32 Today there are only four ADD congregations in Luxembourg (three are French-speaking and one is Portuguese).33 The French-speaking church in Luxembourg-City was founded in 1982 by two missionary couples, one British (John and Ann Leese) and one American. The Portuguese congregation was founded in 1970 as an outreach of the National Convention of the Portuguese Assemblies of God. The beginnings of the Swiss Pentecostal movement in Romandy include the Pentecostal Mission (‘Mission de Pentecôte’), later renamed Pentecostal Church (‘Eglise de Pentecôte’), which was founded in Geneva by the Alsatian preacher Christian Siefer in the 1920s. Multiple visits by  Pentecostal pioneers such as Smith Wigglesworth (1920–21, 1926,

29   According to the CACPE website, as updated on 22/02/2010. http://www.cacpe .be/index.php?page=moteur 30   Then called it the Division of Foreign Missions. 31   From 1969 to 1991, it was called Continental Bible College. Its BA (Hons) in Bible and Applied Theology is offered in English or French, while its Master of Theology in Evangelical and Pentecostal Studies is offered in English only. 32 (accessed March 15, 2010). 33 (accessed February 22, 2010).


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1928–29)34, Douglas Scott (1932–33, 1956–57)35, and Clément Le Cossec36 have contributed to the emergence of several new Pentecostal congregations in Switzerland, but the Assemblies of God as a denomination started there only in 1950 with a small group that had left the Eglise de Pentecôte (dissolved in 1983) 37. The ADD will have but a limited impact in Switzerland. In 2010, they count eight congregations, three of which are not French-speaking (Italian, Spanish and Portuguese), and one of those three is actually located in France (Brazilian congregation).38 Mission Évangélique des Tziganes de France « Vie et Lumière » (METF) – France, Belgium, Switzerland Gypsies arrived in France approximately around the 15th century. This population is best known for its nomadic lifestyle.39 There is the most unusual history40 – often ignored and little known – of a worldwide Pentecostal Gypsy movement with over half a million members only in Europe. This Pentecostal revival started in France where it is the most important form of ‘ethnic Pentecostalism’, i.e. a sizeable group of Pentecostal believers sharing a common and distinctive culture, lifestyle and language. It traces its roots to the ministry of French Pentecostal gadgo (non gypsy) pastor Clément Le Cossec (1921–2001). He is the founder of the Evangelical Gypsy Mission of France (also called ‘Life and Light Mission’) which started in the early 1950s in Brittany. He had established a congregation in Rennes with the help of Douglas Scott in order to reach the people of his home province.41 Against all expectations, he soon became instrumental in reaching out to Gypsy families in

34   Julian Wilson, Wigglesworth: The Complete Story (Tyrone, GA: Authentic, 2004), 184–5. Cf. Report by Anton Reuss in Confidence, April-June 1920, pp.19–21. 35   George Stotts, Le Pentecôtisme au pays de Voltaire (Grezieu La Varenne : Viens et Vois, 1981), 75, 133. 36   The « Assemblées de Dieu de Suisse Romande » consider Clément Le Cossec as one of their founders. Cf. (accessed February 22, 2010). 37   Historique de l’Eglise Evangélique. Pdf file. Presentation/historique de l’Eglise de Montbrillant.1.pdf (accessed February 22, 2010). 38 (accessed February 22, 2010). 39   Marie Bidet, Will French Gypsies always stay nomadic and out of the law-making process? In Romani mobilities in Europe: multidisciplinary perspectives – Conference Proceedings (Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford, 14–15 January 2010), p.20. 40   ‘Le réveil tzigane’ in Expériences, 3e trim. 1975, No 19. 41   Clément Le Cossec, My Adventures with the Gypsies: Faith – Miracles (Bangalore: The Indian Gypsy Work Fellowship, 1997), p.17.

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need of help and support (e.g. praying for the sick, providing assistance in legal issues). His amazing ‘adventure of faith and miracles’ brought him to at least 44 different countries (1996) where he preached to both the nomadic and sedentary Gypsy tribes that converted to the Christian faith and experienced the Pentecostal message by the thousands.42 According to some estimations, there are about 110,000 baptized members (about 1/3 of the Gypsy population in France)43 and over 1,600 preachers/pastors.44 The Pentecostal Gypsies could represent today the strongest Pentecostal church in France. They are at least as important as the Assemblies of God. Le Cossec himself remained an ADD affiliated pastor all his life during, and his Gypsy mission part of the French ADD until 1968. The METF is and remains in many ways, in doctrine and in practice, an expression of Classical Pentecostalism.45 Sociological as well as ecumenical reasons explain its membership of the FPF since 1975. It has helped give a new sense of personal belonging and acceptance to people who are treated as second-class citizens because of a lifestyle that is colliding with the habitus of sedentary life. Each group of Gypsies travels from June to September from one town to another and usually stay for one week. Cooperation with the French authorities has helped organising specific and temporary events, some of which large conferences (‘Conventions’), which are referred to as grands passages, and which are gathering hundreds, if not thousands of caravans.46 An International Gypsy Committee was formed as early as 1965 and a first World Congress with delegates from 14 countries convened in 1971. There is a strong emphasis on conversion and healing, evangelism/ church planting/leadership training, musical discourse, and social justice (over 30 children’s homes in India).47 Clément Le Cossec is also 42   Epopée missionnaire parmi les Tsiganes. Interview with Clément Le Cossec (Radio Réveil), 1996. (accessed March 2, 2010) 43   Interview with Paul Le Cossec (2007); .php/2007/01/18/511-un-des-fils-le-cossec-relance-la-mission-tzigane-en-inde (accessed March 2, 2010). 44   Email from Jean-Yves Carluer to the author, November 2, 2010. 45   They will actually continue to refer to themselves as the Gypsy Assemblies of God (‘Assemblées de Dieu Tsiganes’) in their periodical Vie et Lumière until 1984. 46   Bidet, 26. Cf. Summer 2009 Report for Brittany by the Prefecture des Côtes d’Armor; _2009.pdf (accessed March 2, 2010) 47   The Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), s.v. ‘Gypsies, Charismatic Movement Among’.


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the founder of the Indian Gypsy Works Fellowship (IGWF), and his son Paul is now actively involved as President of IGWP Partners.48 The periodical Vie et Lumière (Life and Light), which was founded in 1961, illustrates the growth of the movement by sharing regularly testimonies from men and women who have made a conversion and/or healing experience.49 Eglise Apostolique – France, Belgium, Switzerland (Apostolic Church) The Apostolic Church is relatively small in size, as compared to the ADD and the METF.50 Established in Britain in 1916 by Daniel P. Williams as a result of the Welsh revival (1904–05), the Apostolic Church in France goes back to 1925 and was the first classical Pente­costal denomination to be formed there. It was also the first Pente­­costal denomination to join the FPF (1972). Early missionary work included sending Welsh evangelist Thomas Roberts (1902–1983) to France in 1926. The Apostolic Church has adopted a confession of faith which might be very similar to other classical Pentecostal denominations, but with a number of variations from one country to another. They all specifically include an article of faith on church government which mentions elders and deacons, as well as the fivefold ministry gifts mentioned in Ephesians 4: apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers. Most unusual is the fact that the French version includes an article on ‘the possibility of falling from grace’ while the British version of the faith tenets seems to say the opposite when speaking about the ‘security of the believer’! The Swiss version has an explicit focus on dispensational eschatology and its rapture theology. Most of them will have an article focusing on tithes and offerings, stressing either responsibility or voluntarism. There are today a total of 39 congregations in France (26), Belgium (4) and   Information about the organisation and projects of the Indian Gypsy Works Fellowship can be found on their website: 49   Patrick Williams counted 282 testimonies over a period over two decades (1964–1984). Cf. Patrick Williams, ‘Le développement du Pentecôtisme chez les Tsiganes en France: mouvement messianique, stéréotypes et affirmation d’identité’ in Vers des sociétés pluriculturelles : études comparatives et situation en France. Actes du colloque international de l’AFA – Association française des anthropologues – 9-11 janvier 1986, Ministère de la recherche et de la technologie, (Paris: Editions ORSTOM, 1987), pp.325–331. 50   According to Fath, all other French classical Pentecostal denominations put together would reach about 30,000 in number. Cf. Sébastien Fath, Du ghetto au réseau: Le protestantisme évangélique en France (1800–2005), (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2005), p.215. 48

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Switzerland (9).51 The Apostolic Church in Switzerland has first been established in the German-speaking part of the country in 1933 as Gemeinde für Urchristentum (Church for Early Christianity52), renamed Bewegung Plus (Movement Plus) in 2001. French-speaking congregations were started in Romandy in 1955, and have since 2000 their own legal identity as Eglises Evangéliques Apostoliques Romandes (EEAR), but have kept strong ties with their German-speaking counterpart.53 Eglise de Dieu – France, Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland (Church of God, Cleveland, Tennessee, U.S.A.) The Church of God, with international headquarters in Cleveland, TN, USA, is one of the largest and oldest Pentecostal denominations (1886), which was first established in Germany through the ministry of Hermann Lauster (1901–1964), a German-born immigrant who returned to his homeland in September 1936 after having experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit while living in the United States. He established congregations in the southern part of the country, mostly in the Stuttgart area. It was only in 1957 that Lauster expanded his evangelistic ministry into Eastern France, into the province of Alsace. Because of its historical, privileged relationships with German churches, a Pentecostal congregation in Colmar (founded in 1948) first sought affiliation with the German branch of the Church of God. It was a French pastor, André Weber (1929- ), related to ADD pioneer Pierre Nicolle, previously working in Belgium, who accepted the call to establish the Eglise de Dieu en France in December 1959, with its headquarters in Troyes (Aube), where he also started a new congregation. It was however Walter Lauster, son of Hermann, who would be its first superintendent from 1960 to 1968. Churches would be founded mostly in rural areas until 1982, until a strategic change in favour of an expansion into larger cities, mostly in the metropolis of greater Paris. In October 1983, the Eglise de Dieu en France became a full member of the FPF. This would open doors into military chaplaincy for two of 51   French-speaking congregations in Romandy are to be found in Geneva (1955), Lausanne (1958), Neuchâtel (1961), Monthey (1979), Sion (1982), Locle et à Bulle (1985), Aigle (1990), Sierre (1992) and Avenches (1994). .php?article36 (accessed March 8, 2010). 52   It could also be translated more freely as ‘Church for the Original Christianity’, i.e. a church advocating Christianity as known through its beginnings (in the New Testa­ ment Scriptures). 53 (accessed March 8, 2010).


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their pastors.54 Today, the Church of God has a total of 52 congregations in France (17)55, Belgium (33)56 – seven of which have services in languages other than French57, and Luxembourg (2) – one with English services. Ethnic congregations found mostly in Belgium (Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels) use various names, but two-thirds (21) call themselves La Nouvelle Jerusalem (The New Jerusalem).58 Congolese Bishop Martin Mutyebele (1950- ) is now the superintendent of the Church of God in Belgium. His congregation in Brussels was founded in 1986 and has now over 3,000 members from different nations, attending one of five worship services on a Sunday (with a vast majority of Africans in attendance). Twenty-five years of strong missionary outreach have brought into existence 26 satellite churches within Belgium and 7 outside (Germany, Switzerland, England, Russia, and USA).59 The Church of God Luxembourg has a humanitarian aid organisation called ‘Project Aletheia’ involved first in Ukraine, now in Romania.60 Union des Églises Protestantes Foursquare (UEPF) – France, Luxembourg Founded in the USA in 1923 by Aimee S. McPherson (1890–1944), the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel (ICFG) did not become established in France until the 1980s. Founded by Michael & Jill Picone in 1983 without lasting success, it was not until a relaunch in 1994 with Jean-François Gotte in Tours and Dan Lucero in Nancy (now national leader) that Foursquare actually developed its work in France and Luxembourg. A total of 621 members are now reported in eight

54   Raymond Pfister, ‘Soixante ans de Pentecôtisme en Alsace (1930–1990)’. Studies in the Intercultural History of Christianity, Vol. 93 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1995), pp.84–85. 55   (Electronic) Church directory of Evangelical Churches in France and Luxembourg. (accessed March 5, 2010). 56   According to the (electronic) Evangelical Church Directory of Belgium of the ‘Conseil Administratif du Culte Protestant-Evangélique’(CACPE). (accessed March 5, 2010). 57   Four congregations have their services in English, one in Portuguese, one in Polish, and one in French-Lingala. 58 (accessed March 6, 2010). 59 (accessed March 5, 2010). 60   The Church of God Luxembourg website. (accessed March 5, 2010).

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congregations (not including the one in Martinique).61 In March 2006, the UEPF also became a full member of the FPF. Going back to their roots, the ministry of women is particularly valued and acknowledged. They not only believe women should serve in ministry, but also encourage them ‘to rise to the highest levels of leadership’.62 Former members of a Catholic Charismatic prayer group started a Foursquare work in Luxembourg in 1994 where they pastor two small congregations (44 members).63 Union des Églises Évangéliques Elim de France The Elim Pentecostal Church is a large British Pentecostal denomination founded by George Jeffreys in 1915. In France, only five congregations have been affiliated in recent years (since the late 1990s) with strong links between them and their UK home base.64 The largest church of the British Elim Churches, Kensington Temple London City Church (KTLCC), is a multicultural cell church65 founded in England’s capital city. It has had for a number of years an ongoing missionary interest in France. As part of their network, they started in the suburbs of the French capital the Temple de Paris (2003), a protestant church which is pastored by David Thabot, the national leader of the French Elim churches. A member of the Apostolic Team at Kensington Temple, Pastor Kemi Ajayim oversees the Francophone speaking churches in KTLCC, and is also the vice-chair of the French Elim Churches. As an extension of its London-based outreach into francophone Europe and North Africa, KTLCC operates also the International Institute of Training of Marseille (since September 2008). It offers a twoyear programme focusing on mission among Muslims, mostly based on teaching material produced by KTLCC Senior pastor Colin Dye.66 There is also an unrelated Elim Evangelical Church in Paris (founded in 2000) with services in French, English, and Mandarin (as well as Vietnam­ ese upon request). This predominantly Asian Pentecostal ­congregation 61 (accessed March 6, 2010). 62   The Foursquare Church, ‘Women in Leadership Ministry’, Foursquare Media Books,,1.html (accessed March 25, 2010). 63 .html (accessed March 6, 2010). 64 (accessed March 6, 2010). 65   They have adopted the G12 vision from Bogota in 2000. 66 (accessed March 6, 2010).


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is a mission venture of the Elim Church in Singapore. The mother church goes back to the work of American Assemblies of God missionaries. Even though they also call themselves an ‘Elim’ church, they are not related to the French Elim Churches.67 Similarities or dissimilarities of names do make it difficult at times to determine the actual affiliation of some of the Pentecostal congregations in France. Chiese Cristiane Italiane nel Nord Europa (CCINE) – France, Belgium, Luxembourg The Italian Christian Churches in Northern Europe are a typical expression of Pentecostalism as a religion made to travel.68 They came into existence with a generation of Italian migrants – many from rural communities, with very little education – that moved to other European countries north of the Alps (Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, and Switzerland) in order to make a better living for their families. It was upon Maria Zullo’s return from the United States in 1952, that a first Italian Pentecostal group met in Charleroi, Belgium. She was an active member of the Christian Church of North America (CCNA),69 an Italio-American Pentecostal denomination founded in 1927, with offices in Transfer, Pennsylvania. In 1956, they sent missionary Matthew De Santis to Belgium who constructed an organisation dedicated to Italian immigrants in Northern Europe, mostly in Germany. The CCNE would be officially established in 1968 and affiliated with the CCNA. They are also in fellowship with other Italian Pentecostal groups around the world, in particular with the Assemblee di Dio in Italia (Assemblies of God in Italy) and the Chiese Pentecostali del Canada (Pentecostal Churches of Canada). Second and third generations of believers have received an education  in the language of the country in which they live and developed their social network in that nation, a situation which has brought new (accessed March 6, 2010).   Expression borrowed from the subtitle of the following book: Murray Dempster, Byron D. Klaus, and Douglas Peterson (eds), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made To Travel (Oxford: Regnum, 1990). 69   The initial name of the denomination was ‘Unorganized Italian Christian Churches of the United States’. The name will be changed, first by dropping the word Italian (during WW II out of loyalty to the American government), and in 1963 to CCNA to reflect the growing reality of a majority of non-Italian members. In 2008, the name was changed again into ‘International Fellowship of Christian Assemblies’ (IFCA) to reflect even more the global scope of its missionary outreach. 67 68

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c­ hallenges and changes in terms of language and identity formation to communities of faith who – unlike their parent church in the United States – have kept their original singularity as an Italian Pentecostal subcultural movement.70 Like most classical Pentecostal denominations in francophone Europe, they have also kept a modified dispensational theology in order to accommodate Pentecostal particularities (e.g. speaking in tongues as initial evidence of Spirit-baptism and divine healing as an expected result of prayer). In the last 20 years, one can observe a reduced number of affiliated congregations in Belgium and even more so in France. They have now about 750 members71 in 20 churches in francophone Europe: Belgium (15), France (4), and Luxembourg (1).72 Union des Eglises Evangéliques de Réveil (UEER) – France, Belgium, Switzerland In the 1930s, the evangelistic ministry in Switzerland of early British Pentecostal leaders such as George Jeffreys (Geneva, Lausanne, Biel/ Bienne) and Douglas Scott (La Chaux-de-Fonds), drew great crowds of people who would hear the Pentecostal message with its presentation of a ‘foursquare’ Gospel73. A great many would experience salvation, healing, and Spirit-baptism. It would also have a great impact on a number of Swiss Reformed pastors. This would lead to the formation of an inner church movement, Union de Réveil (Revival Society), initiated by Pastor Fritz de Rougemont in Neuchâtel. But most of the partici­pants  opted for a new Pentecostal church with a congregational ­structure.74 In 1935, Geneva would be the birthplace of the first Eglise Evangélique du Réveil (Revival Evangelical Church), first with the help of Adolphe Hunziger. One year later, he teamed up with Arthur Malet who, returning from France, started the church in Yverdon.75 Among their most significant initiatives would be in April 1949 the weekly broadcasting evangelistic 70   Such a subculture is often tempted to use legalistic values to impose a certain lifestyle upon its members. 71   Email from Daniel Costanza to the author, March 8, 2010. CCINE membership in francophone Europe: Belgium (600), Luxembourg (100), France (50), and Switzerland (none). 72 (accessed March 7, 2010). 73   Jesus saves, Jesus heals, Jesus baptizes with the Holy Spirit and with fire, and Jesus comes back. 74   Walter J. Hollenweger, Handbuch der Pfingstbewung. PhD diss., 1965, Univer­ sity  of  Zurich, Vol. 5, 2130. In Internet Archive, _handbuchderpfings_1423 (accessed March 7, 2010) 75 (accessed March 8, 2010).


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radio programmes in several languages (French, German, and Italian) called Radio Réveil (Revival Radio).76 The UEER have today 18 congregations in Switzerland (16 in Romandy and 2 in Ticino)77, 13 in France, and 8 in Belgium. The French branch started in 1957 in Villeurbanne (Rhône-Alps region) with about 300 members, under the leadership of Fleury Hobbes.78 Since 1984 they have been full members of the FPF.79 Eglise évangélique La Fraternité Chrétienne – Switzerland The Christian Fraternity is a Swiss Pentecostal Church which was founded in 1936 by a Swiss-born pastor of the Free Reformed Church of France80, Charles de Siebenthal (1902–1966), who returned to his homeland after ten years of pastoral ministry in France. His healing ministry was in Yverdon, where he welcomed the sick and the vulnerable into his home. In 1942, he started the Morija centre as a dedicated ‘house of prayer and faith’, a Centre d’Accueil providing accommodation and activities for spiritual renewal, healing, rest and convalescence.81 It became instrumental in reaching out to people all over Romandy, encouraging a sense of expectation in the miraculous and the power of the Holy Spirit. Autonomous congregations in six different locations are now reported to reach an audience of about 1,300 people.82 Swiss Pentecostals have established a Fédération d’Eglises libres pentecôtisantes de Suisse (FELPS)83 which represents over 350 congregations with a total of about 20,000 members.84 Under the leadership of Pastor 76   Leonard Steiner, Mit folgenden Zeichen: Eine Darstellung der Pfingstbewegung (Basel: Verlag Mission für das volle Evangelium, 1954), pp.64–65. 77 temid=22 (accessed March 8, 2010). 78 (accessed March 8, 2010). 79 (accessed March 8, 2010) 80   The Eglise Réformée de France (ERF) in its current form was established only in 1938 under the leadership of pastor Marc Boegnier. 81   Since 1972, they own a five-storey building with 35 rooms and a large hall for worship services. 82   Favre, 337. Cf. JP Chapuis, « Un bout d’histoire de la Fraternité Chrétienne », www (accessed March 4, 201). 83   The FELPS is a federation of federations of Swiss Pentecostal Churches that is composed of: the Eglises du Réveil, the Eglises du plein Evangile, the Fraternités chrétiennes, the Assemblées de Dieu and the Mission tzigane. 84 &Itemid=31 (accessed March 7, 2010)

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Jacques Beauverd, the FELPS established the Institut Biblique et Théologique in Orvin sur Bienne (IBETO). Since 1988, this Frenchspeaking Pentecostal Bible school has been receiving students from francophone Europe and Africa in the facilities of the Oeuvre Missionnaire Béthel, a home for elderly people. They offer a three-year programme focusing on the study of Bible books, doctrine, and biblical languages, three-quarters of which is accredited by Global University. protestant Charismatic Movements Did the modern Charismatic movement follow chronologically the classical Pentecostal movement? This is usually considered to be an established fact all over the world, as read through the lenses of North American-oriented Pentecostal historiography. Francophone Europe gives evidence that may allow questioning the legitimacy of such a universal paradigm. Walter Hollenweger points out that there exists in France ‘a very old and highly indigenous charismatic movement… and in French-speaking Switzerland’ at least thirty years before its North American counterpart.85 There are no historical or theological reasons to see the modern charismatic movement as a post-war phenomenon. reformed and Lutheran Renewal movements Eglise Réformée de France (French Reformed Church) Louis Dallière (1897–1976) is sometimes presented as a key leader of the Pentecostal movement in France and Belgium. It was in 1930 that he came into contact with the Pentecostal message while listening to British evangelist Douglas Scott in Privas (Ardèche), south east France, and soon after experienced a personal Spirit-baptism. He became a charismatic pastor of the French Reformed Church, based in the parish of Charmes-sur-Rhône where he was the minister from 1925. He welcomed this new ‘Pentecostal renewal’ in its midst, and encouraged his colleagues to do the same, hoping that it would bring about a revival within the Protestant churches. He met great opposition, especially from French revivalists and fundamentalists86, while trying to make a case through 85   Walter Hollenweger, ‘Some Aspects of European Charismatics’ in Russell P. Spittler (ed) Perspectives on the New Pentecostalism, (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1976), pp.50–54. 86   ‘The Brigadiers of the Drôme’ were a neo-Calvinistic, evangelistic team of Reformed pastors, very active during the Drôme revival (south-eastern France), which occurred


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various writings for the theological and ecclesiological orthodoxy of the movement. During the 1930s, he collaborated with Henri de Worm (1893–1964), pastor of a Protestant church in Paturages, Belgium, whose church had also been visited by Scott. In Switzerland, Swiss Reformed pastors also invited Pentecostal preachers like Douglas Scott and Donald Gee to their churches. The impact of World War II (1939–45) and German occupation in France and Belgium would have far reaching consequences on the charismatic movement and would deeply disrupt relationships between those early leaders. The Ardèche revival privileged conversion as well as charismatic gifts, in particular the experience of the miraculous. Similar to Steiner’s views in Switzerland, Dallière considered speaking in tongues to be a ‘general rule’ but not as a requirement for the baptism in the Holy Spirit. Both the National and regional Synods of the Reformed Church in France were challenged by increased tensions over the Pentecostal views, particularly the one on believer’s baptism by immersion.87 In Dallière, the French charismatic movement had found a most talented theologian, who was able to articulate with depth and breadth the manifold dimensions and ramifications of Pentecostal spirituality. Soon after World War II, Dallière’s ministry would concentrate on the Prayer Union movement (Union de Prière, formed in 1946) based in Charmes. He developed with a group of Reformed pastors an ecumenical and charismatic charter88 for a movement that has been and still is integrated within the Reformed churches of France.89 Among the many guest speakers visiting Charmes would be, in May 1968, David du Plessis

during the period between the two world wars (1920s and 1930s). They advocated conversion, sanctification, and unity within the Reformed Church. They vigorously opposed both liberalism and Pentecostalism. Cf. Philippe Decorvet, ‘Le Réveil, du rêve à la réalité : Un exemple français, le Réveil de la Drôme’ in Théologie Evangélique (vol. 7.1, 2008), pp.65–77. 87   David Bundy, ‘Pentecostalism in Belgium’ in Pneuma (Spring 1986, Vol. 18:1), 41–56; and ‘Louis Dallière: Apologist for Pentecostalism in France and Belgium, 1932–1939’ in Pneuma (Fall 1998, Vol. 10:2), pp.85–115. 88   The Charta defines a fourfold scope: 1) Prayer for revival in Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox churches through personal conversion in Jesus-Christ; 2) Prayer for Jewish people and for reconciliation between Gentiles and Jews upon the Rock which is Christ; 3) Prayer for visible unity among churches and denominations; 4) Prayer for the coming of Christ and establishment of his kingdom. Cf Maurice Ray, Souvenirs pêle-mêle, Tome 2, 67–68, (accessed March 16, 2010). 89   An official agreement was reached between the Union de Prière and the Reformed Church of France in 1972.

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(1905–87), known as ‘Mr Pentecost’, who became a leading advocate for dialogue between classical Pentecostalism and the mainline traditional churches. Thomas Roberts (1902–83) became a pastor of an independent Reformed church in Paris in 1936, after having first served as a Pente­ costal missionary in France with the Apostolic Church. With his friend Louis Dallière, he became involved with the Union de Prière. But he was also associated with La Porte Ouverte (The Open Door), founded as a free Bible school in 1956 by missionary Albert Burkhardt (1911–1999). It became a charismatic mission agency90 as well as an ecumenical retreat centre offering seminars and conferences to evangelical Protestants and an increasing number of Catholics. La Porte Ouverte hosted the first interconfessional Charismatic convention in 1971 with David Du Plessis, Rodman Williams (US Presbyterian theologian), Albert de Monléon (French Catholic/Dominican priest), and Kilian McDonnell (US Catholic/Benedictine priest).91 From 1963, Roberts felt particularly called to a travelling ministry, while being very involved in the organization of major charismatic conferences in various French cities. In the 1970s, along with other key charismatic leaders92, he spoke to thousands of Christians from France, Belgium, and Switzerland at many charismatic and ecumenical gatherings, particularly those at the Centre Chrétien in Ganières (Gard), a retreat centre located in the Cévennes region in southern France, promoting evangelism and Christian unity.93 The most significant event during those years will be the ‘Pentecost over Europe’ gathering (1982), the first major European Charismatic Conference, held in Strasbourg, one of Europe’s capitals,94 with some 20,000 participants.95 90   Burkhardt will also found the Coopération Evangélique Mondiale (World Evangelical Cooperation), and from 1956 to 1970 will establish several mission fields. During those years, about 60 missionaries will go to Chad, Central African Republic, Zaire, Niger, but also India and Brazil. (accessed March 18, 2010). 91   Evert Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, 1968–88 (Doctoral dissertation, University of Paris-Sorbonne, 1995), pp.66–67, 239. 92   For example: Henri Hartnagel (Lutheran), Robert Menpiot (Pentecostal, Assemblies of God), Jean-Daniel Fischer (Reformed), Jean-Claude Chabloz (Pentecostal, Apostolic), Pierre Salvert (Catholic), Jean-Louis Jayet (Independent, Vie Abondante). http://www (accessed March 18, 2010). 93 (accessed March 18, 2010). 94   Strasbourg is the seat of the Council of Europe and one of the three seats for the Parliament of the European Union. 95   Lindberg, vii–viii.


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The charismatic movement in the French Reformed Church has struggled to establish models for parish renewal.96 Today, a ‘Charismatic renewal’ as such does not seem to exist any longer in the French Reformed churches, and the impact left is minimal.97 A real exception is the diverse Belleville church in Paris which exemplifies, under the leadership of Pastor Serge Jacquemus, a thriving charismatic congregation that reaches to people from nearly 25 nations in a multi-ethnic context. Eglise Luthérienne de la Confession d’Augsbourg d’Alsace et de Lorraine (Augsburg Confession Lutheran Church in Alsace-Lorraine) For a number of reasons, the situation in Alsace was very different from the rest of France. Due to the specificity of its culture and ­language,98 its socio-political history and religious context, French-speaking Pente­ costalism would not be established in this eastern province of France before the 1960s. Could Paul Siefer (1903–1973) have been to the Lutheran Church what Louis Dallière was to the Reformed Church? Both were talented theologians, but Siefer was not able to resist the opposition of the church authorities regarding his views about believer’s baptism. He progressive­ly developed closer ties with the Swiss Pentecostal Mission (Schweizerische Pfingstmisssion) and more particularly with Leonard Steiner, Pastor in Basel.99 It was only in the 1970s that the Charismatic revival would gain a foothold in the Lutheran Church. Henri Hartnagel and later on Kurt Maeder (Saint-Nicolas parish in Strasbourg) would be among those pastors who became instrumental in bringing the Pentecostal experience to a new generation of Lutheran parishioners, particularly among young people. Maeder who succeeded Pastor Jean-Daniel Fisher as representative of the French Charismatic movement, would in that capacity  attend the international and ecumenical Singapore Consultation 96   Peter Hocken, The Challenges of the Pentecostal, Charismatic and Messianic Jewish Movements: The Tensions of the Spirit (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), p.64. 97   Marie Lefebvre-Billiez, « Le Renouveau Charismatique » in Réforme n°3166, September 3, 2006. (accessed April 3, 2010). 98   Besides French or German as the official language of Alsace, depending on which of the two countries had annexed the province, it is actually Alsatian, a Germanic language with many local dialects, which has traditionally been the mother tongue of the people of Alsace. 99   Pfister, Soixante ans, pp.37–75.

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in 1987,100 the forerunner of the International Charismatic Consulta­ tion (ICC). Fédération des Églises Évangéliques Baptistes de France (FEEBF) Already in the nineteenth century, the early developments of the Baptist churches in Northern France were greatly impacted by the teaching of Edward Irving (1792–1834), founder of the Catholic Apostolic Church. Between 1830 and 1850, his views on charismatic gifts (including glossolalia and prophecy) and an eschatological apocalyptic-oriented ecumenism were very successful and many became Irvingites.101 In the twentieth century, when the Pentecostal message reached the Baptist churches in the 1930s, some joined the ADD while others remained within their denomination. The Charismatic movement in French Baptist churches would progressively have an impact on a majority of their congregations (40–50%), possibly a unique situation in any Baptist denomination anywhere in the world. Pastor Jules Thobois (1922–2004) along with some other young Baptists ministers started a revival starting in the North (Denain) and Picardie (lasting from the 1940s to the 1960s). Thobois’ experience of Spirit-baptism was in 1947102, shortly after having set out in the pastoral ministry. In 1952, the French Baptist Federation adopted an official resolution allowing charismatic teaching and practice in their midst.103 Fath views a parallel history between French Baptists and French Pentecostals as confirmation of the existence of an articulated protestant plurality.104 After having been a Baptist pastor in various churches, Jules Thobois succeeded Thomas Roberts in 1963 as Pastor of an independent, charismatic Reformed church in Paris that would join the Baptist Federation under his leadership in 1966, before becoming France’s first megachurch.105 In only two decades, the congregation grew from some 100   Evert Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, 1968–88 (Doctoral dissertation, University of Paris-Sorbonne, 1995), p.377. 101   Sébastien Fath, ‘Baptistes et Pentecôtistes en France, une histoire parallèle ? Le baptisme, une ‘culture d’accueil’ du pentecôtisme (1820–1950)’ in Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français (BSHPF), July-September 2000, pp.524–35. 102   Sébastien Fath, ‘Les Baptistes dans l’Europe latine: entre tradition et émotion, quelles recompositions ?’ in La recomposition des protestantismes en Europe latine: entre émotion et tradition, ed. Jean-Pierre Bastian (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2004), p.132. 103  Veldhuizen, Survey in Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, 1968–88 (Doctoral dissertation, University of Paris-Sorbonne, 1995). 104   Fath, Baptistes et Pentecôtistes en France, p.540. 105  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, pp.14–15.


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80 members (early 1970s) to over 800 (late 1980s), not counting 200 children, youth and regular church visitors (‘sympathisants’), plus another few hundred in five daughter congregations. After a visit to Pastor Yonggi Cho’s megachurch in Seoul (1980), Thobois successfully translated the Korean Pentecostal model of church growth through house cells into the French context. The success story of the congregation, now called Communauté du Point du Jour, gave it a national standing and reputation as a vital element of the French Protestant Charismatic movement. Leaders and members of other churches benefited from various ministries and conferences (with international speakers like John Wimber in 1988).106 Jules Thobois worked closely with Daniel Lherme­ nault, another charismatic Baptist pastor at a church in Roubaix. Another thriving charismatic Baptist congregation in Lille, the Communauté Chrétienne de la Réconciliation, was founded in 1975 by David Berly, and would have a decided ecumenical commitment and focus specifically on social justice by ministering to the poor.107 Protestant Neo-Pentecostal/Neo-Charismatic Churches108 (259,000) In the French language an interesting, subtle distinction has been introduced between ‘pentecôtiste’ (Pentecostal) and ‘pentecôtisant’ (Pentecostal-like). Such conscious differentiation is not only a reminder that Pentecostalism in francophone Europe is and probably has never been a uniform picture; it also points out that Pentecostalism is by definition a dynamic movement and an orientation, rather than a finished product. It is in the second half of the twentieth century, mostly in the 1980s and 1990s, that a large number of ‘Charismatic churches’ are founded and/or do redefine their identity and affiliation. They came into existence for a number of reasons: (1) Missionary/evangelistic projects of independ­ent

106  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, pp.247, 258, and 260. 107   Since then, a number of leadership (moral) issues have adversely affected the development, even endangered the very existence of some of those charismatic congregations. Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, 1968–88 (Doctoral dissertation, University of Paris-Sorbonne, 1995), p.520. 108   I call neo-Pentecostal churches those denominations that derive from classical Pentecostal churches (ADD, Apostolic Church, etc.); neo-charismatic churches are those denominations that came out of the Charismatic movement in traditional Protestant churches (Reformed, Lutheran, Baptist). In short, they are referred to in this chapter as ‘Charismatic Churches’.

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neo-Pentecostal or neo-charismatic churches from denominations based in Africa, Asia, North and South America; (2) Divisions, exclusions, or defections from classical Pentecostal Churches (mostly from the ADD, but also from the Apostolic Church); (3) Strategic development of those new neo-Pentecostal or neo-charismatic churches; and (4) Personal initiatives.109 Members of the Fédération Protestante de France (FPF) Founded in 1905, the Protestant Federation of France is an ecumenical organisation representing member bodies with a shared Protestant identity which is expressed in a charter that outlines their common Protestant heritage and values, and their declared will to demonstrate mutual respect. After having had some classical Pentecostals join first, increasingly more diverse Pentecostal-Charismatic groups are adhering as well. Communion des Églises de l’Espace Francophone (CEEF) The founding years (1974–1982) of this Charismatic church saw the birth of several local churches in the southwest of France110, most of which came out of the Charismatic renewal within the Reformed Church. Their pastors shared a vision for evangelism and church planting in their region which led to a ministry project called ‘Equipe Néhémie’ (Nehemiah Team).111 During the 1980s and 1990s, new congregations were started in different cities, but also existing congregations, most of which located in the southeast, joined as well. The later ones are often independent churches with no particular affiliation. Two different yet complementary networks were established: Southwest and Mediterranean. Various specialized ministries (training, worship, and mission) were established during these years. Training sessions with a focus on practical theology have been offered regularly since 1986 to students from several French-speaking countries, including Africa. Church leadership has both a local (pastors, elders and deacons) and a regional dimension (apostolic team). The CEEF has a positive approach   André Pownall, ‘Un demi-siècle d’implantation d’Églises évangéliques en région parisienne (1950–2000)’ in Théologie Evangélique, vol. 4, n° 1, (2005), p.66. 110   Toulouse (Haute-Garonne), Montauban (Tarn-et-Garonne), Nérac (Lot-etGaronne) et Saverdun (Ariège). 111   The founding members were: Philippe Joret, André Debenest, Roland Pons and Jean-Hubert Mazel. 109


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to women in ministry and in church leadership. Among its various ministries are twelve pastoral couples, where both husband and wife are pastors in the church, and more specifically five women pastors.112 Their activities include involvement in community projects fighting poverty and oppression (e.g. foodbank network, work among refugees and asylum seekers). In 1996, the Communion of Churches from Francophone Areas (CEEF) was established for the specific purpose of joining the FFP (member since 2003). A total of 30 congregations organised in four regions113 are now affiliated with the CEEF.114 They count about 1,000 registered members.115 Communauté des Eglises d’expression Africaine en France (CEAF) So-called ‘ethnic’ Pentecostalism in France had been mostly limited to Pentecostal gypsies until the 1980s. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, African and Caribbean migrants brought about the emergence of a whole new phenomenon of (mostly) Pentecostal congregations largely unrelated to previous developments of Pentecostalism in France (and other French-speaking countries in Europe). Most of them strongly stress the importance of the Holy Spirit, deliverance from demons and charismatic gifts. There has been an explosion of churches in urban areas (rather unwelcomed), in particular in the suburbs of Paris, gathering over 10,000 people in their services.116 This exponential growth has made it very difficult to assess the actual number of churches found in France. Pastor Djamba-Albert Watto, direc­ tor of the African Department of Missiology, Pastoral Theology  and Biblical Training (DEPAF)117 is being variously quoted for estimating the number of African churches in greater Paris between 250 and 400.118 (accessed March 24, 2010). 113   Northwest, Southwest, Rhône-Alpes, South-Mediterannée. 114 (accessed March 23, 2010). 115 (accessed March 25, 2010). 116   Bernard Boutter, ‘Pentecôtisme et ethnicité en France’ in La recomposition des protestantismes en Europe latine: Entre émotion et tradition, ed. Jean-Pierre Bastian (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2004), p.286. 117   School founded in 1997 in partnership with the Institut Biblique de Nogent. 118   ‘Les Eglises issues de l’immigration’, Report initiated by the Council of the Fédéra­ tion Protestante de France. Essere Chiesa Insieme: informazioni e materiali, April 2005. (accessed March 23, 2010). 112

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As this is the case, obviously only a small percentage is affiliated with the Communauté des Eglises d’expression Africaine en France (CEAF).119 Thus a majority of African Pentecostal-Charismatic churches remain independent or have chosen a different kind of affiliation. Even though ca. 90% of its member-churches have a Pentecostal orientation120, the CEAF’s creed is not particularly Pentecostal or Charismatic in its formulation. Affiliated churches, like for example the Angola-based church Centre Evangélique Metanoia,121 may have a more explicit reference to Pentecostal beliefs like Spirit-baptism, spiritual gifts, and healing, in their own creed. This group of congregations is actually less a denomination than a network of different churches sharing common needs and interests, such as social recognition (greater visibility and integration) and legal status (freedom of religion by being recognized as association cultuelle under the 1905 law concerning the separation of the churches and the state) in the context of French society, and community support in finding adequate facilities. Working towards full membership in the FPF (effective since 2003) and adopting a French Protestant identity has been a major strategic development to achieving such objectives.122 Culturally speaking, the ‘African expression’ is for Watto a preaching style with gestures and bodily expression.123 Against the background of decolonisation, Pastor Dominique Kounkou, also sociologist and jurist, gives such expression a much more socio-political connotation. He considers that African churches help the black people by changing the way they look at the world (a place to be conquered!) and at the white people, no longer seen as ‘God’s systematic chosen one’, and they do so by reversing the inherited dominant-dominated agenda.124 This leads to See also: Ilhame Taoufiqi, ‘Eglise pentecôtiste : Entreprises spirituelles en concurrence’ in Regards, 1 February 2006. pentecôtiste (accessed March 24, 2010). 119   The CEAF started in 1990 as Communauté des Eglises Zaïroises de France (CEZAF) with less than 10 Congolese congregations. 120   Taoufiqi 121   There are 12 Metanoia congregations in the world (Angola, Congo RDC, France and Canada). (accessed March 24, 2010). 122 (accessed March 24, 2010). 123   Taoufiqi. 124   Dominique Kounkou, ‘Le monde selon les Eglises Chrétiennes d’expression africaine’ (paper presented at the 2007 International Conference of CESNUR, Center for Studies on New Religions, Bordeaux, France, June 7–9, 2007). http://www.cesnur


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an articulation of a theology of freedom (language, culture and liturgy) and/or prosperity (economic wealth and physical health) with various accents. Union d’Assemblées Protestantes en Mission (UAPM) alias Vie Chrétienne en France (VCF) First established in 1990 by Pastor-evangelist Vincent Esterman (born and raised in a French home in Australia), as a contemporary churchplanting movement under the name ‘Christian Life in France’ (Vie Chrétienne en France), it eventually became a denomination of its own with 24 congregations (one of which in the Reunion Island, a French territory in the Indian Ocean) and ca. 1,500 members. They were listed as a cult in the 1995 Guyard Report of a Parliamentary Commission on Cults in France, which quickly prompted a request of affiliation with the FPF, leading to full membership in 2006. Its new name obviously displays the concern to remain a missionary movement while explicitly adhering to a Protestant identity to avoid future accusations of sectarianism: Union d’Assemblées Protestantes en Mission (Union of Protestant Assemblies in Mission).125 Members of the Confédération Évangélique Protestante Francophone d’Expression Pentecôtiste (CEPFEP) That the history of Pentecostalism is characterized by a succession of differentiation (moving apart) and rapprochement (moving closer) is clearly illustrated by the story of the member churches of the Confédération Évangélique Protestante Francophone d’Expression Pentecôtiste (CEPFEP), established in March 1997. The Protestant Charismatic renewal produced a number of independent Pentecostal and Charismatic churches, and over the years a growing number of congregations left the Assemblies of God or the Apostolic Church due to separations and divisions (mostly over doctrinal, moral and/or leadership issues), and they became independent, i.e. without any particular affiliation. .org/2007/bord_kounkou.htm (accessed March 24, 2010). « ces Eglises donnent à l’Afrique, qui a connu la mondialisation destructrice, de connaître cette fois une mondialisation dominante. » 125 (accessed April 3, 2010).

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The CEPFEP has been a new attempt at creating a greater visibility to various types of relationships and sense of togetherness for PentecostalCharismatic churches which have historically been concerned about developing their own identities and particularities. Fédération des Églises du Plein Évangile en Francophonie (FEPEF) – France, Belgium, Luxembourg From the 1960s onwards, pastors from different Pentecostal/Charismatic churches across France came together and to build relationships. Well aware of their differences, their aspirations was to be enriched by way of a spiritual and fraternal covenant (ASF – Alliance Spirituelle et Fraternelle). This led to two major leadership conferences every year (March and October) which are still in existence today126. Parallel to ASF gatherings, what was at first an informal fellowship of pastors became the Fédération des Eglises Libres de Pentecôte (FELP) in 1975, with Charles Ancey as its first president, later renamed from ‘Pentecostal Free Churches’ to ‘Federation of Full Gospel Churches of France’, Fédération des Églises du Plein Évangile de France (FEPEF) in 1990.127 In  francophone Europe there are 90 congregations (86 in France, two in Luxembourg and two in Belgium) with more or less 8,000 active members.128 It is particularly noteworthy that more than a quarter of them are found in one congregation alone in the agglomeration of Mulhouse: ‘Porte Ouverte Chrétienne’ (Christian Open Door), the second largest Pentecostal Church in France (after Charisma Eglise Chrétienne in Paris Saint-Denis, which will be mentioned later in this chapter). The Church Porte Ouverte Chrétienne129 is the work of Jean Peterschmitt (1927- ), who with a Mennonite background joined the local Assemblies of God church in Mulhouse (1963–65). When his pastor refused to approve his evangelistic initiatives, he started a new work on his own in 126   They take place now respectively at a church in Grenoble (‘Le Chandelier’) and a church in Mulhouse (‘Mission du Plein Evangile – La Porte Ouverte Chrétienne’) because their facilities are able to accommodate 300–400 pastors and leaders from all over France who are attending the meetings. 127×900 (accessed March 26, 2010) 128; annuaire-carte/?nom=etranger; (accessed March 26, 2010). 129   The name of the church is in reference to the letter addressed to the Philadelphian church, as found in Revelation 3:8: ‘I have set before you an open door, which no one is able to shut’ (NRSV).


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Thann (1965) and Mulhouse (1966), before gaining the support of Albert Burkhart, founder of the Porte Ouverte (PO) in Lux near Chalonsur-Saône, who ordained him in 1970. Between 1965 and 1983, Peter­ schmitt developed a preaching and healing ministry in close partnership with the PO, both in France and Germany. He established four congregations in Alsace as well as a radio ministry in German language (broadcasted on Radio Luxembourg).130 In 1977, Peterschmitt visited Pastor Yonggi Cho’s Pentecostal megachurch in Seoul, Korea, for ten days.131 This had a deep impact on his Christian walk and future vision for church growth.132 When he started sharing his views on more centralized worship services in MulhousePfastatt, he had to face the opposition of the leaders from the three daughter congregations who all favoured greater autonomy at the local level. This would eventually lead to an irreversible schism in March 1984, leaving Peterschmitt on his own; he decided also to stop fellowship with the PO for not backing up his new orientation. Against all odds and after a fresh start, the following decade became a period of phenomenal growth for a mission-minded Charismatic Church that has always had a focus on healings and miracles. First of all, his church joined the FELP (1985), later renamed FEPEF. 1987 would be the year of new beginnings, as the full-gospel mission church, Mission du Plein Évangile. La Porte Ouverte Chrétienne (MPE-POC), was established as a legal religious body (association cultuelle). Samuel Peterschmitt, son of the founder, was asked to become the full-time associate pastor of the church, and the premises of a former supermarket in MulhouseDornach became its new home. Two years later (1989), the now largest Pentecostal congregation in Alsace (ca. 600 practising members) moved to new premises, again a former supermarket, in Mulhouse-Bourtzwiller, and doubled its seat capacity to 1,500 places. The mother church also established a network of new churches totalling several hundred members in France (Strasbourg, greater Paris, Reims, Perpignan-Boulou), French overseas regions (French Guiana), Germany and Africa (Algeria, Senegal). Since 1993 and in the context of parliamentary discussions in France about adopting an anti-sect bill, such exceptional expansion faced   Mulhouse-Pfastatt, Thann, Colmar-Logelbach and Hirtzbach-Werentzhouse.   Membership of Full Gospel Central Church was already reaching fifty thousand by 1977. 132   Jean Peterschmmitt, Maintenant mon œil te voit (Pfastatt, France: Editions Porte Ouverte Chrétienne, 1995), p.64. 130 131

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an emergent opposition from various parties (former members of the church, local representatives from the Catholic Church and protestantReformed churches, as well as local authorities).133 In response to a number of public accusations of sectarianism, the church leaders adopted a strategy of transparency and broader relationships with local evangelical churches. Wanting to put an end to such stigmatisation and to what is seen as an unjustified reputation of schism and alienation, they realize that they are in need of allies. They not only continued to involve themselves with various Christian organisations, but also join the Evangelical Alliance in 1997. Finally, a report written by two researchers from the University of Paris (2004) helped give an objective and more authentic picture of the manifold activities and practices of the church.134 Fédération des Églises et Communautés Baptistes Charismatiques (FECBC) This federation of churches came into existence through the ministry of Charles Schinkel, who was a pastor in the Reformed Church of Luneray, Normandy (1968–1977)135 when he first experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit in 1970.136 Starting in 1972, Schinkel organized in Luneray a very successful annual Charismatic conference (growing from 100 to 300 participants in only three years) and a year later also youth camps. It was also in 1973 that his baptismal services started reflecting baptistic views on believer’s baptism (by immersion). This will create a conflictual situation within the Reformed Church where this is interpreted as a ‘rebaptism’ of already baptized infants. His movement would grow with the help of two distinct publications: Le Courrier de l’A.N.C.R.E137 (1974–1982) with a team of Reformed pastors, aiming at the restoration of the Church138, and Actes 2 (1976–1988) 133   Jean-Paul Willaime and Laurent Amiotte-Suchet, « La pluie de l’Esprit » : Étude sociologique d’une assemblée pentecôtiste mulhousienne « Mission du Plein Évangile. La Porte Ouverte Chrétienne », Groupe de Sociologie des Religions et de la Laïcité (GSRL), October 2004 Report, Online Version (14 February 2007), pp.22–38. http://halshs (accessed March 29, 2010). 134   Willaime and Laurent Amiotte-Suchet, « La pluie de l’Esprit » pp.4–14. Approach and methodology explained. 135 (accessed March 29, 2010). 136  Veldhuizen Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, p.60. 137   A.N.C.R.E. stands for « ActioN pour le Combat et le Réveil de l’Eglise », which means Action for Engagement and Revival in the Church. 138  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, p.143.


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with a team of Pentecostal and Charismatic leaders, seeking to inform about the Charismatic renewal worldwide and related issues, and to offer training and support for Charismatic prayer groups.139 During this same period he also founded the ‘Buisson Ardent’ Prayer community at Luneray with a legal identity of its own, and soon afterwards with new facilities at Louvetot (1976).140 His rejection of pedobaptism and his refusal to complete his theological training were among the reasons that led in 1977 to a point of rupture with the Reformed Church.141 As a result of his closer collaboration with Baptist pastor Jules Thobois, Schinkel adopted the common values the latter has published in a sort of Charta Charismatica, a document entitled ‘Principles of Charismatic Fellowship’ (1982).142 Schinkel together with Thobois, Lhermenault (both charismatic Baptist pastors) and Gaston Ramseyer (a Charismatic leader and former Reformed pastor like him) became an acknowledged ‘apostolic team’ that organized five major National Biblical and Charismatic Conventions. These take place in Lyon-Meyzieu (1986) and Rouen (1987) with crowds reaching 2,000, and the one in Paris (1988), hosting John Wimber, the founder of the Vineyard churches, reached as many as 5,000 altogether.143 This success story was tempered as the two last gatherings in Paris (1990) and Colmar (1991) drew crowds of respectively 3,500 and 2,000 people. After an aborted attempt to join the French Baptist Federation, in 1986 Schinkel launched his own denomination, a federation of Bap­tist Charismatic Churches and Communities (FECBC). The name chosen reflects his commitment to a certain ­congregational  view  of  church (adapted from Baptist ecclesiology) coupled with a charismatic expression of church life and leadership (adapted from Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality). Over the years, various charismatic congregations joined the FECBC (e.g. some independent congregations as a by-product of the Protestant Charismatic movement, some new ethnic churches as a byproduct of immigration), but Schinkel’s leadership became increasingly challenged inside his movement, particularly due to his open attitude towards the Fédération Protestante de France (FPF). Internal conflicts  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, p.183.  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, pp.189–194. 141   Fath, Les Baptistes dans l’Europe latine, pp.130–31. 142  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, pp.308–11. 143  Veldhuizen, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, pp.313–15. 139 140

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finally lead to a major schism and the beginnings of the Fédération des Eglises Chrétiennes Evangéliques (2005)144 under the leadership of dissident pastor Gérard Charton. From the 21 congregations still affiliated, 4 are found in French overseas departments (1 in Guadeloupe and 3 in Martinique). After having been known for many years as Communauté Chrétienne Le Buisson Ardent, the name was changed into Eglise Protestante Evangélique Le Buisson Ardent in 2000.145 After more than two decades marked by opposition and marginalisation, an ongoing process of socialization led to a self-awareness and self-understanding, which made it important to re-centre its public image on Protestant Evangelicalism, while keeping its charismatic identity more in the background. Part of this arose from a new interaction with the FPF. Union des Églises Pentecôtisantes Indépendantes (UNEPI) Various Pentecostal-Charismatic associations of churches saw the light in the 1980s and 1990s quite independently from each other. It is ­however unusual for two of them to start during the same year and month. This happened in July 2006 with the Communion des Églises de l’Espace Fran­ co­phone (CEEF) and the Union des Églises Pentecôtisantes Indépen­dantes (UNEPI),146 a fellowship of French independent Pentecostal-like churches which was founded under the impetus of Pierre Lannoy, pastor of the Tabernacle, an Evangelical church in Tourcoin.147 It has 20 affiliated congregations with about 900 members,148 mostly in northern France, and links with similar churches in Africa (Congo, Ivory Coast and Togo).149 Fédération des Églises Agapé (FEA) This relatively small Charismatic denomination (5 congregations) represents more of a regional expression of Pentecostalism as it is found only 144   Not to be confused with the Union d’Eglises Chrétiennes Evangéliques (UECE), a coalition of Pentecostal Churches (ADD) with membership in the FPF since 1995. 145   Journal Officiel de la République Française, 19 February 2000, Announcement No 1908. 146   The anagram UNEPI (un épi) translates as ‘one (corn) ear’. 147   Not to be confused with the Pentecostal church ‘Tabernacle de l’Amour Divin’ also located in Tourcoing and which is following the teaching of William Branham (1909–1965). 148 (accessed March 30, 2010). 149   UNEPI – INFO N° 1 October 2005. fn_1_05.pdf (accessed march 2010)


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in Alsace-Lorraine. It started with small meetings at the home of Bruno Leonardi in Mulhouse (1982) and a Christian bookstore-Tea salon in Strasbourg (1983).150 They seek to be a different kind of church for the unchurched.151 Other Pentecostal-Charismatic denominations and/or networks Fédération des Eglises Chrétiennes Evangéliques (FECE) – France, Belgium, Switzerland Established in 2005, after breaking with the FECBC, the Federation of the Evangelical Christian Churches (FECE) claims to represent more than 650 pastors, evangelists and missionaries and 590 member-churches in 18 countries. The vast majority of their congregations (over 90%) are  found on the African continent, and less than 7% in francophone Europe.152 They resolutely identify themselves as both ‘Evangelical’ (as heirs of the left-wing Reformation and its free-church tradition) and ‘Pentecostal’ (as heirs of the twentieth century Pentecostal revivals and their Spiritempowerment tradition). The two are viewed as complementary to each other in as much as they are seen as sharing the same goal, i.e. a recovery of the original, first century Gospel message. Their ambivalent commitment to Christian unity is limited to what they consider to be ‘authentic’ Evangelical Christianity. They have adopted a strong anti-Catholic and anti-ecumenical stance, accusing of neo-liberalism and/or apostasy those Protestants who do not share their fundamentalist views (which includes an elaborated – dispensational – end-time scenario). On their website, a heading entitled ‘Love for the truth’ lists a number of positions which recite a grammar of rejection and condemnation related to issues of concern.153 Fears of compromise and syncretism have motivated their decision not even to join the newly

The beginnings are related in Pfister, pp.145–147. (accessed March 24, 2010). 152   They have 41 churches in Europe, 436 in West Africa, 93 in Central Africa, 5 in South Africa, and 15 in the Caribbean Islands. (accessed April 5, 2010). 153 (accessed April 5, 2010). 150 151

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established Evangelical platform, the Conseil National des Evangéliques de France (CNEF). Union d’Églises Missionnaires (UDEM) – France From a Mennonite background like Peterschmidt, René Kennel has been pastor of an independent Pentecostal church at Besançon (Église Évangélique de Pentecôte) since 1977, when he became chairman of the Fédération des Églises Libres de Pentecôte (1982–89). He left it in order to start his own Evangelical Missionary Federation (1989–2006), aimed in particular at the congregations established under his ministry. According to Fath, these amount to about 4,000 members in 35 congregations154 in the north and the east of France until a major split put an abrupt end to its existence in 2006. Less than half of them reorganized a year later as Fédération Évangélique Missionnaire (UDEM), while the other congregations became independent. Apart from a classical Pentecostal approach to Spirit-baptism, spiritual gifts, divine healing, and believer’s baptism (by immersion), there is a great emphasis on holiness of life, which can be expressed in terms of strict moral rigorism and a culture of dogmatism. Eglises Nouvelles Frontières (Newfrontiers) – France Newfrontiers International is a British Reformed-Charismatic network  which claims 700 associated churches in sixty countries on five ­continents.155 Established by Terry Virgo as a mission-minded, restorationist movement of the Church, it aims at planting and building congregations according to New Testament principles and a Calvinistic hermeneutic. Apart from a view of Spirit-baptism as distinctive from conversion, they believe in plural eldership and male only leadership of the church.156 According to their website, ‘France currently has six 154   Sébastien Fath, Du ghetto au réseau : Le protestantisme évangélique en France 1800– 2005 (Genève : Labor et Fides, 2005), p. 218. 155   Interview by Adrian Warnock with Terry Virgo on the Distinctives of Newfron­ tiers,  June 26, 2007. (accessed April 3, 2010). See also Kay: reference given in footnote 159. Also (accessed 9 Sept 2010). 156  Our Seventeen Values, Newfrontiers Magazine Online. Vision_and_Values.aspx (accessed April 3, 2010)


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churches and two church plants in the Newfrontiers family.’157 But at least two of them, the Eglise Chrétienne at Alès, and the Assemblée Chrétienne at Marguerittes have a double affiliation as they are also part of the French Baptist Federation.158 This reflects their position to work with other existing groups, less as a new denomination, more as an extended-family type of network,159 yet with no clear dividing line between the two. Antioch Network (A.Net) – Belgium The Antioch Net Communautés Chrétiennes de Belgique (Christian Com­ mu­nities of Belgium) has been established in the 1990s as a PentecostalCharismatic initiative of church-planting movement through­out Belgium. It seeks to overcome ‘the barriers of culture, race and language through Jesus’ by connecting individuals, leaders and churches together. The initial leadership team in 1994 was composed of Raymond Vandeput (Belgium), Paul Van Kesteren (Belgium), Pieter Jonker (South Africa), and Rick Ridings (USA). They work to develop a ‘family of churches’ of many languages, nationalities and cultures from diverse horizons but who all hold the same values and philosophy of ministry, as outlined in outlined in the Statement of Faith of the World Evangelical Alliance. This means promoting Christian unity by maintaining and developing good relationships with all evangelical and Pentecostal churches.160 Prime examples of (multi-) ethnic Pentecostal Churches French sociologist Jean-Paul Willaime estimates that a new worship place is opened every eleventh day in France.161 This makes any attempt at drawing a complete list of churches rather unrealistic. There is of course a danger in doing a limited survey, but the examples chosen in this chapter should be representative enough to give as clear a picture as possible. 157 France/France.aspx (Accessed April 4, 2010). 158   http://w w w.ass emble e-chret ienne-a ion=com _content&view= article&id=47 &Itemid=53; (Accessed April 3, 2010). 159   William K. Kay, Apostolic Networks in Britain: New Ways of Being Church (Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2007), p.80. 160 (accessed April 5, 2010). 161   Interview with Jean-Paul Willaime by Marie Lemonnier, ‘Le Réveil des protestants,’ L’Observateur, No. 2354, December 17, 2009.

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Charisma Eglise Chrétienne – France Reaching people in the thousands162 (mostly Caribbean and African) with five weekly services and 1,200 home groups, Charisma Christian Church is located in the suburbs of Paris (Saint-Denis) and is certainly the largest Christian church in France. This ethnic megachurch gets its reputation as ‘the swinging Church’163 from its contemporary, upbeat, and youthful Pentecostal worship style, but they define themselves as an Evangelical church. In 1987, a Portuguese Pastor couple, Nuno and Natalie Pedro, arrived in France (with an Assemblies of God background and training) and four years later, they founded Charisma Eglise Chrétienne. Since 2002, they have been establishing new congregations in major cities in France (e.g. Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux, Strasbourg, and Nantes) and abroad – over 70 new church plants in less than ten years.164 Their Church Bible school, ‘Charisma School of Power’ offers a two-year training programme to 300 students. Structured in seventy departments, they offer social services and various other activities related to arts, media and/or spiritual exercises. Paris Centre Chrétien – France Paris Christian Centre (PCC) is another Pentecostal megachurch located in greater Paris (La Courneuve) that has been founded in 1985 by Pasteur Selvaraj Rajiah from India, where reportedly he has started over 300 congregations and several orphanages.165 Self-defined as a Protestant church, they are growing by means of home groups, training programmes, and lively worship services. Eglise Internationale de Bruxelles – Belgium Founded in 1985 with the help of the Mission évangélique belge, the International Church of Brussels is an independent Protestant Charis­matic church, which grew to several hundred members under

162   Depending on the sources: between 5,000 and 10,000 (external estimations); 7,000 (own estimations). 163   Céline Schmink, ‘Charisma, l’Eglise qui swingue’ in La Vie (No. 3347, 22–28 October 2009), pp.72–73. 164 (accessed April 5, 2010). 165 (accessed April 5, 2010).


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the leadership of Dr. Célestin Kibutu Ngimbi from Congo (Kinshasa), a graduate (2000) of the Evangelishe Theologishe Faculteit in Leuven, and part-time lecturer at Continental Theological Seminary in St.-PietersLeeuw, Bel­gium. Since 2000, they have launched several daughter congregations – reaching primarily an African audience – in Europe (Belgium and UK), Africa (Ivory Coast), and North America (North Carolina).166 L’Eglise de Pentecôte de France (The Church of Pentecost in France) The Church of Pentecost (previously called ‘Ghana Apostolic Church’, 1957–1962) goes back to the ministry of Scottish Pentecostal missionary couple James and Sophia McKeown, sent to Africa in 1937 to the British colony ‘Gold Coast’ (since 1957, the independent country of Ghana) by the Apostolic Church in Bradford, UK. It is now the largest Pentecostal denomination in Ghana and a well established African church in Europe. Closely associated with the Ashanti ethnic group, the Aka people, the Church of Pentecost has cultivated an indigenous character and ethnic-national identity (reinforced by using the Twi language) since the early days. Going back to a strong sense of divine destiny, its members and leaders view Ghana as a ‘missionary nation’, which explains that they have also a transnational ambition. In reality, church developments outside of Africa remain closely linked to the realities of an African diaspora. Its declared first target group is the Ghanaian community. In the 1980s, when church expansion plans started to reach Europe, it appears to be a parallel phenomenon which accompanies migration patterns from Africa to Europe, rather than a careful strategy to reach autochthonous European populations. The Church of Pentecost is now present in about fifteen European countries. In France, a little over a thousand members, primarily made up of English-speaking Ghanaian migrants, find a renewed sense of community and orientation when facing relative precariousness and instability, and/or legal and cultural issues of integration (about 15 congregations in an urban context, a third of which in greater Paris).167 Since 1994, the will to get established in (accessed April 5, 2010).   Sandra Fancello, ‘Réveil de l’ethnicité akan et pentecôtisme ‘indigène’ en Europe’ in Diversité urbaine, vol. 7, n° 1, (2007), pp.51–67. 166 167

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France includes worship services in French in order to reach more specifically French-speaking Africans. Fédération des Eglises Pentecôtistes Internationales en Belgique (FEPIB) In francophone Europe, four congregations (three in Belgium and one in France) are affiliated with the Federation of International Pentecostal Churches in Belgium, chaired by Paul-Alexis Lufu Tshitenge who is called an Apostle. Also referred to as ‘Foundation of the Primitive Church of Pentecost’, it is a Congolese denomination with headquarters in Belgium (since 1980), which does not want to be erroneously taken for a traditional Protestant church. They do not wish to be identified with churches tracing their origins to the Protestant Reformation, but rather insist that they are a Pentecostal church whose roots go back to the first century primitive church at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (as described in Acts 2).168 Eglise Universelle du Royaume de Dieu – France, Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus) is a Brazil-based Pentecostal Church founded by Edir Macedo in 1977, which preaches a Latin American version of prosperity Gospel (aiming at both spiritual and material well-being), including healing and deliverance (exorcisms).169 They were officially established in francophone Europe since 1992: first in France, then in Belgium and Luxembourg (a year later), and finally in Switzerland (in 2001). Their success story at home and elsewhere has been greatly tempered in the European context. They have been classified as a cult and keep facing a societal context still conditioned by a prevailing anti-cult climate. They have had little success with the native French population, instead are massively joined by migrants, especially Portuguese, Brazilian and West-African.170 168 (accessed April 6, 2010). 169   G. Espinosa, ‘Universal Church of the Kingdom of God’ The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.1165–1166. 170   Marion Aubrée, ‘Un néo-pentecôtisme brésilien parmi les populations immigrées en Europe de l’Ouest’ in Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 27, n° 1, 2003, 65–84. Cf. André Corten, Jean-Pierre Dozon, Ari-Pedro Oro, Les nouveaux conquérants de la foi: l’église universelle du royaume de Dieu (Brésil). (Paris: Karthala, 2003), pp.128–29.


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Global Pentecostal-Charismatic organisations in francophone Europe The French chapter of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship Interna­ tional (FGBMFI) goes back to the 1970s. The life of its founder Demos Shakarian (1913–93), a successful North American Pentecostal dairy farmer of Armenian descent, was first published in French in 1978.171 Today there are about forty local groups in France holding monthly meetings during which Christian business people share their faith with other business men and women. Since 1952, it is a Charismatic organization which aims at helping people ‘experience God’s power and goodness’. It remains today a global lay movement open to all Christian denominations with international headquarters in Irvine, California.172 Even though Youth With A Mission has become an interdenominational and decentralized mission organisation, founder Loren Cunning­ ham started this new evangelistic youth outreach in 1961 while having ministerial credentials with the US Assemblies of God (until 1964). His home Pentecostal denomination was lacking the ecumenical openness to accommodate a vision which would lead them in the 1970s to work with charismatic Catholics as well.173 Its French counterpart Jeunesse en Mission France (started in 1978) has now six centres offering ­discipleship training and/or opportunities of service, one of which in French overseas department Guadeloupe. Its various ministries include: training, evangelism, children, families, reconciliation, and church planting.174 Another vision aiming at reaching out to troubled youth gave birth to Teen Challenge, an evangelistic ministry started by David Wilkerson, also a Pentecostal pastor affiliated with US Assemblies of God (until 1987). The story of his beginnings in New York in 1958 has reached a very broad audience through the book The Cross and the Switchb­ lade  (1963) as well as a dramatized film version with Pat Boone in the lead role. Their impact on the Charismatic movement in France, both Protestant and Catholic, has been most significant. Teen Chal­ lenge France began in Paris in 1971 with Assemblies of God missionary 171   John and Elizabeth Sherrill, Les gens les plus heureux sur terre : La vie de Demos Shakarian, (Meudon-Bellevue: Communauté française des hommes d’affaires du plein Evangile, 1978). 172 (accessed April 6, 2010). 173   E. B. Robinson, ‘Youth With A Mission’The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.1223–1224 174 (accessed April 6, 2010).

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Bill Williams.175 Today the French ADD manage a centre for young adults at Les Collines, Montferrat, where a one year social reinsertion programme along with pastoral counselling and care is being offered.176 Teen Challenge France has been officially renamed ‘AC3 ACCUEIL ACCOMPAGNEMENT ACTION’177 in August 2009. The relation between Pentecostalism, Protestantism and Evangelicalism:178 from a dialogue of necessity to a dialogue of identity Historically, terms like ‘Protestant’, ‘Pentecostal’ and ‘Evangelical’ have never been synonymous. Some will point out that some ­French-speaking Pentecostals may have been indeed more Protestant (when upholding the authority of Scripture) and more Evangelical (when adopting its fundamentalist option) than others. However, various scholars have forcefully argued that Pentecostalism has a theology more Orthodox than Protestant (knowing God when experiencing His presence) and a spirituality more Catholic than Evangelical (Spirit-baptism as ecumenical momentum in Christian initiation).179 The history of Pentecostalism in francophone Europe has been mostly a history of rejection from the established Protestant churches (Reformed and Lutheran). Fath speaks about the ‘seduction’ of the Pentecostal revival within the Reformed churches in France. The growth of Pentecostal churches met strong opposition also from Evangelical churches, as they were most disturbed by its ‘prophetic independence’ and Solus Spiritus driftings, with at times a display of charismatic authority by lay leaders who seemed to be ruling by ‘divine right’.180  Velduizen, p.95.   Annuaire des Assemblées de Dieu de France 2009, 149–50. 177   Accommodation-counselling-action (my translation). Journal Officiel de la Répub­ lique Française, publication no. 20090037, Annonce no. 1202, September 12, 2009. 178   Affiliation of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in France is as followed (August 2009): both FPF (date) and CNEF: Eglise Apostolique de France (1972); Eglise de Dieu en France (1983) ; Union des Eglises Evangéliques du Réveil (1983) ; Communion des Eglises de l’Espace Francophone (2003) ; Union d’Assemblées protestantes en Mission (2006) ; Union des Eglises Protestantes Foursquare-France (2006) ; FPF only (date): Mission Evangélique Tzigane de France (1975) ; CNEF only: Assemblées de Dieu; Fédération des Eglises Agapé ; Fédération des Eglises et Communautés Baptistes Charismatiques ; Fédération des Eglises du Plein Evangile de France ; Union des Eglises Pentecôtisantes Indépendantes. 179   Cf. For example, publications by David du Plessis, Michael Harper, Walter Hollenweger, and Peter Hocken. 180   Fath, Du ghetto au réseau, pp.184–85, 256 ; Baptistes et Pentecôtistes, p.538. 175 176


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After facing on and off a ‘refusal front’ for most of the twentieth century, Pentecostals in francophone Europe were adopted by Protestantism… and Pentecostals have converted to Protestantism. Indeed, more and more Pentecostal churches call themselves Eglise Protestante Evangélique (or a variant of it) before or after joining Protestant federations (FPF in France or CACPE in Belgium).181 If at face value, the overwhelming majority of Pentecostals is now understood as (left wing) Protestant by way of Evangelicalism, the question remains, ‘What kind of Protestants?’ In an article on Pentecostalism, published in a theological guide on French contemporary Protestantism, Christian Seytre, Apostolic Church pastor and former general secretary of the FPF, says: ‘Pentecostals are Protestants but often Protestants without the Reformation’.182 Is this the case because of Church history amnesia, a lack of historical consciousness, or maybe because of ‘too many Catholic elements in their history and spirituality’,183 which becomes difficult to admit when adopting an anti-catholic stance in predominantly Catholic countries? Jean Baubérot once asked the question if French Protestantism is ‘a species facing extension’, while discussing the dream of a Protestant France, its historical limitations and its challenges in order to acquire a renewed identity.184 The pluralism of Protestant logic has certainly helped in promoting the integration of Pentecostalism in its midst. This marriage of convenience – mariage de raison – has apparently served both parties well. Initially, Pentecostals have joined the FPF not because of their Reformed history or theology, were motivated mostly by existential issues as in the case of the Pentecostal Gypsies (MET): 1) They were lacking a positive social visibility and did not want to be considered a cult any longer; 2) They were in need of a legitimate support structure when facing issues with local or national authorities, and 3) They were open to bring their spiritual fervour within Protestantism.185 An ongoing 181   FPF stands for « Fédération Protestante de France », while CACPE stands for « Conseil Administratif du Culte Protestant-Evangélique ». 182   Christian Seytre, ‘Le pentecôtisme’ in En compagnie de beaucoup d’autres : Guide théologique du protestantisme contemporain, Geoffrey de Turckheim, ed. (Paris: Les Bergers et les Mages), p.101. 183   Walter J. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Development Worldwide (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997), p.162. 184   Jean Baubérot, Le protestantisme doit-il mourir ? (Paris: Seuil, 1988), p.9. 185   Letter of Clément Le Cossec to the author, Le Mans, 24 October 1989. Cf. Pfister, Soixante ans (footn. 6), 124.

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dialogue between ADD and FPF has led to a better mutual under­ standing, but not to membership with the Protestant Federation at this stage. Because of their reluctance towards academic theological training and a professional clergy, Pentecostal and Charismatic churches in francophone Europe have only developed Bible institutes or Discipleship training programmes, but no French-speaking Pentecostal-Charismatic faculty of theology or seminary has ever been established by Europeans.186 The crying absence of an autochthonous francophone Pentecostal theological education has led to a deficiency of European PentecostalCharismatic theological literature written by French-speaking authors. Most books written by them seek to be practically relevant for church ministry and Christian life. The Editions Vida, a major French Pente­ costal publishing house, distributes a catalogue with essentially AngloSaxon literature (translated into French). Also, a new ­generation of Pentecostal-Charismatic leaders has been educated in Protestant schools, foremost in evangelical theological faculties at Vaux-sur-Seine or Aixen-Provence (Reformed-Evangelical), where they have acquired a Protestant and Evangelical identity, while preserving a PentecostalCharismatic specificity. This has certainly impacted what Mayrargue has called a ‘pentecostalisation’187 of the Evangelical trend within Protestantism. Statistical evidence remains incomplete, even disputed, but according to estimated figures given in his book on Evangelical Protestantism in France (1800– 2005), Fath suggests that 60% of all French Evangelicals are actually Pentecostal or Charismatic in their orientation.188 Blurring lines between them have made it increasingly difficult to establishing a reliable taxonomy. The astonishing growth of Pentecostalism in francophone Europe has produced a dissemination of independent charismatic ­entrepreneurs.

186   Continental Theological Seminary which is located in St-Pieters-Leeuw, Belgium, is a denominational Pentecostal institution, part of the Assemblies of God World Missions (U.S.A.). 187   Cédric Mayrargue is quoted in Ilhame Taoufiqi, ‘Eglise pentecôtiste: Entreprises spirituelles en concurrence’ in Regards, 1 February 2006. ?id=2275&q=Eglise pentecôtiste (accessed March 24, 2010). 188   Fath, Du ghetto au réseau, 215, 234. His 2005 figures mention 350,000 French Evangelicals out of which 200,000 are Pentecostals-Charismatics. With an additional 45,000 in order to include the so-called diaspora Evangelical Christians (who moved to France from other countries), the total reaches 395,000 Evangelicals in France.


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Such multiplication has been achieved at the cost of a weak and fragile institutional cohesion.189 Such far-reaching fragmentation has long left French Pentecostals indifferent, but is not any longer accepted  as  an unavoidable phenomenon. Its perhaps most visible demonstration is their active participation in an ongoing process (which started in 2001) towards the formation of a Conseil National des Evangéliques de France (CNEF), which is understood as a place of dialogue, ­reflection, ­teamwork, and prayer – a platform aiming to reinforce the visibility of and connections within the French Evangelical Protestant world while respecting its diversity. Its Constitutive General Assembly is schedule to meet in June 2010, with an inaugural National Convention following in January 2011. It is most significant in terms of representation that ‘Assemblies of God’ and ‘Pentecostals and Charismatics’ have built two distinct groupings within the CNEF. In the May 2009 update, ethnic churches in general and Pentecostal Gypsies (MET) in ­particular are not listed among the member churches involved the process.190 Pentecostal margins in francophone Europe: A threefold challenge Pentecostal self-understanding has given rise to a number of controversial discussions, both about Pentecostal origins and identity. I want to present here three expressions of modern movements of the Holy Spirit with orientations of their own, all present in francophone Europe, yet found at the margins of mainstream Pentecostalism. They may be looked upon as a marginal phenomenon due to less impressive figures, but their significance needs to be understood, as each one of them presents a distinct theological challenge that should not be ignored. Messianic Jewish congregations – the challenge of non-pagan origins of the Church Jews have been for centuries an ethnic minority in a Gentile-dominated, called out-of-paganism Christian Church which got accustomed to (f) ailing relationships with its Jewish roots. Jewish believers in Jesus who identify themselves with a Jewish identity and lifestyle are referred to as 189   Sébastien Fath, ‘Rassembler ou multiplier ? Le prophétisme des ‘réveils’ de la Drôme et d’Ardèche au début des années 1930’, Musée du Désert, http://www (accessed March 16, 2010). 190, La-charte-de-fondation-du-Conseil-National-­des -Evangéliques-de-France.html (accessed April 7, 2010).

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‘Messianic Jews’. They are predominantly Pentecostal-charismatic in orientation.191 The modern messianic Jewish movement in francophone Europe was founded by Paul Ghennassia, a Sephardi Jew born in Constantine, eastern Algeria in 1923, who together with Marcel Beckrich were major pioneers of the Messianic movement in Western Europe.192 In March 1953, Ghennassia was immersed in water and in the Spirit (two days apart). From 1958 to 1964 he worked within the French Assemblies of God. When he moved to Paris, he established the ‘Témoignage Messianique au Peuple d’Israël’ (Messianic Witness to the People of Israel) and soon after the Messianic congregation ‘El Bethel’ (both in 1964), now located Rue Omer Talon in Paris-13e. In 1986, widower Ghennassia married Anya Nopari from Finland who had founded the Messianic congregation ‘Beth Yeshoua’ (1981) in Brussels, Belgium.193 Other messianic congregations are found in French cities with larger Jewish populations like for example Marseille, Lyon, Toulouse, and Strasbourg. Their leaders are usually referred to as rabbi or messianic pastor. They usually hold on to a dual identity of Jew and Christian, while making clear that any Jew who becomes a believer in Jesus does not give up his Jewishness or convert to another religion. In order to reach the half a million Jewish population in France, many messianic Jews maintain their credibility by keeping a safe distance from Chris­ tian  churches where various forms of Replacement Theology are still prevalent.194 The Alliance Francophone des Juifs Messianiques, the French branch of the International Messianic Jewish Alliance (IMJA), is led by Jacques Elbaz, a French Pentecostal missionary-pastor in Israel (affiliated 191   More recent North American evangelical organisations reaching out to Jewish people in francophone Europe, like ‘Chosen People Ministries’ – Centre Messianique : Œuvres auprès du Peuple d’Israël (since 2002, after a restructuration of the French Baptist messianic ministry Le Berger d’Israël , founded in 1936) or ‘Jews for Jesus’ – Juifs pour Jésus (since 1992), are beyond the scope of our present study. 192   Daniel Juster and Peter Hocken, The Messianic Jewish Movement: An Introduction (Toward Jerusalem Council II, 2004), pp. 26–27. 193 d=43%3Acategorie-responsables&id=44%3Apresenta-responsables&Itemid=57 (accessed April 7, 2010). 194   Stern, pp.111–14. Replacement theology (or supersessionism) teaches that the church is the replacement for Israel and that the promises made to Israel in the Bible are now fulfilled in the Christian church, the new Israel, since the church ‘supersedes’ Israel.


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with the ADD) and director of the Francophone Bible Institute in Jerusalem.195 What impact will Messianic Jews have on the future of Christian theology? A re-discovery of the Jewishness of the Gospel and its implicit eschatology, i.e. awaiting reconciliation and restoration for all of creation, cannot be underestimated. Hocken points out in particular three levels of challenges that Gentile (non-Jewish) believers in Jesus have to face if they are going to take seriously the implications of Messianic Jews for the life of the Church: (1) Respecting their existence means giving up replacement thinking and teaching; (2) Respecting their identity means giving up a view of the Church that is only Gentile and does not allow it to be joined to a truly Jewish entity; (3) Respecting their history means turning away from an attitude of arrogance and embracing a spirit of repentance towards deeply rooted anti-Jewish attitudes.196 African Initiated Churches – the challenge of non-Western inculturation in the Church With its international headquarters in Nigeria, the Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) is probably the most widespread Church of the Aladura197 origin (close to one million members worldwide) and by some estimates the most popular independent Pentecostal church in West Africa.198 Following several prophetic visions he had in 1947, Samuel Bilehou Joseph Oshoffa (1909–85) founded in Porto Novo, Benin, a prophetic church with a complex and elaborate structure which has also been established in France (1974) and Belgium (1991) as Eglise du Christianisme Céleste. The situation of the Church in France is somewhat in contrast with the one in Belgium. The French branches are older and more numerous (about 25 in greater Paris), and they recruit people from a more diverse ethno-national background, while the few Belgian branches are mostly attended by Nigerians. Somehow paradoxical, they display 195 (accessed April 8, 2010). 196  Hocken, Challenges, pp.104–110. 197   The Aladura (‘praying people’) movement is an African Pentecostal revival that emphasizes prayer, especially prayer for healing and deliverance. 198   T. P. Thigpen, ‘Celestial Church of Christ’ in S.M. Burgess & E van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.467–472.

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in both cases claims of local independence while depending on their ecclesial hierarchy as a mode of progression.199 In any case, they appear to be a support community especially for youth and women. It will remain for many a debated question whether, as Hollenweger asks, ‘the Holy Spirit also works through the Celestial Church’,200 while adopting a cosmology that seems to be in substantial agreement with the traditional religious worldview of the Yoruba. African Pentecostal churches which have produced their own theologies, liturgies, and ethics do not seem to be able to fit patterns of Western Christianity… and not even Western Pentecostalism. De Surgy takes the position that the CCC is neither a syncretist nor a separatist church that split up from a missionary church.201 For him it is a spontaneous form of authentic African inculturation.202 An emphasis on sanctification and cleanliness has obviously determined its beliefs and practices where ritual activities play an essential part in promoting divine encounters. Since Christian adaptation to new situations has produced both functional and/or dysfunctional religious patterns, it might be helpful at this point to make ‘a plea for a theologically responsible syncretism’203 instead of insisting on an imaginative (Pentecostal) blueprint. Oneness Pentecostalism – the challenge of non-trinitarian monotheism to the Church With roots going back to the 1901 Apostolic Faith movement associated with Charles Parham, the United Pentecostal Church (UPC) is a North American denomination formed in 1945 by the merger of two Oneness Pentecostal organizations, the Pentecostal Assemblies of Jesus Christ (PAJC) and the Pentecostal Church Incorporated (PCI). Many doctrinal beliefs (e.g. Spirit-baptism with speaking in tongues as the initial sign) and standards of behaviour (e.g. modesty expressed in 199   Christine Henry and Joël Noret, ‘Le Christianisme Céleste en France et en Belgique’ in Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n°143, July-September 2008, Christianismes du Sud à l’épreuve de l’Europe, pp.91–109. 200  Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, p.301. 201   Albert de Surgy, L’Eglise du Christianisme Céleste: Un exemple d’Eglise prophétique au Bénin (Paris: Karthala, 2001), p.15. 202   André Mary, ‘Afro-christianisme et politique de l’identité : l’église du christianisme Céleste Versus celestial church of Christ’ in Archives de sciences sociales des religions, No. 118 (April – June 2002), p.56. 203  Hollenweger, Pentecostalism, pp.132–141.


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strict rules of conduct and dress code) hold by the UPC reflect the Holiness-Pentecostal tradition of early twentieth century.204 Over the years, the Foreign Missions Division of the UPC has appointed several missionaries to francophone Europe, two of which are the children of Jan Balca (early Apostolic pioneer in Yugoslavia) who had evangelised northern France back in 1930: Samuel Balca (reappointed to France and Monaco in 2003 after 24 years in Eastern Europe) and Anne Balca, married to Jean-Claude Nowacki (came to France in 1977), who established in 1979 the first United Pentecostal Church in Melun, near Paris, and who is now President of the Fédération des Églises Pentecôtistes Unies de France with 12 national churches, 28 licensed ministers, a Bible School, and over 1,000 constituents (according to a 2004 Report).205 They were later joined by the Paul Brochu and Marcus Brainos families respectively in 1993 and 2004. Native Sicilian and raised in Belgium, Filippo Ciulla has been working in Belgium (since 1985) and also Switzerland (since 1996).206 The distinctive doctrines of the UPC include a non-Trinitarian view of God and a water baptismal practice ‘in the name of Jesus’ which is seen as the only correct formula (based on Acts 10:48). A TrinitarianOneness dialogue (2002–2007) within the Society for Pentecostal Studies has helped moving beyond caricature and clichés by examining a number of points of difference which included Christology, Soteriology, and Ethics (Holiness).207 Differences of biblical interpretation have led to the historic division of 1916 which resulted in a ‘final alienation from the Pentecostal fellowship’.208 Intra-Pentecostal dialogue has always been difficult in francophone Europe, and in the absence of dialogue, tensions have remained largely unresolved. This applies even more to Oneness Pentecostalism where isolation prevents much mutual understanding. Shared Pentecostal experience does not necessarily lead to a shared theology, but a genuine ecumenism of the Spirit could build bridges where there are none.

204   J. L. Hall, ‘United Pentecostal Church, International’ in S. M. Burgess & E. Van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.1160–1165. 205 (accessed April 9, 2010). 206   The Steven Schobert family served as UPCI Missionaries to France from December 1998 until January 2006. 207   Final report and various articles in response are found in Pneuma 30/2, 2008. 208   David Reed, ‘Aspects of the Origins of Oneness Pentecostalism’ in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, Vinson Synan, ed. (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp.143–65.

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In that respect, there are still very few bridges even between Protestant Pentecostals and Catholic Pentecostals.209 Conclusions: Decrypting Pentecostalism in Francophone Europe A multicoloured conquering force for change within francophone Europe, the Pentecostal version of Christianity is the fastest growing segment of a religion gaining new and (sometimes) spectacular visibility.210 While for a majority of Evangelical Pentecostals, the changing face of Catholic Renewal is still under suspicion,211 its Protestant counterpart is often perceived by society as a nebula, extended in size yet fuzzy in appearance. Pentecostalism remains therefore a diffuse mass of denominations and trends both, visible as luminous patches or areas of darkness. The actual use or non-use of the label Pentecostal or Charismatic is in itself not necessarily indicative of Pentecostal reality, if one accepts that it is legitimate to use Pentecostalism as a generic concept for various modern (dis)similar Christian movements of the Spirit. Many churches are and remain clearly ‘Pentecostal’ in doctrine and ‘Charismatic’ in practice even when they prefer to avoid such term for themselves. The Charismatic movement is already present in France at a time when the term ‘Charismatic’ is not yet used in any official designation (in Protestant as well as in Catholic churches), and being ‘Pentecostal’ has not yet undergone the process of institutionalisation that will lead to attitudes of monopoly and exclusiveness. Immigration from francophone Africa and the French Caribbean, but also newcomers from Asia and Latin America, have generated a new Christian presence among French-speaking Protestants and Catholics, which is producing – in due time – a generation of new Europeans… making France, Belgium, Luxembourg, or Switzerland their new home.212 Decrypting Pentecostalism in francophone Europe presupposes the 209   For sole editorial reasons, the presentation of Catholic Pentecostals in francophone Europe, originally an integral part of this chapter, is now included in chapter 12 on Pentecostal Theology and Catholic Europe. 210   Stéphanie Lambert, ‘La conquête charismatique’, Histoire et Patrimoines – Les Catholiques, no. 6, 2005. 211   Cf. various articles evaluating post-Vatican II changes within the Roman Catholic Church and their implications for Protestantism. Documents Expériences – Le catholicisme a-t-il changé ?, No. 24, 1976. 212   Philip Jenkins, God’s Continent: Christianity, Islam, and Europe’s Religious Crisis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.93–94.


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ability to interpret Protestant revival and Catholic renewal, not either or, but both together in clear favour of a new season for Christianity in Europe. Bibliography Aubrée, Marion, ‘Un néo-pentecôtisme brésilien parmi les populations immigrées en Europe de l’Ouest’ in Anthropologie et Sociétés, vol. 27, n° 1, 2003, 65–84. Barrett, David B. and Todd M. Johnson in the 2nd revised edition of: The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, (rev. ed.) (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002). Baubérot, Jean, Le protestantisme doit-il mourir? (Paris: Seuil, 1988), p. 9. Bidet, Marie, Will French Gypsies always stay nomadic and out of the law-making process? In Romani mobilities in Europe: multidisciplinary perspectives – Conference Proceedings (Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford, 14–15 January 2010), 20. Boddy, Alexander A. ‘Across the Channel – Days in France’ in Confidence (November 1909, Vol. II, No. 11), 263–64. Boutter, Bernard ‘Pentecôtisme et ethnicité en France’ in La recomposition des protestantismes en Europe latine: Entre émotion et tradition, ed. Jean-Pierre Bastian (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2004). Brandt-Bessire, Daniel, Aux sources de la spiritualité pentecôtiste (Genève, CH : Labor et Fides, 1986), 63–72. Bundy, David, ‘Louis Dallière: Apologist for Pentecostalism in France and Belgium, 1932–1939’ in Pneuma, Fall (1988), Vol. 10:2. Bundy, David, ‘Louis Dallière: Apologist for Pentecostalism in France and Belgium, 1932–1939’ in Pneuma (Fall 1998, Vol. 10:2), pp.85–115. Bundy, David, ‘Pentecostalism in Belgium’ in Pneuma (Spring 1986, Vol. 18:1), pp. 41–56. Corten, André, Jean-Pierre Dozon, Ari-Pedro Oro, Les nouveaux conquérants de la foi: l’église universelle du royaume de Dieu (Brésil). (Paris: Karthala, 2003), pp.128–29. de Surgy, Albert, L’Eglise du Christianisme Céleste: Un exemple d’Eglise prophétique au Bénin (Paris: Karthala, 2001), 15. Decorvet, Philippe ‘Le Réveil, du rêve à la réalité : Un exemple français, le Réveil de la Drôme’ in Théologie Evangélique (vol. 7.1, 2008), pp.65–77. Espinosa, G., ‘Universal Church of the Kingdom of God’ The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.1165–1166. Fancello, Sandra ‘Réveil de l’ethnicité akan et pentecôtisme ‘indigène’ en Europe’ in Diversité urbaine, vol. 7, n° 1, 2007, pp.51–67. Fath, Sébastien ‘Baptistes et Pentecôtistes en France, une histoire parallèle ? Le baptisme, une ‘culture d’accueil’ du pentecôtisme (1820–1950)’ in Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français (BSHPF), July-September 2000, 524–35. Fath, Sébastien ‘Les Baptistes dans l’Europe latine: entre tradition et émotion, quelles recompositions ?’ in La recomposition des protestantismes en Europe latine: entre émotion et tradition, ed. Jean-Pierre Bastian (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2004). Fath, Sébastien ‘Rassembler ou multiplier ? Le prophétisme des ‘réveils’ de la Drôme et d’Ardèche au début des années 1930’, Musée du Désert, http://www.museedudesert .com/article5699.html (accessed March 16, 2010). Fath, Sébastien, Du ghetto au réseau : Le protestantisme évangélique en France (1800– 2005), (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2005), p.218.

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Favre, Olivier, Les Eglises évangéliques de Suisse : Origines et identités (Genève : Labor et Fides, 2006). Hall, J. L., ‘United Pentecostal Church, International’, in S.M. Burgess & E van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp.1160–1165. Henry, Christine and Joël Noret, ‘Le Christianisme Céleste en France et en Belgique’ in Archives de sciences sociales des religions, n°143, July-September 2008, Christianismes du Sud à l’épreuve de l’Europe, pp. 91–109. Hocken, P. D., ‘Biolley, Hélène (c. 1854–c.1947)’ in Burgess, S. & Eduard M. Van Der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002) p417. Hocken, Peter, The Challenges of the Pentecostal, Charismatic and Messianic Jewish Movements: The Tensions of the Spirit (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), 64. Hollenweger, Walter J., ‘Some Aspects of European Charismatics’ in Russell P. Spittler (ed) Perspectives on the New Pentecostalism, (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1976), pp.50–54. Hollenweger, Walter J., Handbuch der Pfingstbewung. PhD diss., 1965, University of Zurich, Vol. 5, 2130. In Internet Archive, _handbuchderpfings_1423 (accessed March 7, 2010) Hollenweger, Walter J., Pentecostalism: Origins and Development Worldwide (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997). Jenkins, Philip, God’s Continent: Christianity, Islam, and Europe’s Religious Crisis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.93–94. Journal Officiel de la République Française, 19 February 2000, Announcement No 1908. Juster Daniel and Peter Hocken, The Messianic Jewish Movement: An Introduction (Toward Jerusalem Council II, 2004), pp.26–27. Kasper, Walter, ‘Le nuove sfide del movimento ecumenico’ in Tempi di Unita, No 11–12, January-June 2008, 6. Kay, William K., Apostolic Networks in Britain: New Ways of Being Church, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2007), p.80. Lambert, Stéphanie, ‘La conquête charismatique’, Histoire et Patrimoines – Les Catholiques, no. 6, 2005. Le Cossec, Clément, Letter to the author, Le Mans, 24 October 1989. ——, My Adventures with the Gypsies: Faith – Miracles (Bangalore: The Indian Gypsy Work Fellowship, 1997), 17. Lefebvre-Billiez, Marie « Le Renouveau Charismatique » in Réforme n°3166, September 3, 2006. (accessed April 3, 2010). Lemonnier Marie, Interview with Jean-Paul Willaime, ‘Le Réveil des protestants,’ L’Observateur, No. 2354, December 17, 2009. Lindberg, Carter, The Third Reformation: charismatic movements and the Lutheran tradition (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983). Mary, André, ‘Afro-christianisme et politique de l’identité : l’église du christianisme Céleste Versus celestial church of Christ’ in Archives de sciences sociales des religions, No. 118 (April – June 2002). Peterschmmitt, Jean, Maintenant mon œil te voit (Pfastatt, France: Editions Porte Ouverte Chrétienne, 1995). Pfister, Raymond, ‘Soixante ans de Pentecôtisme en Alsace (1930–1990)’ in Studies in the  Intercultural History of Christianity, Vol. 93 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1995). Pownall, André, ‘Un demi-siècle d’implantation d’Églises évangéliques en région parisienne (1950–2000)’ in Théologie Evangélique, vol. 4, n° 1, (2005). Ray, Maurice, ‘Souvenirs pêle-mêle’, Tome 2, 67–68, Tome2web_.pdf (accessed March 16, 2010).


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Reed, David ‘Aspects of the Origins of Oneness Pentecostalism’ in Vinson Synan, ed. Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 143–65. Robinson, E. B., ‘Youth With A Mission’ The New International Dictionary of Pente­ costal  Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp. 1223–1224 Schmink, Céline, ‘Charisma, l’Eglise qui swingue’ in La Vie (No. 3347, 22–28 October 2009), pp. 72–73. Seytre, Christian ‘Le pentecôtisme’ in En compagnie de beaucoup d’autres : Guide théologique du protestantisme contemporain, Geoffrey de Turckheim, ed. (Paris: Les Bergers et les Mages), p. 101. Shelton, James B., Mighty in Word and Deed: The Role of the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts, (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1991). Sherrill, John and Elizabeth, Les gens les plus heureux sur terre : La vie de Demos Shakarian, (Meudon-Bellevue: Communauté française des hommes d’affaires du plein Evangile, 1978). Spener, Philip Jacob, Pia Desideria, (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 1964) (print 2002). Steiner Leonard, Mit folgenden Zeichen: Eine Darstellung der Pfingstbewegung (Basel: Verlag Mission für das volle Evangelium, 1954). Stotts, G. R., ‘France’, in Burgess, S. & Eduard M. Van Der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), p. 105–7 Stotts, George, Le Pentecôtisme au pays de Voltaire (Grezieu La Varenne : Viens et Vois, 1981), 75, 133. Streiff, Patrick, Reluctant Saint? A Theological Biography of Fletcher of Madely (Peterborough, UK: Epworth Press, 2001). Stronstad Roger, The Charismatic Theology of St. Luke,(Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1984). Thigpen, T. P., ‘Celestial Church of Christ’ in S.M. Burgess & E van der Maas (eds), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002), pp. 467–472. Veldhuizen, Evert, Le renouveau charismatique protestant en France, 1968–88 (Doctoral dissertation, University of Paris-Sorbonne, 1995). Wildrianne, Jean-Paul, ‘Consécration totale: La vie, le ministère et l’influence durable de Douglas John Ranger Scott’, Viens et Vois, (Grézieu-la-Varenne, 2006). Willaime, Jean-Paul, ‘Le Pentecôtisme: contours et paradoxes d’un protestantisme émotionnel’, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions 105 (January-March 1999) Willaime, Jean-Paul and Laurent Amiotte-Suchet, «La pluie de l’Esprit»: Étude sociologique d’une assemblée pentecôtiste mulhousienne «Mission du Plein Évangile. La Porte Ouverte Chrétienne », Groupe de Sociologie des Religions et de la Laïcité (GSRL), October 2004 Report, Online Version (14 February 2007), 22–38. http://halshs (accessed March 29, 2010). Williams, Patrick, ‘Le développement du Pentecôtisme chez les Tsiganes en France: mouvement messianique, stéréotypes et affirmation d’identité’ in Vers des sociétés pluriculturelles : études comparatives et situation en France. Actes du colloque ­international de l’AFA – Association française des anthropologues – 9–11 janvier 1986, Ministère de la recherche et de la technologie, (Paris: Editions ORSTOM, 1987), 325–331. Wilson, Julian, Wigglesworth: The Complete Story (Tyrone, GA: Authentic, 2004), 184–5. Wood, Lawrence, ‘The Meaning of Pentecost in Early Methodism’ Rediscovering John Fletcher as John Wesley’s Vindicator and Designated Successor, (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2002).

chapter six The Development of the Pentecostal Movement in Iberia (Spain & Portugal) Manuel Martín-Arroyo and Paulo Branco Part I:  History of Pentecostalism in Spain Manuel Martín-Arroyo The Beginning of Pentecostal Work in Spain1 Pentecostalism was to develop in Spain in waves; the first ones, naturally, small and gentle; the next would be stronger. The first wave was of Swedish origin and began with the arrival of missionaries Julia and Martin Wahlsten in 1923, making Gijón the first Spanish city with a Pentecostal church.2 One of the main Spanish Pentecostal ministers, Rev. Antonio Rodríguez, came from this church. A few years later, in 1927, the church would be in Madrid (Fernando Díaz de Mendoza street). Johansson, Stahlberg, Armstrong and Forsberg are further names to be added to the list of Swedish families that helped in those pioneer years, along with some Spaniards who had already started working and had convincing testimonies to faith in Christ, such as Antonio Rodríguez, whom I mentioned above, or Antonio Contreras. The church in Ronda (Malaga) was established in 1930 with the arrival of the Englishman Thomas, of the Elim church. In 1946 the church in La Coruña was planted by the Perruc brothers from Cuba who were assisted by the Lamas family (Spanish).

1   José María Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España, (Rudersberg, Germany: Unpublished Paper 2002). (Own Translation) 2   Paul Branco, Historia del Movimiento Pentecostal en España, (Madrid, Spain: Ed. Propia 1993).


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Difficulties During the Civil War3 The Spanish Civil War was a dangerous time for Pentecostal churches in  Spain; the experiences the churches, members and pastors had are similar to those Christians of other denominations had. Pain and persecution affected all of them; these were not times of doctrinal or denominational discussions. Missionaries were deserting the country, but the Spanish persevered, despite all of their troubles and the high price they often had to pay for their work. The church in Madrid was occupied by Socialist-Youths who burned the pews to heat the building. After General Franco’s victory, Rev. Antonio Rodríguez was sentenced to death, but a miracle saved his life. Post-War Period and Expansion in the 1960s4 The next wave of missionaries was American; they had a strong influence on the churches they planted. At this time the Spanish also planted churches allowing purely national work to take place. Later on English, French and Puerto Rican missionaries would arrive, each with their own backgrounds. In the 1950s and 1960s new churches were established; in 1952 two were planted in Barcelona, one by the Mcintyre brothers (now in ‘Travesia de San Antonio’ Street) and the other by Antonio Rodríguez (in ‘Horta’ area). In 1951 Roy Dalton arrived in Ronda and the Spaniard Custodio Apolo of the Church of God returned to Badajoz after his conversion in New York, but his work died with him. Collin Warner (English) went to Almería. In the 1960s the growth of Pentecostal work in Spain gathered speed. Ruth B. Weitkamp (Rosita) opened the church in Rota in 1961. Alejandro Garcia, a Spaniard from the church in Madrid who was married to a Swedish missionary, started to work in Lérida in 1962 and Rosita and José de Palma, who were from the same church as Alejandro Garcia, started to work in Madrid. In 1963 the Burgess family arrived in the area of Levante (Valencia) and founded at least three churches in that area: in Aguilas, Alcantarilla and Alicante. The Puerto Rican Manuel Rivas planted a new Pentecostal church in Madrid and siblings Juanita and José Alcade – French of Spanish origin – started to work in Cataluña planting a number of churches over the course of time (Gavà, Sabadell, 3 4

José María Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España (Own Translation).   Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España (Own Translation).

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Sant Boi…). In 1964 Daniel del Vecchio started to work in Malaga. In 1965 Carlos Primo (Spanish) and missionaries Carolina and Esteban Norman started to work in Bilbao. One year later, in 1966 José Antonio and Carmen Aldapa, North American missionaries of Mexican origin, went to Seville followed by Juan and Patricia Negrón, with whom they united their groups later on. The first missionaries of the Philadelphia movement crossed the Pyrenees to start what would become a religious revival for all Gypsies in Spain. Helge Berntsson arrived at Costa del Sol in 1967 and the married couple Giordano from the USA arrived in Valencia. In 1969, Puerto Rican Roberto Goitía opened a church in Vigo in 1969. Nothing could stop this wave now and it was during this time that the Pentecostal movement in Spain expanded and was firmly established; not only in the birth of churches, but also large movements or denominations: Assemblies of God, the Church of God, Philadelphia, Del Vecchio movement, Pentecostal Church of God, Salem Church, Open Bible, and many independent churches. From Independent churches to Denominations In 1967, during tardo-franquismo (the last period of government of General Franco) law 44/67 of Religious Freedom was approved without further difficulties thanks to Minister Fernando María Castiella;5 this enabled the establishment of legal entities among the Evangelicals and specifically in the Pentecostal Movement. Assemblies of God6 In Spain there are two movements of the Assemblies of God: Assemblies of God Spain (ADE) and Assemblies of God Canary Islands (ADIC). Even though there is a close relationship to the Spanish churches in terms of origin, fellowship and structure, the Assemblies of God in the Canary Islands maintain their own legal identity.7 The first church of 5   Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España, (Rudersberg, Germany: Unpublished Paper 2002). (Own Translation) 6  For more information the following sources may be consulted: ADE Book of Certificates, Fiel Magazine, the work of Paul Branco and José María Baena already mentioned (Own translation). 7   Paul Schmidgall, From Oslo to Berlin! European Pentecostalism, (Erzhausen, Germany: Leuchter-Edition, 2003), 191, 192.


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ADE was founded in La Coruña in 1946, but the organisation was not constituted in Spain until 1963, the year its first conference took place. The first president of the ADE was the US missionary William Mcintyre; he was president until 1970. There were churches in La Coruña, Gijon, Ronda, Barcelona, Madrid and Rota. The first Spanish ministers who were ordained by the ADE were José de Palma and José Rego (lawyer); others Spanish ministers were Miguel Pujol, Manolo Bejarano and José Alcade. They immediately asked to be part of the defence commission. By 1964 the Executive Committee already had Spanish members. As of 1971 differences and problems arose between the American missionaries and the Spanish ministers; in 1978 they separated from each other and the Spanish ministers founded the Spanish Council of the Assemblies of God. These differences were set aside in 1987 and the churches of the Council rejoined the ADE. At present the ADE consists of 270 churches with about 23,000 members.8 ADIC, founded in 1973, consists of 24 churches with 4,000 members.9 Both organisations have seminaries registered in the General Integration of the Assemblies of God. Missionaries founded many ADE churches, Spanish ministers founded others and some were independent churches that became part of the Assemblies of God by incorporation. They have numerous ministries, such as radio stations, social care ministries, book shops and rehabilitation centres for social outcasts. The ADE Missions department has sent out missionaries to Romania and North Africa, has developed programs for Equatorial Guinea, Albania, Croatia, Kosovo, Cuba, Ecuador and Honduras, and is planning further projects. Church of Philadelphia10 The Church of Philadelphia is a Gypsy evangelical movement; it is Pentecostal movement with the Gypsies’ cultural characteristics and traditional rules. Although there were already converted Gypsies in Spanish  churches, the Gypsies who immigrated to Spain from France were the ones that started the Pentecostal revival amongst their people.   Schmidgall, Unpublished Manuscript on European Pentecostalism, (ETS-Kniebis, Germany 2010), 279.     9   Schmidgall, Unpublished Manuscript on European Pentecostalism, 280. 10  Adolfo Gimenez, Llamamiento de Dios al Pueblo Gitano, (Terrasa, Spain: Ed. Propia, 1981). And Lisardo Cano, Un Pentecostal en el Siglo XX, (Barcelona, Ed. Propia, 1981).     8

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The movement was started in the Assemblies of God in France in the 1950s, with the aim of attending to the needs of diverse tribes. Apostle Clément Le Cossec (not a gypsy) started to minister in Balaguer (Lerida) in 1966; soon, the movement extended to Bilbao, Santander, Santoño, Palencia, Sori, Valladolid, Seville… Within a few years the so-called Seven Apostles (Emiliano, Jaime, Joselito, Juan, Lari, Manolo and Enrique) brought revival to the Gypsies of Spain and even Portugal. Today, the Church of Philadelphia has around 80,000 members. The Apostolic Movement of Daniel Del Vecchio11 Daniel Del Vecchio was a North American missionary of the Apostolic Church who went to Spain in 1964, at a high point of Pentecostalism in Spain. He established his ministry in Torremolinos (Malaga) and from there influenced the whole country. He was the first to open a rehabilitation centre for social outcasts called ‘REMAR’ in Antequera (Malaga). The aim was to involve natives in the ministry, many of whom received Christ as their personal saviour, were set free from drug-addiction and were sent to open new churches in Cordoba, Marbella, Seville, Fuengirola, Badajoz, Granada, Madrid, and even beyond the Spanish borders. The doctrine of Del Vecchio’s movement is Pentecostal and can be found in his book Piedras Fundamentales de la Fe Cristiana.12 The Church of God13 In 1934, Spanish Custodio Apolo, originally from Extremadura, experienced his conversion in New York City. He joined a Spanish speaking ‘Church of God’ congregation in New York that later on raised funds for Apolo’s return to Spain to share the Pentecostal experience with others. Author Paulo Branco in his book Historia del Movimiento Pentecostal en España affirmed that Custodio Apolo returned to Spain in 1935,14 but

11   Daniel Del Vecchio personal testimony cited by José María Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España (Own Translation). 12   Daniel Del Vecchio, Piedras Fundamentales de la Fe Cristiana. (Terrasa, Spain: Ed. Propia. 1980). 13  Information provided by the Current National Overseer, D. Alfonso Medina (own translation). For more information read the work of Alfonso Medina and Damian Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España (Unpublished paper: La Carlota-Cordoba, SPAIN, 2008.) 14   Paulo Branco, Historia del Movimiento Pentecostal en España, p. 292.


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according to a document written by Rev. Manuel do Couto, overseer of the ‘Igreja de Deus’ (Church of God) in Portugal, Custodio Apolo arrived in Badajoz, Spain in 1939, after the Spanish Civil War.15 During the Civil War and the post-war period the task of evangelizing was difficult and dangerous, especially for a Protestant minister in a Roman Catholic country. Apolo – as many other evangelicals – suffered persecution when celebrating clandestine worship services in people’s homes. Even so, there is evidence that he conducted baptism services for the new converts on 26th July 1951 and 6th September 1955.16 The Church of God’s Missions Department in the USA supplied Apolo with literature that was distributed and read in secret. Ray H. Hughes, a Church of God evangelist from the USA, visited Apolo in Badajoz on a journey to Europe in the beginning of 1956. On 29th February of the same year Hughes met with a small group in Apolo’s home. There, the American evangelist ‘officially established’17 the Church of God in Spain. That very same day, two of Apolo’s converts received the Baptism in the Holy Spirit.18 In the 1960s Rev. Esdras Betancourt, a teacher at the Church of God Seminary in Switzerland (now the European Theological Seminary at Kniebis, Germany) visited the elderly Apolo on a trip to Spain.19 Custodio Apolo passed away on 14th August 1967 at the age of 84. When he died, he left a small church of 6 members led by Antonio Garcia Coronado who was the last person to be baptized by Apolo around 1963–64.20 After Apolo’s death, the Church of God lost contact with the congregation in Badajoz (although the European Field Director, Rev. William D. Alton travelled from Switzerland to Badajoz for Apolo’s funeral), the  congregation is no longer part of the Church of God.21 In March 26th, 2008 overseer Alfonso Medina made contact with Rev. Antonio García Coronado, who continues to pastor a Pentecostal congregation

Medina & Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, p. 8.  Charles W. Conn, Like A Mighty Army (Cleveland, Tennessee: Pathway Press, 1977), p. 292. 17   “Officially established” To be understood as a Church of God congregation recognized by the denomination in the USA but not registered or recognized by the Spanish state. Religious freedom was not (officially) permitted in Spain until the establishment of the Democratic Constitution in 1978. 18  Conn, Like A Mighty Army, 292–293. 19   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, p. 8. 20   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, p. 8. 21   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, p. 9. 15 16

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in  Badajoz city, which is part of the heritage of Custodio Apolo’s ministry.22 Two National Pioneers (José Ceballos and Miguel Trallero) After Apolo’s death, the first official church of the Church of God was established in Ceuta 1960 (making it the oldest Church of God congregation in Spain). It was there that Pastor D. José Ceballos (1907–1990), from a Baptist background, saw his ministry being transformed by his Pentecostal experience through the ministry of Daniel Del Vecchio.23 Ceballos was the first President of the young denomination in Spain and its first legal representative. He was member of the Church of God National Council in Spain for many years.24 Along with Ceballos another minister of great value to the Church of God in Spain was Miguel Trallero (1930-2010). Trallero opened the first church in Tarragona in 1962, becoming the first Church of God congregation in Catalonia and the Iberian Peninsula.25 It was there, in the small church that Trallero and his family opened in their home that, in a family prayer meeting, he received the Baptism of the Holy Spirit with the initial evidence of speaking in tongues.26 Trallero and his family moved to Santa Coloma de Gramanet (Barcelona) in 1976 where he opened a new church. In 1987 the congregation bought its first property for a sanctuary in San Joaquin Street, where it still continues.27 Rev. Miguel Trallero was part of the Church of God National Council for many years, served as their National Secretary and legal representative under the leadership of all the overseers that the Church of God has had until now,28 during which time churches from different parts of Spain (Tarragona, Barcelona, Madrid, Miranda de Ebro…) were added to the Church of God. The Santa Coloma congregation celebrated its 25th anniversary in 2001. Pioneer pastor Miguel

22   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, pp. 8, 9. This contradicts Charles Conn who insisted that the work of Custodio Apolo in Badajoz came to an end with his death. Conn, Like A Mighty Army, pp. 297, 381. 23   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, 10. 24   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, 10. 25   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, 11. 26   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, 11. 27   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, 11. 28   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, p. 11.


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Trallero retired in 2005 and his youngest son Rev. Daniel Trallero continues his father’s legacy. After the Dictatorship of General Franco, the period of the national overseers started:29 Rev. James E. Lewis Rev. Roberto Rodríguez Irizarri Rev. Charles Lambert Rev. Antonio Ramírez Valle Rev. Alfonso Medina Rodríguez

(USA) (Puerto Rico) (USA) (Puerto Rico) (Spain)

(1975–1980) (1980–1986) (1986–1990) (1990–1995) (1995–2010)

The current National Overseer Alfonso Medina, son of one of the pioneers of the church in Ceuta, is the first Spaniard to assume the duty of a National Overseer, before him, all the others were missionary appointments. Since Alfonso Medina was appointed as National Overseer, the church has acquired a team-leadership structure. At the present, the Church of God in Spain has a National Secretary Jaume Torrado, who is also the Regional Bishop of the Northeast area of the Iberian Peninsula; a National Council of 4 members elected by the National Assembly,30 which include local pastors and missionaries, the National Overseer and the National Secretary; a national Education Director;31 and a national Youth Director.32 The Church of God has established various ministries in the country. In the South, missionary Dr. Luis Solis initiated the Medical Foundation ‘El Buen Samaritano’ as an evangelistic tool to reach the Muslim world. In the centre of the country and thanks to the collaboration of the Church of God World Missions the facilities of the National Theological Seminary (to be developed) were constructed. In the Northeast, in the area of Catalonia, Jaume Torrado founded the first Christian Radio Station ‘Ona Pau Girona’ reaching an audience of 600,000 people with the message of Christ in their own language (Catalan); Besides the Radio, there is a Social Care Ministry ‘El Bon Samarità’ that has a rehabilitation centre for social outcasts, and supplies food for about 1,000 people every week and a theological school, which is the Spanish extension of the European 29   Medina and Barmón, Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España, pp. 13–17. 30   The current members of the National Council since 2008 are: Missionary Dr. Luis Solis, Francisco Palomino, Hassan El Chalbzouri, and Manuel Martín-Arroyo (Senior). These 4 members meet regularly with the National Overseer and the National Secretary. 31   The current Education Director since 2008 is Daniel Trallero. 32   The current Youth Director since 2008 is Jonatan Martín-Arroyo.

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Theological Seminary. The Church of God has also established numerous ethnic and international churches and numbers today 4,000 believers in 50 churches.33 La Biblia Abierta34 (Open Bible Church) The first missionaries of the Open Bible Church arrived from the United States to Spain on November 1969. Dan and Margarita Smith with their three children were sent out by the National Convention in the United States to start the work in Barcelona and plan the future Spanish national church. In 1970, Rodolfo Loyola and his wife Raquel, along with their four children and his mother-in-law, arrived in Madrid as refugees from Cuba. While the Smith family started the first church in ‘Hospitalet de Llobregat’ (Barcelona), the Loyola family was working among the many Cuban refugees arriving to Spain in that time. Soon, the Loyolas felt the need to open the first church in the area of Madrid. It was a rented room in ‘Canillejas’; there, they organized their first evangelistic event, which lasted 30 days; the results were great as many people were won for Christ. While the Hospitalet church was experiencing a religious revival, the two churches (Barcelona and Madrid) became part of the new ‘Spanish Open Bible Church’ spiritual family, with the vision to extend the work to other areas of the country. The first ‘National Convention’ took place in Zaragoza in the summer of 1975 with the congregations of Madrid and Barcelona. The aims of the first convention were fellowship and organization. Since the first convention, the ‘Biblia Abierta’ church has experienced spiritual growth and the official establishment of the denomination in Spain. ‘Iglesias de la Biblia Abierta’ (Open Bible Churches) as a confessional organization, was registered at the Ministry of Justice (Spanish government office) on July 11th, 1973; the register number was 195. The biennial National Conventions are mainly held for celebration, fellowship and to share what God is doing among the churches in the country, but also has an official purpose: in which new ministers are ordained, reports are presented, and so on.

33   Paul Schmidgall, Unpublished Manuscript on European Pentecostalism, (ETSKniebis, Germany, 2010) 281. 34  All the information on the Open Bible Church was given by the current Secretary Javier Jimeno, who also serves as the director of INSTE Theological School. (Own Translation).


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In 1981 Dr. Lena Janze arrived in Spain. She established the Theological Institute by Extension (INSTE) as the main school of theology for the ‘Biblia Abierta’ churches. A few years after the opening, INSTE became the biggest Evangelical Seminary of the country. The institution surpassed the Spanish borders in 1990, becoming INSTE International, which is an interdenominational institution with a presence in over 30 countries. The present national director for INSTE in Spain is Javier Jimeno, who is also National Secretary and Pastor at Biblia Abierta, Almeria. Today, the ‘Biblia Abierta’ Church consists of 11 churches situated all over the country (Barcelona, Gerona, Almeria, Zaragoza, Murcia, Bilbao and Lerida). Their governing organ consists of the ‘Ministerial Body’ (formed by the local Pastors) and the ‘National Executive Council’ formed by the President, Ferran Jove, Pastor at Biblia Abierta, Lleida, Secretary Jimeno, and the denominational Representative Daniel Adams, Pastor at Biblia Abierta, Malgrat de Mar-Barcelona. Other Groups35 The Adalpha Brothers had an important though brief impact on the country. Originally from Los Angeles, California, they had considerable experience of missions in Mexico, founding churches in the poor areas of Guatemala, Michoacán or in frontier zones. They were able to send many workers to places where the mission had already been started, such as Badajoz (1971), Merida (1974), Pamplona (1975), Logroño and Miajadas (1976), Torosa and Huelva. Later on, the group split causing some churches to join the Philadelphia Church or the ADE and causing others to close down altogether. Rehabilitation of Social Outcasts36 Along with Del Vecchio’s ministry, ministries such as REMAR, Bethel, Reto and Nueva Frontera worked with social outcasts, each with their own characteristics and vision. Every one of these groups has its light and its shadow sides, but the impact they had on society are clearly visible. REMAR, for example, founded in 1982 by Miguel Diaz, its present director, is said to have attended to over 30,000 people in 14 years of   José María Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España (Own Translation).   Baena, Historia del Pentecostalismo en España (Own Translation).

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ministry. In 1996, Diaz declared that over 8,000 people were being attended to in more than 30 centres in Spain and that he was working in a further 29 countries. Nowadays the ministry is called ‘Cuerpo de Cristo’ (Body of Christ). The Charismatic Movement and Neo-Pentecostalism The twentieth century marked the birth of the Pentecostal Movement, a natural consequence of movements of the previous century. During the nineteenth century a theology was developed that included its own Pentecostal terminology. This new movement was characterised by the emphasis it laid on the Baptism in the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues as its initial evidence. These characteristics differentiate the Pentecostal Movement from other movements. The Charismatic Movement, which started in the 1950s and reached Spain in the 1970s, would not accept the classic Pentecostal doctrine. Nowadays there is barely a Pentecostal denomination that is not in some way or another influenced by the Charismatic movement. John Wimber, quoting Peter Wagner, calls these movements the ‘Three Waves’ of the move of God.37 Neo-Pentecostalism, which would be classed as the third wave, is not clearly defined and seems to be almost absent from Spain, except possibly among some Latin Americans. A current phenomenon in Spain is the rapid church growth associated with immigrants from South and Central America, many of whom have backgrounds in Pentecostal and Charismatic churches in their homelands. The churchmanship, culture and traditions are widely disparate and this in itself creates many problems for host pastors, regardless of other difficulties relating to illegal status and family issues. Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are experiencing a time of fresh renewal in the structure of their services, in their worship and in members’ desire for deeper and more genuine devotion to God. Conclusion The present situation in Spanish Pentecostal churches has changed  greatly since the year 2000. Pentecostals and Charismatics now outnumber 37   John Wimber & Kevin Springer, Power Evangelism, (San Francisco: Harper & Row. 1986) p. 122.


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other evangelicals. Church planting has accelerated as many Pentecostals see the need to establish congregations or small groups of believers in towns and communities with no evangelical presence. The PentecostalCharismatic Church family has been accepted by the Evangelicals, and pastors often take leading roles in the Evangelical Alliance. They have organized many large-scale events, for the purpose of evangelism but with a community friendly orientation. Social care works have won them deep respect from the public authorities. The challenge posed by the huge influx of immigrants from Latin America and Romania has been met responsibly by pastors and denominational leaders, and has seen a major growth in the number and range of fellowships. Several non-national leaders, some of them official missionaries, arrived in Spain at the start of the new millennium but sadly often fail to understand the cultural differences and special needs of contemporary Spanish society, and are less effective than they could be. Part II:  History of Pentecostalism in Portugal Paul Branco and Manuel Martín-Arroyo38 Assemblies of God Early Beginnings The first Portuguese Pentecostal we know of that arrived on national territory is Adolfo Rosa, who arrived at Cabo Verde in 1907, then a Portuguese colony, from San Francisco (United States of America).39 Another Portuguese man who joined Pentecostalism was Lieutenant Leogevildo Salles, who lived in Cabo Verde and probably had contact with Adolfo Rosa. In 1912/13 he resided in Lourenço Marques and attended the first Pentecostal Convention in South Africa held in Wonderboom, near Pretoria. On September 15th 1913, Salles arrived in Portugal and took up residence with his family in Braga. Salles was also

38   Paul Branco provided material on AoG Portugal and some detail on other groups in Portugal. Manuel Arroyo provided material on the Church of God and other sources. 39   The Apostolic Faith, V. I,n°8, (May 1907); O Mensageiro (1913),Set.-Out.) Ano IX, n° 84, pp. 2, 7.

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with the Assemblies of God pioneer José Plácido da Costa in Valezim, Seia, and participated in the first baptism performed in Portugal for a member of the Assemblies of God in 1913. The Assemblies of God Movement in Portugal began in 1913 with the arrival of the missionary José Plácido da Costa to Portugal, a Portuguese citizen emigrated to Brazil, a country where he accepted the Pentecostal message after coming into contact with the first Pentecostal missionaries there, the Swedes Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren. They had introduced the Pentecostal message to Brazil by 1910 after their call when in Chicago USA came through a word of Prophecy about ‘Para’. They discovered that meant a place in North East Brazil. After establishing some support via the US churches and Sweden, they went to Belem do Para. There they introduced the Pentecostal message to Brazil in 1910. So the da Costa family worked intensively in spreading the gospel with the Swedes but later – in 1913 -decided to return to Portugal, their homeland as missionaries to introduce the Pentecostal message. Their initial ministry was mostly among Baptists,40 first in Valezim, Seia, where he baptized the believer Maria Mendes dos Prazeres Corveira, and later in Porto, working with the Baptist Church. In 1927 he went to Argentina and Brazil. Afterwards, he returned to Portugal in 1932/33 to help the Swedish missionary Daniel Berg, who had come to Porto in 1932 to establish the Assemblies of God.41 The Assemblies of God did not even exist in 1913 but most of the development of Pentecostalism in Portugal would be linked to this denomination greatly assisted by Swedish and American missionaries so that for many decades the Portuguese Movement had much foreign support.42 It was the year of 1921 when the evangelical Pentecostal work began to become visible and to consolidate itself in Portugal through the strong work of the missionary Manuel José de Matos Caravela, a Portuguese citizen who also emigrated to Brazil and returned to the country of his parents’ origin in that same year – 1921. The missionary work of José de Matos began in Beira Alta and Beira Litoral with some results, starting

40   Roland Q. Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Portugal, Research Project 1989, pp. 9–10. 41  According to some sources there had been Pentecostals in Porto since 1925. 42  Fernando Caldeira Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, M.Th. Dissertation, University of South Africa, 2006, p. 83.


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an Assembly in Tondela that would later give rise to the mission in Carvalhal Redondo, Nelas. He operated as a colporteur in Beira and Beira Litoral before moving his family in 1923 to the Algarve in the South, where he founded the first Assemblies of God church in Portugal in 1924 in the village of Portimão.43 Despite persecution and ill treatment he founded a number of churches in the Algarve like Lagos and Silves and outside the Algarve, such as Alcanhões and Santarém. In the north of Portugal Daniel Berg founded a church in Porto assisted by fellow Swedish missionary Holger Backstrom, with the aim of reaching scattered Brazilian Pentecostals. The first missionary Da Costa, who had returned to South America came back to be the pastor of this work.44 From 1924 onwards several Assemblies of God churches were established in various cities throughout Portugal with the help of Swedish missionaries and the hard work of Portuguese pastors, who had been prepared by the pioneers, who gave their lives to the cause God’s work and contributed significantly to its growth. As a result of the involvement of these men and women, bearers of the Pentecostal message, the Assemblies of God in Évora was founded in 1932, through the work of the evangelist Isabel Guerreiro, and the Assemblies of God in Lisbon in 1934, with the help of the missionary Jack Hardstedt, followed by Samuel Nystrom, Tage Stahlberg and Alfredo Rosendo Machado. Besides these churches, Assemblies of God churches were emerging in many other parts of Portugal – in different districts and cities from north to south. In addition to these missionaries and initiators of God’s work in Portugal, in the early twentieth century, there were pioneers and various ministers of the Gospel, among others, whose honour is fully merited, were the following: Holger Baeckström, Isabel Guerra, Manuel Ribeiro Fernandes, Beatriz da Ribeira, Lourdes Campos, Rogério Pereira Ramos, João Sequeira Hipólito, Tage Stahlberg, Horácio Gomes de Sousa, José Lopes Quedas, Durval Correia, Artur Rodrigues, João Maria Lopes Conde, Jaime Figueiredo, Augusto Henriques, Dr. Colin Bowker, Dr. Margareth Bowker, José de Oliveira Pessoa, João Chasqueira, Virgílio Condeço, Manuel Cartaxo, Joaquim Cartaxo Martins, Israel Cóias Pires, Miguel Cóias, José Augusto Pina, Joaquim do Cerro Guerreiro, José Neves Ramos, António Dias Gonçalves, etc.

Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’ pp. 12–13.   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’ pp. 13–14.

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According to Fernando Caldeira da Silva, three high points mark the history of the Assemblies of God in Portugal:45   1.  The establishment of the movement on a national scale (1921);   2.  The establishment of theological schools (1965);   3. The dissident events, which led to the formation of a legal denomination, (1993). The Establishment of the Movement to a National Scale (1921) The capital city of Lisbon became the target for Swedish missionary Jack Hardstedt in 1933. A number of other Swedish missionary couples helped to establish the work, notable among them was Tage Stahlberg. The Assembly of God church in Lisbon was officially set up on 3rd January 1939 and soon became the ‘unofficial headquarters’ of the Assemblies of God Portugal.46 From there many other daughter congregations were established.47 British missionary doctors, the Bowkers, also played major role in starting new churches and deepening the faith of believers.48 The Swedish missionaries are credited with setting up the congregation style of government and the ‘Mother Church concept’, based on that found in Sweden.49 New congregations would be started and given oversight by the ‘Mother Church’ until they could become self-sufficient. This vibrant method has caused the Assemblies of God to be far and away the largest of the ten Pentecostal groups in Portugal, most of which were founded by Assemblies of God pastors who had left the movement for a variety of reasons.50 A further key impetus for growth came through ministerial training after Stahlberg began the first Bible School at the Lisbon church in 1942.51

Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, pp. 77–88. 46  For decades the AoG was known as the movement and had no head quarters and no head office, not even a constitution or a legal national status. Fernando Caldeira Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, M.Th. Dissertation, University of South Africa, 2006. 80. 47   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’ pp. 15–16. 48   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, p. 17. 49   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 80. 50   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, pp. 19-20. 51   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, p, 23. It was held from 6th October to 2nd November 1942 and every autumn for about 5 weeks. 45


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The Establishment of Theological Schools (1965) The success of practical training in the Lisbon Bible School caused the Assemblies of God National Pastors’ Convention in 1965 to agree to the founding of a Bible Institute for six months of training in Lisbon; it began on 13th January 1966.52 This soon grew to a three years Bible Institute with the assistance of the Assemblies of God USA in the early 1970s, when Stahlberg invited Sam Johnson to Portugal.53 In 1971 the Portuguese government passed a law granting religious freedom,54 which caused the AoG to grow rapidly and further increased the need for trained leaders. The Bible Institute had a marked impact on the Assemblies of God in Portugal. By 1981 there were 20,000 members, 120 full time pastors, 390 lay preachers in 315 churches and 170 mission points.55 Roland Dudley showed in 1989 that 44% of Portugal’s AoG ministers had graduated from the Institute.56 Eventually a Bible School opened in 1989 to continue the healthy influence of education and training, aided by a sizeable printing and publishing house.57 The National Pastors’ Conventions, magazines and CAPU publishing house all helped to promote national unity as did evangelistic and literature distribution organizations and theological education.58 Other ministries, which developed, were social care with homes for the elderly, orphanages and Teen Challenge Rehabilitation Centres.59 Finally, the church had a vision for missions and for the early days sent out missionaries. The first was José Lopes Quedas who went to the Azores Islands from 1941 to 1947, followed by many others to various Portuguese-speaking lands and beyond.60

52   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 84. 53   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, pp. 26–27. 54   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 84. 55   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 79. 56   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, p. 31. 57   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, pp. 33–34. 58   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 81. 59   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, pp. 36–37. 60   Dudley, ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, p. 41.

with Particular with Particular with Particular

with Particular

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The Assemblies of God In 1967 the national Pentecostal churches’ National Pastors’ Convention in Portugal decided to invite the Americans to assist them as the Swedish assistants had completed their work and there were no further replacements for their workers. The external legalism of the Swedish pattern, seen as an expression of holiness, was seen as culturally foreign to the Portuguese. According to Da Silva, inviting the Americans in meant there were many changes as a result in worship patterns, rituals, ceremonies, and social involvement.61 This almost coincided with the changes politically and socially when Portugal experienced a revolution 1974; the freedom of thought and expression that followed was reflected in the churches. Between 1989 and 1990 a division took place in the Assemblies of God in which some churches and pastors left the Convention and gave rise to several independent Pentecostal churches, and some of them maintained the name Assemblies of God. Then, in 1993, the Assemblies of God National Convention Statutes were created and approved, and significant articles were revised and changed in 2003. The Bible School The first Bible School of the Pentecostal Movement began in Lisbon in 1942. From several parts of Portugal young people, Sunday School teachers, evangelists and workers came to consecrate themselves to God’s work. This Bible School was directed by the Swedish missionary Tage Stählberg. But the National Bible Institute was created on January 13th 1966 to prepare workers to serve churches and accomplish the ministry of evangelism. After some years, in 1972 the Assemblies of God in Portugal invited Samuel Johnson, an Assemblies of God pastor in United States of America to build and direct a new Bible Institute. After buying a large farm in Fanhões, municipality of Loures, near Lisbon, the principal buildings were begun and the respective inauguration occurred in October 1975. Now the Bible Institute is named Monte Esperança Instituto Bíblico das Assembleias de Deus (Mount Hope Bible Institute

Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, pp. 89–99. 61


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of the Assemblies of God).62 A variety of courses are available and since 2006, the principal has been Paulo Branco. History of the Assemblies of God Publications The printed page has always been used by the Movement, promoting evangelism, spreading education and establishing relationships and unity among churches and pastors. The Publishing House was born in 1943. In addition to magazines, books were published by Portuguese and foreign authors as well as hymn books, calendars, many leaflets, etc. Soon, the magazine Estrela de Natal (Star of Christmas) was published in 1940, with a circulation of 800 copies, and a year after the Salvé Natal (Hail Christmas) magazine was edited with a circulation of 1,200 copies. In October 1942 the Novas de Alegria (News of Joy) journal was edited as the official organ of the Assemblies of God Movement in Portugal; the first Director was the missionary Tage Stählberg, and it has been published monthly without interruption until now. The Expositor Dominical (Sunday Expositor) was also published; its first issue came out in 1965, the Boa Semente (Good Seed), aimed for children, was first released in 1948 and is still published today, with a section devoted to children and other young people, and, finally, the Caminho (The Way), a magazine aimed at young people was published from 1965 to 1979. Missionary Work In developing its missionary action the Movement gave special attention to work in overseas territories (for example, Angola, Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, Mozambique and Timor) in which, after becoming independent countries, Assemblies of God churches flourished and remained, maintaining strong relations of Christian fellowship. This was demonstrated by distinct means of support: staff preparation, missionary support, educational visits, sending food, clothing, medicine and the like. Likewise, also among Portuguese emigrants around the world (France, Britain, Luxembourg, Belgium, Germany, USA, Canada, Australia, etc.) there are several churches whose work is highly respected in their local communities. Several pastors, as missionaries, committed to the Movement of the Assemblies of God in Portugal, have taken the Pentecostal message to various parts of our country and the world.


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Between 1941 and 1947 José Lopes Quedas was a missionary on the island of São Miguel, Azores; in 1947 José Augusto Pina and Joaquim do Cerro Guerreiro went to Mozambique. Joaquim Cartaxo Martins headed to Angola in 1949, and initiated the work of the Assemblies of God. José de Oliveira Pessoa was a missionary in Guinea in 1952. This same year, Joaquim do Cerro started work among the Portuguese residents in South Africa. The year after, it was time for João Chasqueira and his family to go to work as missionaries in Azores, Island Terceira. In 1959 Miguel Cóias and his family arrived at the island of Pico in Azores, and in 1969 travelled to Timor as missionaries of the Assemblies of God. The Pentecostal mission on Faial Island, Azores, began through the missionary Albino Duarte de Sousa and his family in 1964. One year later, Manuel Gonçalves Costa and his family arrived in São Tomé as Assemblies of God missionaries. Artur Rodrigues da Silva began his mission among emigrants in Paris, France, in 1966, which later spread to other European countries. Also Israel Coias Pires arrived in Luanda in 1969, and continued the  Pentecostal work in the Assemblies of God denomination, after which other missionaries arrived such as Manuel Gonçalves Costa, Joaquim Castilho, João Chasqueira, Eusébio Tomaz and others. Manuel Joaquim Fernandes and his family arrived in Sao Tomé and Principe exactly in 1970. Then in 1972, the mission of the Assemblies of God in Madeira began through the work of Dinis Pereira and his wife Lourdes.  By 1974, Virgílio Condeço and his family arrived in Timor while Delfim Cordeiro and his family went to work in São Tomé and Principe. In 1981 Juvenal Clemente arrived in Macau, where later (1987) he began the work of Teen Challenge. In 1981 Paulo Branco moved to Spain, where he remained until 1994. Abel Tomé and family went to Macau in 1992, and to Mozambique in 1999. Josefa Rodrigues moved to Guinea Bissau in 1999. In January 1994 the National Department of Missions (MND) was founded to facilitate these various mission activities. Social Work Within the Movement homes were created for orphans and aged people, and coffee houses to attend to drug addicts and their families. Social action associations were created both for members of the church and general people in society.


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Portugal did not escape the drug abuse plague of the twentieth century. In the summer of 1977 The Assemblies of God Convention invited Reverend Howard Foltz, at the time Director of Teen Challenge for Europe, to explain of the work that had had its origins in the work of Reverend David Wilkerson in the United States of America since 1959. To meet the need for support in this area, the Assemblies of God decided to acquire a property in Fanhões, Loures, and formed an executive team to lead the work. In 1981 the first phase of the Rehabilitation Center was completed and began operating. Also a “Coffee House” centre was opened on Rua Marques da Silva (Marques da Silva Street), in Lisbon, to help drug addicts and their families. However, the Teen Challenge institution raised in Portugal is no longer a department of the Assemblies of God Convention in Portugal. It became autonomous and maintains cooperative agreements with churches. Orphanage work The Bethany Home was born on April 18th, 1965, in Monte do Pintainho (Mount Chick), due to a greatly troubled time in Pastor Mario Coias’ family; he pastored the Assemblies of God church in Estremoz. The work was started up in his own home at Mount Chick. Later in 1970, with five years of experience, Bethany Home changed its activity centre for the Sequeiras Farm, which had been offered by an English Christian. From then on they have been working there; several phases of refurbishing and expansion have been needed in order to give continuity to the work itself in a more practical way. In 1985 this Home has broadened its scope, opening a branch in Vendas Novas, Marconi neighbourhood, specially to accommodate teenager girls. Later in 1993, they moved to the May 20th neighbourhood, after constructing new facilities, initiated three years before, and today they also welcome girls from an early age. Now it is a particular institution of the Social Solidarity (IPSS) and it continues to receive children of both sexes coming from different places and has already catered for more than 100 people. Maintenance is ensured with the help of associated churches, individuals and an agreement with Social Security. Recently the facilities of the branch were expanded in Vendas Novas and a new recreation pavilion was constructed in Estremoz for the boys and adolescents.

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Assembleai de Deus in recent decades A new national identity was being forged which was very unlike its Swedish and American antecedents.63 Eventually in 1995 the Fraternal Association was established, prompted by the Portuguese Evangelical Alliance, as an umbrella organization representing Pentecostals, Char­ ismatics and Evangelicals; a fellowship of the Spirit, seeking to meet human needs in Portuguese society in a way that a fragmented church can not.64 As of 2011, The Assemblies of God have 450 meeting places, 180 fulltime pastors, 55 retired pastors and 250 elders and deacons. The membership is about 25,000 members and adherents. Other expressions of Pentecostal/ Charismatic Fellowships in Portugal Other Pentecostal Churches: Christian Congregation in Portugal (1925?); Church of God in Portugal (1965); Pentecostal Church of God in Portugal (1966); Philadelphia Church (Gypsy – 1979); New Alliance Christian Church (1991); Abundant Life Christian Centre (1991); Fraternal (National Communion of Churches and Pentecostal and Charismatic Organizations – 1997), 150 meeting places, 100 pastors; Maranatha Christian Church (1978); Christian Renewal Centre (2000); several Brazilians Assemblies of God (immigrants). It is difficult to have the correct updated statistical data, but all the classic Pentecostal churches may include about 15,000 members and adherents. Church of God (Igreja de Deus) The Church of God in Portugal was started in 1964 by Portuguese pastor, Manuel Vieira do Couto in the south of Lisbon. It has since grown to five churches and 300 members. Only five overseers have served during that time, two of them were missionaries:65 63   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 115. 64   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, pp. 126–127. 65   Schmidgall, From Oslo to Berlin! European Pentecostalism, p. 189.


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Rev. Manuel Viera do Couto Rev. Jorge Girón Rev. Antonio Boaventura Rev. Jose Borges Rev. Jaime Rosado

(Portugal) (Guatemala) (Brazil) (Portugal) (Portugal)

(1964 – 1988) (1988 – 1991) (1991 – 1998) (1998 – 2008) (2008 – Present)

Independent Pentecostal Churches Of other Pentecostal groups in Portugal, like the Communion of the Assemblies of God, they are the result of former AoG pastors who left the Movement for various reasons and started their own churches, with specific doctrinal or practical differences. Depending on their emphasis they may send out missionaries or plant new churches. In total they have between 40 and 50 congregations. Charismatic Denominations The 1980s witnessed new Charismatic denominations established in Portugal, the Igreja Maná, Igreja Charisma, and from Brazil the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. Later Igreja Maranata and the Apoio Cristão Internacional followed specifically working among refugees from Angola and Mozambique. A Charismatic network of pastors met monthly for mutual encouragement and styled themselves the Comunhão Inter­ nacional de Ministers (CIM).66 The Charismatic Movement began to impact the more conservative Pentecostals, and a totally different and much more open attitude emerged towards business, the arts including music and dance, and sports.67 The European ‘Fire Conferences’ promoted by Reinhard Bonnke, but notably Lisbon in 1990, had the effect of encouraging some pastors in the AoG to engage in fellowship with Evangelicals and Charismatics.68 Conclusion Like its Iberian neighbour, equally dominated by the Roman Catholic Church, the history of Pentecostal Movement in Portugal was   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, p. 116. 67   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, pp. 100–103. 68   Da Silva, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’, pp. 112–113. 66

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dominated by missionaries; these were from Brazil, Sweden and America. The success of the Assemblies of God in Portugal was due to the commitment of the initial Swedish missionaries to the process of building a strong indigenous Pentecostal church using a tried and tested church planting method that encouraged congregational government, supplemented by the training of ministers. The willingness of the Swedes to step aside and accede to the Portuguese desire to accommodate the AG USA also advanced the national church. The AG national church is now (2011) succeeding in planting more churches throughout the land including rural areas.69 The breath of freedom in the 1970s paved the way for a charismatic renewal that impacted the Pentecostal Church in Portugal, possibly more than any other west European nation. Bibliography Works in Spanish: Asambleas de Dios de las Islas Canárias, Retazos de Nuestra Historia: 1973–1998, (Sta. Cruz de Tenerife, Spain: Ed. Propia. 1998). Baena, José María, ‘Historia del Pentecostalismo en España’, (Rudersberg, Germany: Unpublished Paper, 2002). Branco, Paulo, Historia del Movimiento Pentecostal en España, (Madrid: Ed. Propia. 1993). Cueva, Valentín, Historia Ilustrada de los Protestantes en España, (Viladecavalls, Spain: CLIE, 1997). Dayton, Donald W., Raíces Teológicas del Pentecostalismo, (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Nueva Creacion, 1991). Gimenez, Adolfo, Llamamiento de Dios al Pueblo Gitano, (Terrasa, Spain: Ed. Propia, 1981). Martínez, José M., La España Evangélica Ayer y Hoy, (Viladecavalls, Spain: CLIE, 1994). Medina, Alfonso and Barmón, Damian. ‘Semblanza Histórica de la Iglesia de Dios de España’. Unpublished paper: (CSTAD, La Carlota-Cordoba, Spain, 2008). Ministerio de Justicia, Guía de Entidades Religiosas de España, (Madrid, Spain: D.G.AA. RR. 1998).

Works in English: Blumhofer, Edith L., The Assemblies of God, 2 vol. (Springfield, Miss.: GPH, 1989). Caldeira Da Silva, Fernando, ‘A Study of the Charismatic Movement in Portugal with Particular Reference to the Fraternal Association’. M.Th. Dissertation, University of South Africa, 2006. Conn, Charles W., Like a Mighty Army, (Cleveland, TN, USA: Pathway Press, 1977). Dudley, Roland Q., ‘History of the Assemblies of God in Portugal’, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Portugal, (Research Project 1989).

Observation from the National AG pastors’ conference 2011 by A. E. Dyer.



manuel martín-arroyo and paulo branco

Goring, Rosemary, The Wordsworth Dictionary of Beliefs and Religions, (Ware: Chambers, 1992). Nickel, Thomas R., Azusa Street Outpouring, (Handford, Calif: Ed. Propia, 1986). Riss, Richard M., A Survey of 20th Century Revival Movements, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1988). Schmidgall, Paul, From Oslo to Berlin! European Pentecostalism, (Erzhausen, Germany: Leuchter-Edition, 2003). —— . Unpublished Manuscript on European Pentecostalism, (ETS-Kniebis, Germany, 2010).

Bibliography Barata, António C.; Martinez, Fernando; Parreira, João Tomaz, Línguas de Fogo – História da Assembleia de Deus em Lisboa, (Lisboa: CAPU, 1999). BRANCO, Paulo, Panorama Pentecostal das Assembleias de Deus em Portugal, (Lisboa: CAPU, 1981). Branco, Paulo, 90° Aniversário Convenção das Assembleias de Deus em Portugal (1913–2003,) (Almada: CADP, 2003). Branco, Paulo, Pentecostes un Desafio al Mundo, (Cádiz: self-published, 1994). Branco, Paulo, Memórias de Um Movimento Religioso: Os Primeiros Cinquenta Anos das Assembleias de Deus em Portugal (1913–1963), Universidade Lusofona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, Tese de Mestrado em Ciência das Religiões, Lisboa, 2010. Neves, José; Marques, Francisco; Mendes, Victor, 40 Anos Assembleia de Deus Aveiro, (Aveiro: A. Deus de Aveiro, 1999). Santos, Agostinho Soares dos, Pequeno Historial da Assembleia de Deus do Porto, (Porto: A. Deus Porto, 1991). Stahlberg, Tage, Milagres de Deus em Portugal – Ingrid e Tage sua vida e obra (1938-1978), (Lisboa, CAPU, 2002).

chapter seven The Development of Pentecostalism in Italy Carmine Napolitano The Origins Among those who received the Pentecostal experience in Azusa Street was William H. Durham (1873–1912), a pastor and teacher from Chicago. After returning to his hometown, where he was in charge of a congregation called ‘North Avenue Mission’, he helped Pentecostal ideas and experience spread all over the American Midwest including among those who became leaders of the churches that later would be called ‘Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada’. Durham was crucial also for the origin of the Italian Pentecostal movement; in fact his presence and his work in Chicago link him directly to the ‘pioneers’ of the Italian Pentecostalism.1 At the end of the 19th Century many Italians, including Italian evangelicals, emigrated. The United States and the South America were popular destinations. Once the newcomers arrived in the overseas countries, they gave birth to cohesive and fervent communities that started to grow rapidly thanks to their evangelism. In the United States, between 1901 and 1921, this phenomenon led to the establishment of hundreds of Italian-speaking evangelical communities that had a notable influence. The first churches founded were the Buffalo’s Baptist Church (1890) and the Presbyterian Church of Chicago (1982).2 The birth of the Pentecostal Movement in Italy itself is related to this second community. Among the members of the new-founded Church of Chicago was Luigi Francescon (1866–1964), an immigrant from the province of

1   V. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States, (Grand Rapids, Mich.:, 1971), pp. 147–148. R. Bracco, Il risveglio pentecostale in Italia, (Roma: self published, 1956), p. 7. 2   Emile G., Leonard, Storia del Protestantesimo. Declino e rinascita, vol. III, tomo II, (Milano: Leonard, Il Saggiatore; Spini, Claudiana, 1971), pp. 197–98; G. Spini, Studi sul’levangelismo italiano tra otto e novecento, (Torino, 1994), pp. 119–20.


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Udine, who arrived in United States in 1890 and there became evangelical. In this congregation, Francescon a few years later started to assist in the pastoral work by alongside the Waldensian Pastor, Filippo Grill. In 1900 the community started to be attended by a group of people coming from Tuscany, who had become evangelical in Chicago through the evangelical work of Giuseppe P. Baretta. Baretta himself had become evangelical in a Free Methodist Church: this church evangelized through house meetings and belonged to the radical margin of Protestantism that did not approve of ordained and paid pastoral activity. This group of ‘Tuscans’ (as they were later called) was accustomed to a form of worship in which spontaneous prayers with the practice of the ‘testimony’ (the spontaneous narration of experiences related to their own faith) that was going to become, then, a distinctive element of worship of the Pentecostal Italian Church. The group most probably derived these practices from a similar practice in vogue at the Free Methodist community. The Tuscans did not ask to be admitted as real members of the church and this circumstance together with their different style of worship prompted the group to leave the church in 1903 after the church council tried to impose the official ideas of the community, taking advantage of the Pastor’s absence.3 Francescon was won over by the spontaneity that characterized the worship style of the group and tried to maintain contact with it, partly because Baretta and he did the same work and they often met. In the meantime he and other church members had been maturing the belief that the children’s baptism (practised by the Presbyterian church) did not conform to the teaching of the New Testament and so he opted for the baptism of adults. Francescon talked of this to Baretta, who after some hesitation, was baptized by an American belonging to the Brethren Church, and then he also baptized Francescon and his friends. The two groups merged and opened another room for public worship on Grand Avenue in Chicago which was then the heart of the Italian city suburb. The following year (1904) in this new little community a debate raged between Francescon and other church members about the significance

3   Cristiani Oggi, a fortnightly publication of the Assemblee di Dio in Italia (da ora ADI), (Roma: Maselli, Claudiana., 1988): n. 23 pp. 2–4. It’s likely that these members belonged to the group of the Favalesi in whose ancestral doctrines could be found elements from the tradition of the Free Churches, that in some parts accepted the adults’ baptism; See D. Maselli, Tra risveglio e millennio. Storia delle chiese cristiane dei Fratelli 1836–1886, (Torino 1974), pp. 84–120, 204–05.

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of Sunday rest; in Francescon’s opinion, it had to be observed in a strict way according to the model of the Jewish Sabbath, but the majority of the community did not share this position and so he left the group and started meeting with a few others worshipping mostly in private houses. This situation lasted until 1907, when he came in touch with the North Avenue mission of Durham (who had recently returned from Los Angeles where he had participated in the events of Azusa Street); Francescon was won over by the Pentecostal experience and he again started to have contact with the people of the group that he had left, inducing them to attend the meetings led by Durham. After a few months the whole community would have received the Pentecostal experience and so became the first Italian Pentecostal church.4 Once the disagreement was resolved, Francescon returned to the guidance of the church in Great Avenue and became convinced that the revival should expand and reach all the Italian immigrants even those in their homeland: he was encouraged in this, apparently, by Durham;5 in this way a propagation pattern already adopted by other Pentecostal churches and by the same church in Chicago was repeated and, in the following years, missionary activity worked hard at spreading the Pentecostal experience among the Italians. Francescon and other members of his church committed themselves to travel to the United States and to South America (especially Brazil and Argentina), often relying on family ties that offered a valuable logistical support to missionary activities; in a few years, dozens of Pentecostal communities in the Italian language were born.6 From this missionary action came a number of journeys that brought the Pentecostal message to Italy. How and when this happened is not clear, since all the historical references that we have are associated with oral memory and are not supported by known, meaningful documents except the autobiographical memories of the protagonists. However, it is necessary to recognize that this tradition is fairly unanimous in ­fixing

4   Italian Pentecostalism, therefore, as Anglo-American was born comprising several souls, whose only connection will be the ‘baptism with the Holy Spirit’, See D. Womack-F. Toppi, Le radici del movimento pentecostale, (Roma: Womack-Toppi, Adi Media. 1989), pp. 123–24. 5   R. Bracco, Il risveglio pentecostale in Italia, (Roma: Self published) p. 7. 6   Cristiani Oggi, n. 17 (1991): 2–5; in Brazil were founded the ‘Christian Congregation of Brazil’ which in 1947 counted no fewer than 571 communities and 8065 newly baptized believers. The components are defined ‘Pentecostal extremists of Italian origins’. Emile G. Leonard, Storia del protestantesimo, vol. III, tomo II p. 242.


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the date of the first Italian encounter with Pentecostalism in 1908. In April of that year, in fact, not long between each other, four people without any official charge, came from the United States to spread the Pentecostal word to the motherland, though with poor results. At the end of that year Giacomo Lombardi (1862–1934) was sent by the church in Chicago. Once he arrived in Italy, he tried to spread the Pentecostal message in the evangelical areas but, after some strong opposition, he decided to get in touch personally with those people willing to listen to Pentecostal preachers. It is from these friendships that the first Pentecostal group in Italy was born. From 1910 onwards Lombardi and other members of the Chicago church would again come to Italy to play their part in spreading the Pentecostal message mainly relying on relatives and acquaintances. This missionary activity led to an initial spreading of Pentecostalism in various Italian regions so much so that a list held by the Ministry of Interior dating back to 1929 noted the presence of Pentecostals in some 150 localities in Italy with no fewer than 25 places of worship open to the public.7 This list stated, inter alia, that within the Pentecostal movement even then there were various groups in conflict with one another for doctrinal reasons. In the 1930s, the Pentecostal movement had to face the tightening of the Fascist Government; the slender recognition granted to the Pastor of the Church in Rome (1931), Ettore Strappaveccia was questioned a few years later (on 9 April 1935) on the basis of the well known circular Buffarini Guidi which adopted a measure considered the most ­serious act of religious intolerance which has been enacted in Italy after the unification of the peninsula.8 In support of its order, this circular put forward racial reasons, even before the approval of the racial laws against the Jews (1938) with the ‘leggi fascistissime’ (‘very fascist laws’); in fact it argued that the Pentecostal churches were ‘developing religious practices contrary to the social order and harmful to the psychological and

7   Cristiani Oggi, nn. 18/19 (1991); Bracco, R. Il risveglio, pp. 8–15. What were the precise dynamic events that led to the spread in these first twenty years we do not know, as we have an almost total absence of documents. The list was compiled reliably by Mario Piacentini, a senior evangelic magistrate; See Rochat, G. ‘Le fonti della polizia fascista sulle chiese pentecostali’ in Bollettino della Società di Studi Valdesi, p. 73 The fact, however, that in 150 places there were only 25 worship centers open to the public suggests that in the list there were also named individuals who were occasionally present. 8   Bracco, Risveglio, pp. 24–26; G. Peyrot, La circolare Buffarini Guidi e i pentecostali, (Roma, 1955); G. Rochat, Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, (Torino, Peyrot, Associ­ azione per la libertà religiosa; Rochat, Claudiana.1990), pp. 113–26.

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physical integrity of the race’.9 For the Pentecostals this act started a period of real persecution that lasted until 1943.10 In fact, during those years measures against the Pentecostals were reiterated in a very persistent way and this circular, Buffarini Guidi, caused damage that went well beyond 1943, until it was finally abolished in 1955.11 The secrecy to which the Pentecostals for the most part were forced had the effect of severing relations between them and other churches and diminished foreign contacts and the flow of ideas. In addition, the kind of international coordination experienced by other Pentecostals in the late 1920s through conferences was missing altogether, and this caused a greater intensification of the divergences than were already known in previous decades. Such divergences were bound to become deeper, in part due to the isolation of the different churches that, during the 1930s, had been consolidating perspectives devoid of confrontation and verification. Such perspectives were transmitted to the new congregations brought into being by evangelistic work.12 Moreover, what was happening in the United States among the Italian churches undoubtedly affected the course of events in Italy. As a result of persecution, the movement in Italy became disorganized.13 In those years this was accentuated and caused a division that would consolidate after the war between the more conservative wing

Id., ivi, pp. 241–56; R. Bracco, Risveglio vi, p. 12.   Bracco, Persecuzione in Italia, (Roma: Self published, 1954). It is an autobio­ graphical  booklet that describes with apologetic tone the events of those years and the harassment to which Pentecostal churches were subjected. It was also released in a second edition in 1964. 11   G. Rochat, ivi, pp. 257–73; Id., ‘Le fonti della polizia fascista sulle chiese pentecostali’, in Bollettino della Società di Studi Valdesi, pp. 71–77; G. Peyrot, La circolare, pp. 14 ss.; G. Spini, Studi sull’evangelismo italiano, pp. 233–50. In the debate for the abolition of this circular several established men of culture and lawyers such as Leopoldo Picardi, Carlo Arturo Jemolo, Gaetano Salvemini and Geiorgio Spini intervened, but certainly from a technical and legal perspective particular credit is due to Giorgio Peyrot. See Fedeltà, periodico di informazione religiosa, Firenze, n. 122 (1985) pp. 406–07. 12   It is believed (but it has never been verified) that the Pentecostal movement at the end of the war had increased by 50% over fifteen years; on the other hand, the strong aversion to fascism had created among the Pentecostals a sort of legend (which they ended up believing themselves) that compared them to the persecuted Christians of the early centuries. This favoured conversions in rural and low class areas. Of course, the Pentecostals were not the only ones to suffer fascist hostility; the Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Salvation Army, the Baptists very harassed were also, but for the Pentecostals one can speak of real persecution. See Rochat, G. Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, pp. 257–330; Annuario Evangelico 1983–84, (Torino: Annuario, Claudiana 1983), p. 76. 13   R. Bracco, Il Risveglio, p. 27  9 10


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and the one more moderate and open to institutional innovation. A  number of churches gathered around some individuals who were considered prominent personalities. These churches were strictly congregational and closed to any kind of change; these were later called ‘Zaccardiane’.14 The development The year 1946 was to be a real watershed in the history of the Italian Pentecostal movement; in fact, a conference held in Rome from 28 August to 1 September, laid the groundwork for the institutional organization of the greater part of the movement in Italy. It seems that three factors were to push them in this direction and to convince even the most hesitant of participants: the need to manage the funds coming from inter-community collections to help the needy after the war; secondly, the news from the United States about the start of legal arrangements set in motion by Christian Churches of North America; and thirdly the Italian government’s promise of legal recognition if the movement were to be organized as an institutional partner.15 In this conference the schism with the ‘Zaccardiani’ became irreparable, so much so that they are severely censured for not having taken part despite the official invitation and pleas made by prominent personalities.16 The conference also reaffirmed the suspension of proceedings in divorce cases and established a criterion for the exercise of pastoral ministry for women that was to remain a reference point for almost all Pentecostals; essentially women were widely recognized as having ­freedom to exercise

14   It is almost impossible to provide reliable information on this side of the Pentecostal movement in Italy; not much is known of its greatest exponent, Domenico Zaccardi (1900–1978). His area had good relations with the Chicago church led by Francescon, from whom probably he had borrowed many of their ideas. Also known as ‘Zaccardiani’, these Pentecostals lived in a semi-clandestine state almost without any relationship with the outside world and maintaining a strong sense of local autonomy that, in fact, is circumvented by the enormous prestige accorded to the ‘elders’ of the community of Rome. Their beliefs and practices spread in seventy locations around Italy; these communities are few in number (except that of Rome, which collects nearly half of all ‘Zaccardiani’) for a total of over 2000 members. Almost all communities are located in Central and South. 15   R. Bracco, Il Risveglio, pp. 28–29; Raccolta degli Atti, p. 15. 16  Notably Rosario Di Palermo and Nicolò Di Gregorio, emissary of the church in Chicago. The latter fact shows that the American church still had a great prestige in Italy and that Franscescon was keeping in contact with the churches and the people.

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ministry in all its forms but, where in a church there was a clear and proven male ministry, she had to give way and take a secondary and subordinate position.17 It had been about 40 years since Pentecostalism reached Italy; the conference of 1946 was only the fifth of its kind, but it was critical for the future of the movement. This conference was attended by representatives of foreign Pentecostal organizations such as Henry Ness (Assemblies of God), Herman A. Parli (Swiss churches); and also Nicolò Di Gregorio (Church of Chicago) who worked closely with Francescon. The preamble of the minutes of the conference underlines the fact that: their presence, besides being useful for practical reasons, has been particularly meaningful from a moral point of view, because with their presence we implicitly obtained the adhesion of many of the fraternities they represent. It has been possible to express the sincere gratitude of the brotherhood of Italy for what has been done by the church of the United States and of Switzerland to help the brothers of this nation spiritually and materially, both in private and, above all, through the Missionary Committee and Fund of Mercy.18

In reality, the 1945 convention did not only express joy and the sense of real fellowship. As already mentioned, at the convention the church of Palermo had to withdraw a proposed agenda item about the institutional structure of the movement in Italy because of determined opposition from the representatives of those churches that in 1944 had not been able to attend the conference because of the war: facing this fact, it seems strange that only a year later at the conference held in Rome in 1946, the proposal was presented again, and no longer by those who were forced to withdraw it, but by those who had rejected it.19

Within a year, the minority had become the majority and the Pentecostal churches in Italy were going down a road that led them definitively to leave the congregationalism of their origins. To the new minority the greatest assurances were given about the purely administrative character  of the proposed organizational model; they wanted to give the

17   R. Bracco, Raccolta delgi Atti, p. 16. The resolution contained a blatant contradiction in terminis that was never resolved and shows many of the visible weaknesses in terms of doctrinal formulation; ultimately the goal of the conference was to stem the flow of the commitment that had characterized the women’s ministerial movement from the beginning and gave way to the pressures of chauvinist intransigence. 18   Bracco, Raccolta delgi Atti, p. 14. 19   Bracco, La verità vi farà liberi, (Roma: Self published, 1981) pp. 19–20.


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impression that everything was aiming at the creation of a legal umbrella under which everyone could take shelter if necessary, “but the consequences had not been foreseen” as was noticed by a protagonist of those events.20 The conference of 1947 was defined as a “very important conference”. The Assemblies of God were preparing to harvest the fruit of what they had planted, because the Conference, held in Naples in August, from the 16th to 18th sanctioned the affiliation to them of the great majority of Pentecostal churches in Italy.21 It was on that occasion that the name ‘Assemblies of God in Italy’ (ADI) was adopted and, despite the promise of independence, it was clear that a foreign model of church structure had been imported. In fact, the basis was immediately laid for the hierarchy which served as the backbone of the future ADI with the establishment of Area Committees and an Executive Committee. At the same time all the churches in disagreement with what was being established were excluded from the ‘communion’ with the newborn institution, opening the way to the ostracism of the dissenters.22 The powers and the functions of the newly created ecclesiastic organs would eventually challenge the tenets of the ecclesial structure of the Pentecostals churches in Italy, since they were given a wide degree of discretionary power of intervention in the life of the churches; the specification that these interventions had to be made “without disturbing the order and the autonomy of the churches” reveals how strong the distrust had become as regards to what was being done – the use of the reassuring formula is evidence of this.23   Bracco, La verità vi farà liberi, p. 21.   They tried to have affiliation with the Christian Churches of North America, but this was inappropriate because they had not the legal recognition and therefore would not have brought any benefit to the legal position of churches in Italy. See Bracco, Id., Il Risveglio, p. 33 22   Collection of Acts, p. 18. With a note it is stated that “The unity of the Church is referable to the Son of God and the expression of His will, and of course on the practical level is recognized as a unifying institution of the Churches Executive Committee. Consequently, from this unity one should exclude those churches who voluntarily pulled back from it by rejecting the constraints of existing coordinators in the work, made by the Executive Board”. As can be seen the drive is identified with the role and action of an ecclesiastical body, while the disagreement with this identification is considered as a voluntary removal from the unity. This theological and ecclesiological absurdity proves that the organizational structure, so strongly desired by some, was not an instrument of service to the common good of the churches, but a work of centralization of ecclesiastical power with authoritarian aspects. 23   Bracco, La verità vi farà liberi, pp. 22–23; here, memories are presented which show confession about the realization of these objectives, which banished the hypothesis of a 20 21

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On the other hand, the manifestly authoritarian nature of the new institution was not evident in the provisions of this ‘very important meeting’: The Executive Committee must authorize sending circulars to the believers and the churches, about any subject, if the circular addresses the whole group of churches and by the Area Committee if the matters are relevant to a group of churches in a particular geographical area. … Of course violators of this principle will also be considered those who seek to disseminate misleading information by means of ordinary mail sent to multiple recipients.24

With these deliberations aimed at controlling ideas and information even in the most private correspondence, it was clearly their intent to impose the centralisation of the church but such restrictions were hardly noticed because everyone’s attention, despite some mistrust, was focused on the issue of legal recognition which aimed to ensure greater religious freedom; there was, however, another element that diverted the attention from the equivocal aspects of the institutionalization: the fact that for at least ten years there was to be no debate around the possibility of having a president at the top of the Institution opting for a collegiate management coordinated by a secretary. This turn of events prepared the course for a stream of the Pentecostal movement in Italy that in the following years resulted in different currents. So, in the late 1950s, the general layout of Pentecostalism in Italy included at least five components; the largest group was the Assemblies of God in Italy [ADI] which with a decree of the President

simple administrative implementation since the only thing clearly stated was the centralization of the Church. “Then came the granting of the request of affiliation with the very organized Assemblies of God of the United States and with this came the start of a practice of recognition. Maybe this was a very naive start; it seemed that everything could be done with extreme simplicity, by completing some ‘purely formal’ acts and the sole purpose of having the freedom to practice the Lord’s service. Even the drawing up of a ‘statute’ appears to be quite challenging and in fact the writing of this was entrusted to a brother designated in the meeting (probably the same Bracco). But already from the first contacts with the Italian Ministry, it became clear that the practice would involve greater responsibility than we had naively thought. The practice was to be entrusted to a lawyer, who had to draw up a statute. It was not hard to find one, because it was advised and recommended by the same ministry functionary, but it was also easy to see that this lawyer had to use the [same] departure station and the rails as the existing organizations had, namely those of the Protestant denominations. So the ‘statute’ prepared by the lawyer was inspired by and partly reproduced the statutes of different denominations from which many Pentecostal believers came out”. 24   Bracco, Raccolta degli Atti, pp. 19–20.


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of the Republic of December 5, 1959, No 1349 held the much coveted legal recognition of the church’s charitable status. Second, there were the Christian Pentecostal Congregations grouped mainly in southeastern Sicily. Third came the communities denoted as ‘Zaccardiane’, fourth those of the Valle del Sele, and fifth were the independent and isolated communities of Congregationalist inspiration. The vast majority of these groupings had gradually declined over time to be incorporated in the ADI, but only the Sicilian congregations and to a lesser extent, the churches of the Valle del Sele, comprised a real alternative to the ADI as an institutional setting.25 Despite the initial low number of church members, Pentecostal congregations would meet on 23 January, 1958, in Vittoria (Ragusa) with the intention of restoring the original forms of communion, accepting as the basis of their grouping the confession of faith ratified at Niagara Falls in 1927.26 Their point of reference, therefore, left the church in Chicago and its leader Luigi Francescon, opting for a system of collegial pastorates both within individual churches and in larger meetings of churches.27 On the same lines, the ‘Zaccardiane’ churches were characterized by an irreducible aversion to any form of connection (except those guaranteed by the historical leaders) and by an old and poor notion of interpersonal and social relations, so much that other Pentecostal areas referred to them by the nickname “the Most Holy”. The churches of Valle del Sele, instead, were heavily influenced by the thought of Giuseppe Petrelli, allegedly filtered

25   In this summary no account is taken of the Apostolic Church in Italy of Pentecostal inspiration, but different from the Italian Pentecostalism as to ecclesiastical structures  and historical origins; in fact, it represents the Italian branch of the English Apostolic Church, deriving from the Welsh ‘awakening’ (1904) and it has been present in Italy since 1927, when the English mission replaced the Danish one. See M. Affuso, ‘L’esperienza nello Spirito’ in Fedeltà, n. 107 (1984): 287–88; P. Bolognesi, et alii a cura di, Dizionario di teologia evangelica, EUN, (Bolognesi, Marchirolo, EUN, 2007), pp. 54–55. 26   Atti dei Convegni Nazionali dal 1958 al 1978, p. 13. 27   This is what was established in the 1959 conference held in Benevento November 24 to 26, See Atti dei Convegni Nazionali dal 1958 al 1978, p. 15 (In this conference among other things the thesis of a ministry of women was reaffirmed as possible, a turnaround of 360 degrees, but they would still be subordinate to male ministry). In fact, the confession of faith of the Pentecostal congregations (which can be read at the end of their hymnal) adds to that of 1927 the article of collegiality which stated: “We believe in the collegial form, manifested in the joint function of the elders who meet together voluntarily, with a same sense and equality between them, before God, to solve problems relating to His work. At the end of each meeting, the elders return to their communities equal among themselves (1 Tim. 4:14; Acts 20:17, 1 Tim. 5:1)”. In addition to this for many years, the congregations have also kept the ancient belief of having pastors with no salary.

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through his disciples and peddlers who often spread his ideas in an inaccurate way.28 The present situation The current situation of the Pentecostal world in Italy is very fluid; in recent decades, the Pentecostal movement in Italy has grown in every area and is among the most numerous part of Western European Pentecostalism. Its expansion is also linked to the phenomenon of urbanization which occurred in the second half of the twentieth century; more and more people moved from the countryside to the cities. So today it is not uncommon to run into Pentecostal churches in big cities that number thousands of people. In recent times there has been a repositioning of several Pentecostal churches that by creating the Federation of Pentecostal Churches (FCP), seems to define the Italian Pentecostal world in a clearer way even if it still has a long way to go.29 It brings together churches and movements of national, regional and local level. However, the birth of this aggregative container represents only a part of the movement in Italy, as the other is represented by the Assemblies of God in Italy. Together they account for 80 percent of ‘Italian’ Pentecostals in Italy. Besides these two great circuits, one must include a number of churches that are completely independent (at least two hundred) for a total of about 250,000 people.30 A world apart is constituted by immigrant churches of a Pentecostal nature; these are estimated to have already totalled 100,000 members and in the north of Italy may simply have surpassed the Italian Pentecostals in numbers, but because of their lack of disclosure, there are no certain data. The largest ethnic communities among these churches are Romanian, Chinese, Nigerian, Ghanaian and Brazilian.31 28   R. Ricciardiello, Sulle orme di un servo, (self-published, Battipaglia,1980)., p. 5. On the personality of Petrelli, see C. Napolitano, ‘Il pensiero di Giuseppe Petrelli. Per una storia del movimento pentecostale italiano’, in D. Maselli, A cura di, Movimenti evangelici popolari nei secoli XIX e XX, (Edizioni Fedeltà, Firenze 1999), pp. 94–153. 29   Regarding the churches that adhere to the FCP, see Appendix No. 1 to the end of the text. The FCP, through its members, is present throughout all the country. 30   Regarding the statistics and descriptions of the various streams, these can be successfully found in Introvigne, M. – P. Zoccatelli a cura di, Enciclopedia delle religioni in Italia, (Leumann: Elledici, 2006), pp.217–320. 31   This is in line with what happens in the home countries of these immigrants where Pentecostalism is booming. See P. Naso, ‘La sfida pentecostale’, in Limes, rivista italiana di geopolitica, (Milano, supplemento al n.2/2005), pp. 127–134.


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The Italian Pentecostal world is still somewhat separated from the big international Pentecostal circuits, even the European ones, despite being probably the most numerous of the European Union’s national Pentecostal groups. This is due in part to the traditional distrust towards foreign movements, especially because they have been previously exposed to foreign missionary initiative; in recent years this has gained a level of preparation as the present generation has taken more pastoral care concerning what is happening around them. For instance the FCP has joined the Pentecostal European Fellowship (PEF) and this has given rise to several projects, including the establishment of the Pentecostal Faculty of Religious Studies whose degree programs were accredited by the University of Wales. The PEF also held its 2010 conference in Palermo. The Italian Pentecostal Churches generally recognize the importance of the ecumenical movement, but do not adhere to ecumenical bodies.32 This lack of involvement is caused by a widespread uncertainty over the objectives of the ecumenical movement. In particular, they are skeptical about an ecumenical path that seems to them inclined to safeguard  the interests of ecclesiastical institutions at the expense of a pathway that matches the Biblical teaching on Christian unity. They also manifest caution towards the ecumenical movement because they can see the danger of a political-diplomatic drift, which tends, ultimately, to restrict the freedom of evangelization. The character of Pentecos­ talism as a movement of awakening and of mission puts in crisis the idea of identification between the territory and ecclesiastical confession, typical of Roman Catholicism, of Orthodoxy, and in different forms, of some Protestant churches in Europe. Pentecostal churches, beyond the fact that they often suffered discrimination, persecution and restrictions on their freedom of mission, fear that in some areas an arbitrary and unfair use of ecumenical dialogue will aim at the restriction of freedom of evangelization and conversion or make it dependent on the goodwill of the religious confession that has the majority of votes on the territory. 32   Ecumenical relations are developing in a setting described as an informal Global Christian Forum, which sees a very large contribution of Pentecostal churches. Its activities started in 1998 and for several years the network has worked quietly until the meeting in Nairobi in 2007, where there was no confirmation that the work had produced significant results; in this setting the Pentecostal churches feel more at ease than previously had been the case in the World Council of Churches. The FCP has sent a representative to the meeting which took place in Warburg (Germany) in 2006 and to the one in Nairobi (Kenya) in 2007.

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The Italian Pentecostal Churches indicate at least three difficult issues to overcome in ecumenical relations. The first relates to their way of being church and of understanding Christian mission. In fact, they fear ecumenical relations can be used to cushion the impact of their mission, since this is considered in terms of hostility and danger by certain ecclesiastical institutions. The second concerns a theological objection relating to the ecumenical consensus on baptism. This agreement requires a ‘multitudes’ vision of the church that the Pentecostals are not willing to sign; for them, in fact, baptism is administered to believers and unity is achieved between believers and not among the baptized. Consequently, they cannot recognize as valid any form of baptism other than their own, certainly excluding children from every form of baptism, particularly paedobaptism. The third concerns the fear of being forced to give up some deep ethical beliefs, whether these are bioethical or social, in the name of good ecumenical relations. They wish to develop a series of distinctions and preconditions related to mutual ecumenical understanding and mutual compatibility prior to dialogue with other Christian churches. This is also due to the fact that often Pentecostals may find themselves classified by the use of the disqualifying term ‘sect’, and also to the fact that their rights and their freedoms are sometimes challenged by the majority confession, and that sometimes their evangelization is instrumentally disqualified and pejoratively defined as ‘proselytism’. Relationships with other evangelical churches have not always been cordial; only in recent years and under the increasing push of FCP something has changed; one of the most considerable and interesting results was the dialogue with the Waldensian and Methodist Churches that have produced some interesting papers.33 This experience has stimulated the birth of an FCP official dialogue with the Union of Evangelical Baptist Churches and with the Adventist Churches. The growth of relations between the Evangelical ‘Historical’ Churches with the FCP culminated in their mutual inclusion as observer members in the respective Federal Assemblies.34 Among Pentecostal churches, there are many who believe 33   Valdesi metodisti e pentecostali in dialogo. Testi dei documenti, (Torino: Claudiana, 2002). This publication contains the documents relating to the first phase of the dialogue which took place between 1998 and 2001. The publication of the documents of the second phase of the dialogue that took place between 2004 and 2009 that focused in a particular way on the ecumenical matters and will be published in forthcoming months of the time of writing. 34   C. Napolitano, ‘I pentecostali e la FCEI’, in G. Long – R. Maiocchi a cura di, Uniti per l’Evangelo, (Torino: Claudiana, 2008).


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that there is now a basis for a dialogue with the Roman Catholic Church, but much less a basis on which to pray together on the occasion of liturgical celebrations, such as during the ‘Week of Prayer for Christian unity’; this is partly due to the still tense relations in many local situations, and due to some manipulation in past years of local attempts to dialogue that brought some to think that by now there were no differences between Pentecostals and Catholics. They do not currently believe that the dialogue with the Catholic Church is an important priority, because they think that the priority of each church should be evangelization. The Italian Pentecostal churches are also aware that for many years there have been official dialogues between the Roman Catholic Church and members of the Pentecostal world. But these are distant experiences and do not take into account the Italian situation and often have resulted in the suspicion and discontent arising in Italy. Most Pentecostal Churches in Italy find themselves in so-called classical positions; the neo-Pentecostal churches contrast with them and are a minority and widespread especially among immigrants. However, some exchanges and in some cases innovations have been introduced at liturgical and organizational levels as a result of interaction between these two streams. Few attempts have been made to establish ‘charismatic’ churches – and such attempts are regarded with suspicion; unlike the English-speaking countries, in fact, the term ‘charismatic’ in Italy connotes an area almost exclusively Catholic in which the Pentecostal world has no official relationship except with rare exceptions.35 Appendix 1 Movimento “Nuova Pentecoste” Chiesa Apostolica in Italia Chiesa Evangelica Internazionale Chiesa Cristiana Pentecostale Italiana (CCPI) Chiesa Parola della Grazia – A.E.R.E. Chiesa di Dio Chiese Elim in Italia   This is the case of the Reconciliation Church, which is made up of little more than a dozen local churches nationwide; it cultivates official relationships with some circles of charismatic Catholics, whose terms, however, are not shared by the rest of the Pentecostal world in Italy. 35

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Chiesa Cristiana Evangelica “Gesù Cristo è il Signore” – Catania Chiese della Valle del Sele Chiesa del Pieno Vangelo Comunità Cristiana Bethel di Cosenza Associazione Missionaria Evangelica. Internazionale “Cristo Regna” Unione delle Chiese Pentecostali Autonome di Roma e del Lazio Chiesa Cristiana Evangelica Missionaria Pentecostale di Olivarella (ME) Chiesa Cristiana Evangelica Pentecostale di Secondigliano (NA) Chiesa Cristiana Evangelica Pentecostale di Giugliano (NA) Assemblea Cristiana Evangelica di Via Giorgio De Chirico (RM) Chiesa Evangelica Pentecostale della Cittadella (NA) Chiesa Cristiana Evangelica “Eterno nostra Giustizia” Comitini (AG) Centro Cristiano Evangelico Emmanuele (NA) Chiesa Evangelica “Fiumi di Vita” (NA) Chiesa Cristiana Missionaria Internazionale “CCMI” (RM)

Bibliography Affuso, M. ‘L’esperienza nello Spirito’ in Fedeltà, n. 107 (1984): 287–88; P. Bolognesi, et alii a cura di, Dizionario di teologia evangelica, EUN, (Bolognesi, Marchirolo, EUN, 2007). Bracco, R. Il risveglio pentecostale in Italia, (Roma: self published, 1956). Bracco, R. La verità vi farà liberi, (Roma: Self published, 1981). Bracco, R. Persecuzione in Italia, (Roma: Self published, 1954). Introvigne, M., P. Zoccatelli a cura di, Enciclopedia delle religioni in Italia, (Leumann: Elledici, 2006). Leonard, Emile G., Storia del Protestantesimo. Declino e rinascita, vol. III, tomo II, (Milano: Leonard, Il Saggiatore; Spini, Claudiana, 1971). Maselli, D. Tra risveglio e millennio. Storia delle chiese cristiane dei Fratelli 1836–1886, (Torino 1974). Napolitano, C. ‘Il pensiero di Giuseppe Petrelli. Per una storia del movimento pentecostale italiano’, in D. Maselli, A cura di, Movimenti evangelici popolari nei secoli XIX e XX, (Edizioni Fedeltà, Firenze 1999), pp. 94–153. —— , ‘I pentecostali e la FCEI’, in G. Long – R. Maiocchi a cura di, Uniti per l’Evangelo, (Torino: Claudiana, 2008). Naso, P. ‘La sfida pentecostale’, in Limes, rivista italiana di geopolitica, (Milano, supplemento al n.2/2005), pp. 127–134. Peyrot, G., La circolare Buffarini Guidi e i pentecostali, (Roma, 1955); Ricciardiello, R., Sulle orme di un servo, (self-published, Battipaglia,1980). Rochat, G., Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, Annuario Evangelico 1983–84, (Torino: Annuario, Claudiana 1983), pp. 257–330. —— , Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, (Torino, Peyrot, Associazione per la libertà religiosa; Rochat, Claudiana,1990). Spini, G. Studi sul’evangelismo italiano tra otto e novecento, (Torino, 1994). Synan, V. The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States, (Grand Rapids, Mich.:, 1971). Womack-F. Toppi, D. Le radici del movimento pentecostale, (Roma: Womack-Toppi, Adi Media. 1989).

chapter eight The Development of Pentecostalism in SouthEastern European Nations: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Serbia Driton Krasniqi Introduction This is a study of a large geopolitical area, which before the last Balkan wars would have encompassed only three countries: Yugoslavia, Greece and Albania. In this study we will look at the historical aspects and present  developments of Pentecostalism in the successor states of the non-consensual disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, Macedonia, and Kosovo; as well as in Albania and Greece, which despite their very different history are part of the same region. In the beginning we will look at the regional history of Pentecostalism and how this movement penetrated the Former Yugoslavia and Albania and Greece. We will continue by examining present developments in these countries separately. We will examine some of the key protagonists of the Pentecostal faith in this part of the world. However, due to the large geographical area under consideration, the chapter will be largely descriptive. This chapter does not aim to discuss theological differences. Written evidence will be cited as often as possible. However, due to the shortage of written material on Pentecostalism in the region interviews have been used as a means of gathering information when no other source is available. In light of ongoing political disputes in the Balkans, all of the aforementioned countries will be referred to by their constitutional names. However, this is not intended to resolve any open political issues. From about 1990–2010, the nations of the Balkans were once more torn by bloodshed. In our generation Rebecca West’s decades-old description still rings true: “The Balkans have belonged to the sphere


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of tragedy”.1 As part of the religious spectrum of these areas and as an integral part of their respective societies, Pentecostal believers have not been immune from these developments. In general Pentecostals are listed as ‘the fastest growing wing of Christianity’2 worldwide. According to a report prepared by David Barrett and Patrick Johnstone on the annual growth of religiosity, Pente­ costal and Charismatic communities have the highest annual increase. ‘Pentecostal and Charismatic churches grow 4.5 times faster in comparison to World population growth’.3 In South-eastern Europe, Pentecostal churches4 have also seen significant growth in the past decades. In the geographical area covered by this study, Pentecostals have been the main vehicle for Evangelicalism in their respective countries.5 However, in most of the countries mentioned, Pentecostal churches have either been subsumed into various national Evangelical Alliances or have not insisted on being identified as explicitly Pentecostal.6 Such is the case in most of the countries covered in this chapter. Greece is the only country where Pentecostal churches are organised in Pentecostal Unions.7 For many people of this region the fundamental question: ‘Who are Pentecostals?’ is generally accompanied by another question: ‘Are Pentecostals one of those new sects?’ Gary McGee of Assemblies of God (AoG) has argued the idea that Pentecostalism ‘bears strong commonalities with evangelical doctrines 1  Rebecca, West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, (London: Canongate Books, 2006) (previous editions – London: Penguin Classics, 1995, London: MacMillan 1984, p. 1095, original from Viking Press,1941) 2 [Acc. 15/04/2009]. 3   David B. Barrett and Todd M. Johnson in the 2nd revised edition of: The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed., (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2002) (translated by Salzburg’s Lebens Botschaft, 2000) p.7 p.10. 4  For the purposes of this paper I am not making a sharp distinction between Pentecostals and Charismatics. 5  According to various reports from senior church leaders in these areas, Pentecostal churches compose the majority in general. In Kosovo, for instance, according to a report prepared by the Kosova Protestant Evangelical Church (‘KPEC’), Pentecostal churches and/or church groups comprise over 85% of the evangelical church body. For reference see KPEC Report dt. November 2008. 6   This is an area that needs further study. However, there are two main possible reasons (both of which will be discussed in more detail further in this study):    1. In general governmental authorities have been reluctant to recognize Pentecostals, which has left them vulnerable to attacks by the media and the public.     2. Since the Evangelical Communities in these countries tended to be small, there was a perceived need to join other Evangelical groups in order ‘to speak with one voice’. 7  Free Apostolic Church of Pentecost is considered to be the largest Pente­ costal Movement in the country with 140 local member congregations. See http://www [Acc. 15/04/2009].

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while testifying to long-neglected truths about the works of the Holy Spirit’.8 Further, Peter Kuzmič9 has defined Pentecostalism as a movement of faith, deeply grasped, a real faith in God. This is the faith that God can do everything and that God’s promises are for today, not just curiosities for the past to be examined by theologians.10 In the beginning While we will look at each Balkan country individually, we must also take into consideration the reality that there once was a country called Yugoslavia, or indeed as Lampe puts it ‘twice there was a country’.11 The ‘Pentecostal Church of Christ in SFR Yugoslavia’ existed as a structured, registered and recognized denomination by Tito’s regime alongside other religious communities.12 However, with the dissolution of Yugo­ slavia, Pentecostals, like other religious groups, had to reorganize themselves within the successor states.13 Therefore we must consider each case individually. First of all, we will consider the very beginnings of the Pentecostal work in Yugoslavia as well as Greece. The work in Albania started much later; there is no evidence of Pentecostal presence in this country before World War II. According to Ludwig Üllen,14 the first Pentecostal services were organized in Northern Serbia15 in 1905 in a Lutheran church16 among the German population by a man named Schell17 who arrived from Germany.18 Twenty five years later, there were around 300 believers,     8  Gary B. McGee, Systematic Theology, Chapter 13 ‘The Baptism in the Holy Spirit’, (Springfield, Miss.: Logion Press, 1995), p. 9.     9 [Acc. 15/04/2009]. 10  Peter Kuzmič, ‘Tko su Pentekostalci?’, (Izvori 1997), p. 7–8, 19. 11   John Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, (Cambridge, 2000), p. 1. 12   J. Kinderman, ‘Progress for God in Yugoslavia’, The Pentecostal Evangel, (Springfield 1960), p. 7. 13  P. Mojzes, ‘Proselytism in the Successor States of the Former Yugoslavia’. Journal of Ecumenical Studies, through [Acc. 10/02/2009]. 14  Ludwig Üllen has served in the position of Superintendant of the Pentecostal Church of Christ during this interview. P. Willischroft, ‘A day of opportunity in Yugoslavia’, The Pentecostal Evangel, (Springfield 1968), p. 16–17. 15  It is generally recognized that ‘Northern Serbia’ is equivalent to Vojvodina. Through the years a mixture of ethnicities including Germans, Hungarians, Czechs and Slovaks has lived there. 16  Branko Bjelajac, ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, (2003), pp. 129–136. 17  Schell Schilling and other family members were amongst the first missionaries. See B. Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori 2003), p.45. 18  Borislav Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori: Osijek 2003), p.45.


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whereas by the end of World War II there were over 20 congregations,  mainly among the German-speaking population of the Former Yugoslavia.19 It seems that the German-speaking population of the Former Yugoslavia were the first ones to experience this revival. The work was spontaneous, and it began among the Lutheran and Reformed Calvinist congregations.20 It is important to emphasize that soon afterwards, other German missionaries came to Yugoslavia to carry on the task. Their work was quite successful, as by the end of the World War II 60 more new churches had been pioneered.21 Branislav Arapović has shown that apart from Germans there were also missionaries who brought this ‘new’ teaching from other parts of the world such as Petar Krnjete from Detroit, USA, ‘who became the first to return to his own people’,22 and there were others from Great Britain. According to Arapović the work developed and spread rapidly. However, a report presented at the European Pentecostal Conference in Sweden in 1939 gives the impression that by 1910 the revival was coming to an end as people did not know how to take it any further due to a lack of spiritual guidance.23 Branko Bjelajac argues that until 1930 two major issues, resulting from the Methodist and Lutheran teachings inherited by the Pentecostal ‘converts’, divided the movement in Yugoslavia: – The practise of infant-baptism; and – The practice of ‘foot washing’ as a supplement during Holy ­Communion.24 However, the 1930’s marked a new era for the Pentecostal believers. In 1933 in Veščica (present day Slovenia) a church was started by a missionary couple from America. Imre Mihók, an ethnic Hungarian25 who was a member of the AoG in Illinois, established a church that would

Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori: Osijek 2003), p. 45.   Jambrek, The Pentecostal Movement in Croatia 1907–2007, (UBK: Zagrab 2007), 286:23:24:25. 21  Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori: Osijek 2003), p. 45. 22  Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori: Osijek 2003), p. 45. 23  Bjelajac, ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, 2003, pp. 129–136. 24  Bjelajac, ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, 2003, pp. 129–136. 25   The Pentecostal Evangel, a publication of the AoG U.S., has marked this as the date of the beginning of the AoG ‘branch in Yugoslavia’. See ‘Yugoslavia in the upheaval change’, Pentecostal Evangel, July (1971), pp. 16–17. 19 20

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practise adult believers’ water baptism. In 1960 the ‘Pentecostal Church of Christ’ numbered 1016 believers who gathered in 54 places of worship.26 Republic of Serbia The Pentecostal movement in the former Yugoslavia continued to experience change. ‘The new practice’ of adult believers’ water baptism continued to spread all over the area. Peter Dautermann is recorded to have been the first travelling preacher and he insisted that all churches practise it. Several sources agree that the first Pentecostal church in Serbia was the one in Beška.27 The congregation was predominantly German. Apparently this congregation was not very mission-minded. After the World War II German people including church members, fled the area to seek refuge in Germany.28 This departure of the German population “left the churches exceedingly small”.29 However the evangelistic work continued. In 1932 in Belgrade, church services were held in a private home at 29 Dubrovnik Street.30 Most likely pastors such as Peter Dautermann, who in 1938 pioneered a church in Novi Sad for Serbs and Croats,31 also carried out the work in the Belgrade area as well as the southern part of Serbia.32 Meanwhile another Pentecostal denomination, the Church of God, which had become increasingly active in Serbia, purchased a private house for prayers in Bački Petrovac. Bjelajac33 says that During the years before World War II broke out, the work continued to spread in other areas like Beli Blat, Kovačevci, Padini, and from 1938 it 26   ‘Progress for God in Yugoslavia’, Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield, January (1960), p. 7. 27  Beška is a town near Novi Sad (now Vojvodina). Those days it had 5000 inhabitants; half of them were German- born whereas the other half Hungarian and Serbian. From an interview with Saša Vitakić. 28   Kuzmič, Pregled Povijesti Pentekostnog Pokreta u Jugoslaviji od početka do 1991, (Murska Subota: Slovenia), p. 227. 29   ‘The Gospel in Yugoslavia’, Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield, (April 1969), p. 16. 30  Bjelajac, Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, p. 7, (Unpublished thesis). 31   Dragutin Volf succeeded him in 1944. Dragutin is the father of Miroslav Volf, a prominent contemporary theologian. 32  Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, p. 141. 33  Branko Bjelajac has written one of the most thorough studies of Pentecostalism in the territory of Serbia. This thesis is expected to come out in print soon. See Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, p. 8, (Unpublished Thesis).


driton krasniqi also spread to Uzdin. During the same year a group of 30 believers from the ‘Church of the Nazarene’, under the leadership of the elder Mihal Čevernin joined the local church of the ‘foot washers’.

During the war the northern town of Bačka was under Hungarian rule, which banned any Pentecostal gatherings in their area of control. Meetings were held using other names like Baptist, Methodist etc., whereas water baptisms of infants were carried out at the Lutheran church.34 After the end of the war, life improved for the Pentecostal believers in some areas under the new regime. One of the greatest events for the Pentecostal believers after the World Wars was the formation of the ‘Christ Spiritual Church in SFR Yugoslavia’ in 1950. This came about as the result of an agreement by representatives of the three ‘spiritual’ Pentecostal denominations (Franjo Rac of the infant baptisers; Ilija Podrugović of the adult baptisers; and Marko Miklošević of the foot washers) to form one umbrella organization. Bjelajac has argued that because of close ties with the AoG the name was later changed into ‘Pentecostal Church of Christ’.35 However, this ‘agreement’ lasted only for two years, which is not surprising in light of the fact that these denominations had continued to practise their traditions. In 1967 these movements reached a final agreement for cooperation, which unified them in one ‘Pentecostal Church of Christ in SFR Yugoslavia’. This organisation lasted until the disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia.36 The modern successor of the Pentecostal Church of Christ (now ‘Pentecostal Evangelical Church’37) numbers around 60 churches in the whole of Serbia and Vojvodina.38 The Republic of Greece The history of Christianity in general in Greece is different from that of many other Balkan states and beyond. During the Ottoman era, the Greek Orthodox Church strengthened in Greece, and the first to introduce Protestantism to Greece were foreign, mainly American  Bjelajac, Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, p. 8, (Unpublished Thesis).  Bjelajac, Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, p. 8, (Unpublished Thesis) 11. 36  Bjelajac, Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, p. 8, (Unpublished Thesis). 37  It is generally accepted that the main reason behind the change in the name is not doctrinal but rather political. After the last Balkans wars Pentecostals in Serbia have undergone severe pressure from the Serbian nationalists who used the media for their propaganda. See Bjelajac p. 17. 38  From an interview with Vitakić Saša. 34 35

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missionaries.39 By contrast, and indeed in contrast to the history of Pentecostalism in Yugoslavia, the ‘Pentecostal experience’ in Greece was introduced by the Greeks themselves. The year 1924, when Demitrios Katrisiosis – the first Greek Pentecostal pioneer – left his home and started preaching throughout Greece, is generally considered to mark the beginning of the movement.40 In 1927 the first Pentecostal Church was established in Greece. This church, ‘Church of God of Prophecy’ in Petralona, Athens, is closely connected to another Pentecostal pioneer Mihalis Kounnas.41 However according to the Pentecostal Evangel, even before 1926 there were Pentecostal churches established in Greece.42 During this period there was a turning point in the history of Pentecostalism in Greece. Many Greeks who had immigrated to the United States for political or economic reasons started returning to their home country and began preaching about the Holy Spirit in Evangelical churches.43 Upon their return they were usually supported by their sending church such as the ‘Church of God of Prophecy;44 the ‘AoG’; etc. Such support was necessary, but it soon gave rise to factions.45 In order to overcome these divisions, various Pentecostal churches joined forces to work under the same umbrella, which they agreed to call the ‘Apostolic Church of Pentecost’. This newly formed organisation was closely linked to the AoG USA. However, one year later the Pastor of the central Pentecostal church of Athens, Leonidas Feggos, expressed doctrinal disagreements with AoG, as a result of which he was asked to leave the denomination.46

39  Ilias, Chatzieleftheriou, The Development of the Pentecostal Church in Greece. (Unpublished MTh Thesis Bangor University 2010). 40 ‘Pentecost in Greece’, [Acc. 21/03/2009]. 41  In 1934 Mihalis was appointed Bishop of the ‘Church of God of Prophecy’ in Greece. Mihalis Kounnas Memoirs, Church of God of Prophecy, Athens 1983, pp. 6–18. 42   ‘Imprisoned for Christ’, Pentecostal Evangel, (Springfield), April 1926, pp. 12–13. 43  Such is the case for instance with many other known pioneers of Greek Pente­ costalism such as Aristotles Dictiopoulos, who emphasized baptism in the Holy Spirit in sermons in the both churches he planted as well as beyond. Yet another former immigrant was John Anagnostu known as ‘John the Preacher’. ‘The Gospel in Foreign Lands’, Pentecostal Evangel, (Springfield), August 1931, p. 8. 44   This denomination was originally founded in 1964 and overseen by Herodotus Coupas. 45   Yannis, Dimitriadis, History of the Pentecostal church in Greece (Thessaloniki: 1st Apostolic Church of Pentecost, 1983), pp. 41–42. 46  Chatzieleftheriou, The Development of the Pentecostal Church in Greece, p. 5, (Unpublished MTh Thesis Bangor University).


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Soon thereafter he founded another Pentecostal movement which he named: ‘Free Apostolic Church of Pentecost’ (‘free’ in this case signifying freedom from foreign interference). Today they claim to be the largest Pentecostal movement in Greece with 140 churches and many missionaries sent out.47 However, this denomination and its church do not cooperate with other churches inside or outside of the country.48 Today’s Pentecostal churches in Greece include the following:49   1. Apostolic Church of Pentecost affiliated with the AoG worldwide.   2. Apostolic Church of Christ affiliated with the International Foursquare Church.   3. The Church of God of the Full Gospel affiliated with Church of God worldwide.   4. The Church of God of Prophesy affiliated with the Church of God of Prophecy worldwide.   5. Free Apostolic Church of Pentecost. These churches do not fellowship nor cooperate with the other Pentecostal churches in Greece or abroad. In 1990 leaders of the four previously Pentecostal movements again came together to form ‘The Fellowship of Pentecostal Churches’.50 In spite of that, Greece remains one of the least evangelized countries in the ‘10–40 Window’.51 The Republic of Macedonia Under the leadership of communist reformer Kiro Gligorov Macedonia declared independence as part of the breakup of Yugoslavia in September 1991, avoiding the all-out war that engulfed Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo.52 According to Operation World, at the time of its independence Macedonia already had around 0.18% Protestants and about 200 47  Chatzieleftheriou, The Development of the Pentecostal Church in Greece. 2010. p. 70. 48 ‘Pentecost in Greece’, [Acc. 21/03/2009]. 49   ‘Pentecost in Greece’ 50  Hristos, Halkias, Global Pentecost, (Athens 2000), p.94. 51 ‘Greece’, [Acc. 19.03.2009]. 52   John Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, (Cambridge 2000), p. 391.

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Pentecostal/Charismatic believers.53 According to Franko Kuzmič in 1958 there were Pentecostal believers in Macedonia and they were visited first by Ludwig Üllen and later also by Dragutin Volf.54 According to Mirće Andreev55 the first Pentecostal people who settled in Macedonia were Budimir and Asterija Jakić of Serbia. In 1986 following God’s call they left Belgrade to start living in the town of Štip in western Macedonia where they pioneered a church. The Jakić couple were soon followed by Dimitrije Papadić of Novi Sad who settled in Skopje.56 In 1989 Papadić started the work ‘officially’. The state authorities would not issue consent to begin a new religious organisation. So he was obliged to use an already existing name for the sake of registration.57 This registration gave him the right to live and work freely in Macedonia. During this time Papadić started fundraising for two new Pentecostal churches in Macedonia: Skopje and Štip. These congregations became the very first Pentecostal churches in Macedonia to own a church building for their gatherings.58 Different Pentecostal mission agencies contributed towards this important project which became a determining factor for the registration of the church. However, soon after Macedonia became independent, new laws on registration of religious communities was introduced. There were two main challenges for the church:   1. The country Yugoslavia does not exist and consequently we cannot depend on old Yugoslav registrations any longer and   2. The term ‘Pentecostal’ does not exist in the Macedonian everyday vocabulary.

Patrick Johnstone, Operation World, OM 1993, p. 589.  Franko Kuzmič, Pregleg Povijesti Pentekostnog Pokreta u Jugoslaviju od Početka do 1991, (Slovenia 2007), p. 232. 55  Mirće Andreev, an ethnic Macedonian, is pastor of the ‘Evangelska Crkva’ (Evangelical Church) in Macedonia’s capital Skopje. He is also serving in the position of the President of the Macedonian Evangelical Church. 56  However, it is generally known that in the town of Ohrid there was already a group of believers from the Church of God who were not fully organized as a congregation. No documentation is available and it would be an interesting area for further study. From an interview with Mirće Andreev. 57   The only acceptable alternative was to use both the name and the registration of the ‘Kristova Pentekostna Crkva u SFRJ’ Osijek (The Pentecostal Church of Christ in SFRY Osijek). From an interview with Mirće Andreev. 58  From an interview with Mirće Andreev. 53 54


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It became necessary to find an alternative, says Andreev.59 Therefore the church decided to use the term ‘Evangelical’ (Evangelska Crkva) for registration while preserving its Pentecostal doctrine.60 Today there are Pentecostal churches outside of the structure of the Evangelska Crkva churches. It is generally accepted that there are about 23 Pentecostal congregations in the country61 and about 1,000 Pentecostal believers.62 The work of the Pentecostal church has also been noticed by secular  writers. R. Cacanoska in referring to Macedonia writes that ‘Pentecos­talism is developing in this region and the community of the Pentecostals is made of mainly the young people.63 According to Cacanoska “the Roma population has a significant part in the Pentecostal communities”64 and almost all have formed church cells among the Gypsies.65 Pentecostal churches have shown themselves to be mission-minded. They have also given much money for the evangelisation of all other ethnic groups in Macedonia. Mirće Andreev states, ‘The Pentecostal church is not a one nation religion. We have believers from all ethnic groups. Our vision is to plant Pentecostal churches also amongst the Albanian population.’66 The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Bosnia lies right at the heart of the former Yugoslavia in a very strategic geographical position. World War I began in Bosnia’s capital Sarajevo.67 According to Arapović one of the first Pentecostal converts in the  From an interview with Mirće Andreev.   The first clause of the Statutes of the Evangelical church says: ‘The Evangelical church is the spiritual heir of the Pentecostal church of Christ in SFRY’. The Evangelical church is part of the World Assemblies of God Fellowship. See Pentecostal Evangel, May 1999, p. 7–15. 61  From an interview with Mirće Andreev. 62 [Acc. 19.03.2009]. 63  R. Cacanoska, ‘Protestantism in Macedonia’, in R. Cacanoska, Protestantism on the Balkans in the Past, Present and the Future, (JUNIR 2006).p. 33. 64  R. Cacanoska, Protestantism on the Balkans in the Past, Present and the Future, p. 33. 65  R. Cacanoska, Evangelization, Conversion, Proselytism, JUNIR 2004, p. 84. 66  From an interview with Mirće Andreev. 67   The Latter Rain Evangel recorded the event this way: ‘Some weeks ago the Crown Prince of Austria and his wife while visiting the city of Bosnia, were both killed….. Austria declared war on Serbia’. See ‘Cruel Devastating War’, The Latter Rain Evangel, Chicago, (September) 1914, p. 12–13. 59 60

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country was Milena Kojdić (1898–1994),68 who was evangelized by Ivan Lovas69 from Vojvodina. However, according to Karmelo Kresonja, the first known Pentecostal church in Bosnia was started in the town of Brčko70 by Dragoljub Simeunović. In 1957 the ‘Church of God’ bought a little house for Kojdic and right at that place also started the Pentecostal church.71 After the latest Bosnia war, various Pentecostal churches and denominations marked a significant growth. Humanitarian aid was provided by most of churches.72 During this time, the first Pentecostal church was started in the western town of Mostar in November 1993 by Nikola Skinjarić. However, even before this church was officially launched there was an ongoing work being carried out by Miro Jovisić.73 Not too long after the church in Mostar, Tuzla was the next town to be ‘targeted’, to continue with more new churches in many other towns like Sarajevo, Bihać, Jajce, etc. Ivan Cvitković has argued that in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are only 120 Pentecostal adherents and only one Pentecostal church.74 This is perhaps due to the fact that they are able to register with the Ministry of Justice as Evangelicals.75 According to their website, there are 12 churches that are part of the ‘Evangelical Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina’ with their main office and two year Bible College in Mostar.76 However, there are many more churches organized in Repub­ lika Srbska in a separate denomination.77  Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori Osijek 2003), p. 212.  Ivan Lovas is perhaps the first pioneer in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although originally he was from Vojvodina. 70  From an interview with Karmelo Kresonja. 71  Arapović, Njihovim Tragom, (Izvori: Osijek 2003), p. 213. 72  AGAPE – The Humanitarian Aid Organizations of Croatia’s churches joined their efforts to provide for the poor. Pentecostal Evangel, ‘News’, Springfield January 1992, p. 23. 73  From an interview with Karlemo Kresonja. 74   Protestantism on the Balkans in the Past, Present and the Future, Niš: JUNIR 2006, Cvitkovic, I., ‘The Relationship of the ‘Historical Based’ Religious Communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina’, p. 59. 75  According to the Law on Religious Freedom and the Legal Position of the Churches  and Religious Communities in B-H for registration with the Ministry of Justice  of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one religious community must submit signatures of at least 300 members. Evangelicals together can meet such a legal requirement. See Protestantism on the Balkans in the Past, Present and the Future, Niš: JUNIR 2006. & I. Cvitković, ‘The Relationship of the ‘Historical Based’ Religious Communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina’, p. 59. 76 [Acc. 21/03/2009]. 77  From and interview with Karmelo Kresonja. 68 69


driton krasniqi The Republic of Kosovo

Kosovo, a long forgotten corner of Europe, was only made known to the outside world after Serbian military and paramilitary units under an operation code-named Potkovica (Horseshoe) carried out the  ethnic cleansing of Kosovo78 causing a massive exodus of the population.79 The country began its political journey as an independent nation in February 2008. However, the origins of the Pentecostal Christians go back to late 1979 when the first Albanian convert was recorded.80 Once Nikë Krasniqi had graduated from his studies at the Prishtina University in 1978, he was summoned to serve in the Yugoslav Army in the Pulja on the Croatian coastline. During his one year service in the ‘Yugoslav People’s Army’, Nikë was invited by a fellow soldier (Mihalek, an ethnic Hungarian) to visit his church and to get to know him more.81 In the history of Pentecostalism in the Former Yugoslavia, Hungarians were often among the first to spread the ‘full-Gospel’ teaching. The same is true in the case of Kosovo – the predominant non-Slavic area of the Former Yugoslavia. Two months after his conversion in March 197982 Nikë was water baptized in the Adriatic Sea and joined the Pulja Pentecostal Fellowship, which was connected to the Swedish Pente­ costal Missions.83 Upon Nikë’s return to his home village Baran near Peja, his wife Pashke and soon after his younger brother Anton were his next targets to bring to this faith and experience, and thus the number of Pentecostal believers tripled. News about the first conversions among the Kosovo Albanians spread. David Neighbor of the AoG84 became the first foreign missionary to come in response to the new situation. He and his wife Linda settled in Prishtina, marking this as the first long-term commitment for evangelisation of this country.85  Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, (Cambridge: CUP, 2000), p. 413.   Krasniqi, People that walked in darkness have seen a great light, University of Wales 2008. (Unpublished MTh essay, Bangor University). 80   ‘Healing the Scars of War’, The Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield July 2002, pp. 11–21. 81  From an interview with Nikë Krasniqi. 82  From an interview with Nikë Krasniqi. 83   Driton Krasniqi, People that walked in darkness have seen a great light, University of Wales 2008. (Unpublished MTh Thesis, Bangor University). 84   Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield, May 1993, p. 7–15. 85  Before this time there had been some sporadic efforts made to reach out to the predominantly Muslim population, but without any significant results. See also Johnstone, Operation World, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1987), p. 453. 78 79

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During those days there were two other small Evangelical congregations in Prishtina – the remnants of a Methodist church and a scattered Baptist congregation.86 Soon many of these believers joined the revivalists. Now that there were at least three strong Pentecostal leaders in the country – Nikë, Anton and David – soon there was a new facility for this newly formed congregation. Nikë found a building that was for sale and David, with the help of Ilija Szabo, another ethnic Hungarian from Yugoslavia, started the fundraising activity immediately. In 1983 a plot of land and two old houses standing on it was purchased; in June 1985 the opening of the first Albanian ‘Evangelical church in the world’ was celebrated.87 However, the Neighbors were not the only missionaries to come to Kosovo. Soon after its opening, the Pentecostal church of Prishtina became home to more than 20 missionaries from different parts of the world. These missionaries studied the Albanian language at Prishtina University, and after the collapse of Communism in the neighbouring nation of Albania, they were among the first ones to plant new churches there.88 The Pentecostal church (which was named Fellowship of the Lord’s People) grew stronger in numbers and maturity, becoming the face of Protestantism in Prishtina and Kosovo as a whole. This church was fortunate to have been shielded from the denominational divisions that were occurring elsewhere in the Former Yugoslavia. During the years of apartheid89 – 1985–1999 – this local fellowship was led by Anton Krasniqi.90 Until 1994 Nikë served as a strong pillar in the church and then he obeyed the call to move west (to the town of Gjakova) to start another work.91 By 1999 ‘The Church of the Lord Jesus’ in Gjakova was the largest church.92 In July 2000 with the support of the AoG, the Pentecostal church dedicated its new facility.93 After the 1999 Kosovo war AoG also helped 86  Haki Kasumi, Bashkësitë Fetare në Kosovë, (Prishtina: Kosova Institute of History 1988), p. 149. 87   Johnstone, Operation World, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1987), p. 452. 88  From an interview with Von Golder. 89   David Yung, ‘We came to Kosova’, (Scotland: CFP 2000), p. 40. 90 ‘Escape from Kosovo: An Evangelical family flees to safety’ [Acc. 21/04/2009]. 91  From an interview with Nikë Krasniqi. 92   ‘Among the Refugees’, Pentecostal Evangel, Springfiled, May 1999, pp. 6–15. 93  In the plaque hanging in the entrance of the church building it says: ‘A gift for the Church of the Lord Jesus, Gjakova, Kosova; from the Assemblies of God Michigan District’.


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with 40 tonnes of food for the whole country.94 Now the Kosovar church has grown from these two churches to over 30 churches and church plant initiatives. According to a report prepared by the ‘Kosovar Protestant Evan­gelical Church’ (the Evangelical umbrella body in Kosovo), of 32 churches in Kosovo, over 85% of them are Pentecostal/Charismatic95 believers.96 However, in spite of the fact that the majority of the congregations in the country are Pentecostal in doctrine, Kosovo does not have any Pentecostal Union of churches. Although Kosovo was part of the Former Yugoslavia, the church has not inherited the Yugoslav Pentecostal heritage in this area. Pentecostal believers have no place for pastoral training. Kosovar students are mainly sent abroad for studies. Pentecostal churches have registered with World Pentecostal Fellowship as equal members. The Republic of Albania During the days when the neighbouring nations were experiencing revival, Albanians were struggling for political freedom. It was in 1912 that the country declared its independence. Consequently perhaps Pentecostalism in this country is not documented. In 1967 the Commu­ nist regime declared Albania the world’s first atheistic state.97 The Communist regime in Albania was the most outrageous of them all. It executed without any court ruling over eleven thousand Albanian citizens; it executed all the Western intelligence of Albania; leaders of religious communities; thousands upon thousands of intellectuals, men and women.98

None of the other former Communist countries was as morally and spiritually devastated by their experience with Communism as was Albania. After the fall of Communism, missionaries from many part of the world ‘invaded’ Albania. In 1991 the first Pentecostal missionaries  arrived from neighbouring Kosovo99 as the first wave of the flood,100 as well as   Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield, December 1998, p. 24.  Among the Pentecostal/Charismatic entities are: AoG USA and UK; Fida International Finland; PMU Sweden; Calvary Chapel USA; Elim UK; etc.   96  See KPEC Report on the state of the national church, Prishtina, October 2008.   97   Johnstone, Operation World, (Bulstrode: WEC Publications, 1978), p. 84.   98  A Statement made by present day Prime Minister of Albania Sali Berisha. Op cit. Koha Ditore ‘Years 1989–1990’, (Prishtina) 20/03/2009, p. 18.   99  After Albania opened to the Gospel, a group of a dozen missionaries who were already serving at the Pentecostal church in Prishtina, Kosovo, left Kosovo and entered Albania. In those days there were around 20 foreign missionaries serving in Kosovo. From an interview with Nikë Krasniqi. 100  From an interview with missionary Von Golder.   94   95

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from other parts of the globe. AoG missionaries, who also arrived in 1991 on a fact-finding mission, found no evidence of Pentecostal presence in the country.101 In 1993 Operation World reported the existence of 12 Pentecostal congregations.102 In 2008 AoG Albania reported four churches and one Bible School.103 Pentecostals were among the first ones to start churches in Albania. Congregations such as ‘Rilindja’ (Rebirth) and ‘Nxënësit e Jezusit’ (Jesus’ Disciples)104 were among the first ones to begin services in the capital, Tirana. Due to the massive evangelistic explosion  after the fall of communism it would be very hard to identify the first believers in the country; Fitor Muçaj was amongst the first to receive the Gospel of Salvation and then experience the baptism in the Holy Spirit. Muçaj,105 who considers himself and his church charismatic, says that the Albania of 2010 has a Christian congregation in almost every town of the country. He insists that ‘denominationalism in Albania is not the church’s first priority. It is recently that we are seeing Pentecostals being crystallized’.106 While the national church is moving to a stage of a maturity, most of the local congregations are moving toward building their own denominational identity. Perhaps the most vocal of them all are the Pentecostals. This is perhaps due to the fact that they see themselves as the ‘predominant force’ in the field and therefore their voice is to be heard. Kurt Plagenhoef,107 one of the founders of the AoG Albania says108 Most of the churches have started from Pentecostal believers; today’s largest congregations in the country are Spirit-filled. The first church building in the country was the ‘Durrës Assembly’ and the majority of the ‘Albanian Encouragement Project’ founders were Pentecostal leaders. [Acc. 17/03/2009].   Johnstone, Operation World, (YWAM 1993), p. 85. 103 [Acc. 17/03/2009]. 104   ‘Jesus’ Disciples’ church started with church services on the first week of July 1991 by baptizing on water around 40 new converts. See index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4&Itemid=11 [Acc. 01/05/2009]. 105  Fitor Muçaj, an ethnic Albanian, is the president of the ‘Albanian Evangelical Brotherhood’ – the evangelical umbrella with the representation of more than 95% of the Evangelical body. He is also pastoring the ‘Rilindja’ (Reborn) church in Tirana that gathers around 200 people each Sunday service. 106  From an interview with Fitor Muçaj. 107   Kurt Plagenhoef is an AoG USA missionary. He has planted a church in Fushë Krujë and now is the Principle of the Pentecostal Bible College ‘Kolegji Teologjik Ungjillor’ (Evangelical Theological College) in Tirana. 108  From an interview with Kurt Plagenhoef. 101 102


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All of this raises an almost inevitable question: ‘Is there a National Albanian Pentecostal Church’? Von Golder states that there is a considerable number of Pentecostal/ Charismatic denominations in the country such as Frontiers, the AoG, the Church of God, Word of Life, Fida International, etc.109 Muçaj on the other hand expressed concern that the forming of a Pentecostal church might be a challenge to the ‘greater cause of the Evangelicals’.110 However, for the mainline Pentecostal leaders, the emerging need for a more structured and organized Pentecostal church is becoming ever more urgent. AoG USA and AoG Brazil and Fida International of Finland have taken a step forward. In 2003 representatives of these Pentecostal churches formed the ‘AoG Albania’. AoG Albania then founded the Bible school whose primary job is to train Pentecostal leaders and ministers.111 The author has had the privilege of lecturing in this Bible College. For the moment AoG Albania is a relatively small denomination; however it aims to add members and it looks forwards toward building a Pentecostal unity with many other Spirit-filled congregations in the country.112 Another encouraging aspect of the church in Albania is the fact that several congregations have made another step forward: that of missions. Many congregations have sent missionaries back to Kosovo. The Republic of Montenegro It was only in May 2006 that Montenegro declared independence from Serbia.113 Previously this small Republic of the Serbian-Montenegrin Union was only known as a predominantly Orthodox with a very small percentage of Pentecostal or Evangelical believers.114 However, the Pentecostal movement in Montenegro dates back to before Mon­ tenegrin independence. After a preparatory period of over ten years it was in January 1991 that the first Pentecostal church began in Podgorica (then Titograd).115 The history of this church and Pentecostalism as  From an interview with Von Golder.  From an interview with Fitor Muçaj. 111  From an interview with Kurt Plagenhoef. 112  From an interview with Kurt Plagenhoef. 113 _id=198346 ‘Crna Gora Nezavisna’, [Acc. 30/04/2009]. 114  P. Johnstone, Operation World, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1993), p. 588. 109 110

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whole in this country is closely linked to the missionary Dušan Klajić of Prigrevica, (near Sombor, Serbia).116 In year 1992 the first believers were water baptized.117 Yet it was not until March 1996 that the church was registered with the Government, marking the official beginning of the Pentecostal church in the country.118 The registration has opened doors for these Novovjerci119 to openly express their faith. Thus, with the help of ‘Campus Crusade for Christ’ in Belgrade, the Pentecostal church organized a public showing of the ‘Jesus Film’ in Podgorica’s main city cinema.120 In an October 2001 ordination ceremony, Jovica Bačvanski took over the work from the father of the Pentecostal Movement in Montenegro, Dušan Klajić.121 Since that time the church has grown, and the actual number of believers in the country is believed to be more than 150.122 The church is involved in various outreaches throughout the country. Thus far the number of ‘sister churches’ has grown to four and the Pentecostal church of Podgorica has taken a significant step forward by financially supporting a married couple for God’s work in Bosnia and Herzegovina.123 Montenegro still does not have a registered Alliance of churches, but it looks to the Pentecostal Movement of Serbia and Montenegro for direction as they still are part of the same ecclesiastical structure. According to Bačvanski some thought has been given to the formation of a local Pentecostal Movement. The church has received support for its church building project from various organisations including ‘Smile International’, England; and ‘AVC Switzerland’.124 115   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Church Podgorica _us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009]. 116   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Church Podgorica _us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009] 117   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Church Podgorica _us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009] 118  From an interview with Jovica Bačvanski. 119   ‘Members of the new faith’. This is somewhat derogatory term that lay people have often used to identify Pentecostal believers. 120   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Church Podgorica _us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009]. 121   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Church Podgorica _us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009] 122  From an interview with Jovica Bačvanski. 123  Bačvanski, Jovica, Open Newsletter from Jovica Bačvanski. 124   The History of the Christ’s Gospel Chur ch Podgorica about_us.htm [Acc. 21/03/2009].


driton krasniqi Conclusion

One of the main points to emerge from this research is the fact that Pentecostal movement(s) in some areas began soon after the Azusa Street Revival. In Serbia for example there was a gap of only a few years. Such was not the case with Greece however. Perhaps this is due to the fact that this country was undergoing a war with the Ottomans. Another important observation is that the Diaspora of respective nations often played an important role in reshaping Evangelical churches back in their home countries by introducing this ‘new wave’ of Protestant Reformation – Pentecostal experience. It is also true that although almost all the nations of the South-Eastern Europe covered in this study had their own Diaspora, which was created as a result of economical and political pressure on these peoples, not all of these nations however, have experienced the early day style of Pentecostal revival. This may be a consequence of wars and unrest with a very mobile population. Individual members of the Greek Diaspora have experienced the power of the Holy Spirit and have in many instances left America and returned to their own people.125 While Bjelajac126 has presented some arguments in favour of the Serbian Diaspora doing the same in other countries such as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Montenegro evidence for this is scanty. The Pentecostal churches in South Eastern Europe are growing in number, an are distinct from evangelical sister churches by virtue of doctrine and practice. Even so, one of the main needs in this geographical context is the formation of Pentecostal Alliances for the purpose of strengthening both the Pentecostal work and national evangelical alliances. Bibliography Arapović, Borislav, Njihovim Tragom (On His Footsteps), (Osijek, Croatia, Izvori, 2003). Bjelajac, Branko, ‘Early Pentecostalism in Serbia’, JEPTA 23, 2003, pp. 129–136. —— , Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice: Pentekostalci, Nogoprani, Histova Pentekosna Crkva, Kristova Duhovna Crkva, Kristova Duvovna; Jevandjeska Crkva,

‘In Greece Today’, Pentecostal Evangel, Springfield, July 1961, pp. 25–26.  For the Serbian Diaspora Bjelajac has dedicated an entire chapter in his research. See Bjelajac, Branko, Pentekostni Pokret i Verske Zajednice, pp. 8–10. 125 126

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Protestansko Evandjeoska Crkva, Skupstive Bozje, Crkva; Bozija, Naduvari, Duvovdjaci, Harizmate, Pfinsteri, Stundisti, Apostolska Vera. (Pentecostal Movement and Faith Communities: Pentecostals, Feet Washers, Pentecostal Church of Christ, Spiritual Church of Christ, Spiritual Gospel Church of Christ, Protestant Evangelical Church, Fellowship of God, Church of God, Inspired Ones, Spirituals, Charismatic, Phinters, Saturdays, Apostolic Faith). This is an unpublished Thesis. Used with permission. Branković, Tomislav and Djordjević, Dragoljub Eds., Protestantism in the Balkans in the Past, Today and the Future, (Nis, Serbia: Yugoslav Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2006). Chatzieleftheriou, Ilias, The Development of the Pentecostal Church in Greece. This is an unpublished MTh Thesis (Bangor University 2010). Used with permission. Jambrek, Stanko, The Pentecostal Movement in Croatia 1907–2007, Biblijski Institut (Bible Institute) Zagreb, Croatia, September 2007. Johnstone, Patrick, Operation World: A handbook for World Intercession, (Bromley: STL Publications, 1978). —— , Operation World: A day-to-day guide to praying for the world, (Bromley: Operation Mobilisation, 1987). —— , Operation World: Pray for the World, (Carlisle: OM Publishing, 1993). —— , Operation World: The Day-by-Day Guide to Praying for the World, (Seattle: Youth With A Mission, 1993). Kasumi, Haki, Bashkësitë Fetare në Kosovë (Religious Communities in Kosovo), Prishtinë, Kosovo: Kosova Institute of History, 1988). Krasniqi, Driton, People that Walked in Darkness Have Seen a Great Light: A Short History of the Kosovar Evangelical Church, University of Wales, Bangor, United Kingdom, 2008, (Unpublished Thesis). Kuzmič, Franko, Pregled povijesti pentekostnog pokreta u Jugoslaviji od početka do1991 (Overview of the history of the Pentecostal movement in Yugoslavia from the beginning to 1991), Murska Subota, Slovenia, September 2007, (UDC 286). Lampe, John, Yugoslavia as History: Twice there was a Country (Second Edition), (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Smart, Ninian, The World’s Religions: Old Traditions and Modern Transformations, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Todorović, Dragan, Ed., Evangelization, Conversion, Proselytism, (Niš, Serbia: Yugoslav Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2004). West, Rebecca, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon: A Journey through Yugoslavia, (London: Canongate Books Ltd 2006) (previous editions here used Middlesex 1982, p. 1095, also New York, Penguin Books, 1969; original from Viking Press,1941). Young, David, We came to Kosova: 25 Years of Evangelical Experience in Kosova, (Tain, Scotland: Christian Focus Publications, 2000).

Journals Koha Ditore (Kosovo’s Independent Daily), Koha Group, Prishtina, Kosovo. 2009. The Latter Rain Evangel: An International Monthly Magazine, The Evangel Publishing House, Chicago, Number 12, September 1914. The Latter Rain Evangel: An International Monthly Magazine, The Evangel Publishing House, Chicago, No 3, December 1934. Pentecostal Evangel: The Official Magazine of the Assemblies of God, Springfield, MO, No 643, April 1926; No 904, June 1931, Special Missionary Number; No 909, August 1931; No 1142, March 1936; No 1370, August 1940; No 1463, May 1942; No 1609, March 1945; No 1656, February 1946; No 1973, March 1952; No 2018, January 1953. July 1961. November 1969.No 4087, September 1992; No 4262, 1996; No 4414,


driton krasniqi

December 1998; No 4434, February 1999. (Mission’s World Edition); No 4897, July 2002, (Mission’s World Edition).

Interviews Andreev, Mirće. Pastor of the Evangelska Crkva (Evangelical Church) in Skopje, Macedonia. He is also serving in the position of the President of the Evangelical Alliance of Macedonia. Interview carried in Skopje, Macedonia on 05.02.2009. Bačvanski, Jovica. Pastor of the Crkva Hristovog Jevandjelja (Christ’s Gospel Church) in Podgorica, Montenegro. This is the very first Pentecostal church in Montenegro. Jovica has succeeded the founder of this church Dušan Klajić. Interview carried on 21.03.2009. Golder, Von, Pastor of Nxënësit e Jezusit (Jesus’ Disciples) church in Tirana, Albania. The Golder family is among the first Evangelicals that moved to Albania straight after the fall of Communism. Interview carried in Tirana, Albania on 12.10.2008. Krasniqi, Nikë. Pastor of Bashkësia e Zotit Jezus (Church of the Lord Jesus) in Gjakova, Kosovo. Krasniqi is the first Albanian known convert to Evangelicalism. Interview carried in Gjakova, Kosovo on 20.02.2009. Kresonja, Karmelo. Pastor of the Pentecostal church in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina where is also the headquarters of the Evangelical Union. The karmelo family moved from Croatia to pioneer the church in Bosnia. Interview carried on 27.04.2009. Muçaj, Fitor. Pastor of the Rilindja (Reborn) church in Tirana, Albania. He is also serving in the positing of Vëllazëria Ungjillore e Shqipërisë (Albanian Evangelical Alliance). Interview carried in Tirana, Albania on 15.10.2008. Plagenhoef, Kurt. Pastor of the Assemblies of God church in Fushë Krujë, Albania. He is also the dean of the Kolegji Teologjik Ungjillor, (Evangelical Theological College) Tirana, Albania and the superintendent of the Assemblies of God Albania. Interview carried in Tirana, Albania on 20.10.2008. Vitakić, Saša. Pastor of a Pentecostal church in Serbia. He and his family moved from the church of Kragujevac, Serbia where Dragan (his father) was a Serbian Pentecostal pioneer. Interview carried on 24.03.2009.

Websites (All accessed between Sept 2009- Jan 2010) emid=11 198346

chapter nine The Development of Pentecostalism in Central European Countries; Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Czech Republic & Slovakia 1.  Poland Tim Case with Mark Kaminski The reception of Pentecostalism at the beginning of the 20th century in Poland proceeded in a complicated and heterogeneous way. The direct cause of this condition was the fact that the Polish State did not exist at that time and the country was divided into three parts by the occupying power. For that reason, Pentecostal piety reached each annexed territory by different routes. In the South, within the Austrian-annexed territory, the Pentecostal Movement emerged from within the Lutheran Church. During a home meeting, the Holy Spirit fell upon those gathered. They began cultivating their new level of devotion and for that reason were excommunicated from the Lutheran Church. In response to that, they decided to continue their activities independently. On July 15, 1910, the Alliance was legally registered (recognized) under the name ‘Bund für entschiedenes Christentum’ (Alliance for Committed Christianity). The first leader of the Alliance was Jan Kajfosz.1 The Alliance grew and planted new churches. Unfortunately, in 1920, after the First World War, the Śląska Ciezyński territory was divided into two parts, Polish and Czechoslovakian. As a result, the annexed territories were now on two different sides of a very securely closed border. That did not however hinder evangelistic and pastoral activities right up to the beginning of the war in 1939. At that time, the activities of the Pentecostals were made illegal and an intense time of persecution began. The reception of Pentecostalism in the eastern part of Poland proceeded along different lines. Pentecostals appeared there quite late, not until after 1920. The spreading of the idea of Pentecostalism was the 1   Zbigniew Pasek, Stanowczy chrześcijanie, Studium historii idei religijnych, (Kraków: Instytut Religioznastwa UJ, 1993) p. 68

226 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus work of repatriates. These missionaries, who found Pentecostal piety in America, filled with the desire to carry the good news to their kinsmen, left America and returned to their homeland with one purpose – to preach the Gospel and propagate the Pentecostal experience. The ending of the First World War and the independence gained by Poland allowed them relatively unhindered opportunity to function. Important figures connected with the growth of Pentecostalism in Poland were:  Iwan Haris, Porfiry Ilczuk, Józef Antoniuk, Trofim Nahorny, Grzegorz Kraskowski, Józef Czerski, Stanisław Niedźwiecki, Jan Pańko, Grzegorz Fedyszyn, and Gustaw H. Schmidt. As a result of their activities, many independent Pentecostal churches were established and according to contemporary chroniclers, the number reached into the thousands. That forced the leadership to create a denomination, which in turn would allow them to systematize teaching, work out a strategy for growth, and especially to prepare pastors for service in churches. Twice attempts were made in eastern Poland to create a homogeneous Pentecostal Movement. To that end, two Church unification congresses were held in 1924 and 1928 in the city of Krzemieniec. However, they were local in nature and did not lead to the establishing of a nation-wide Church. Finally, in 1929, the ‘Evangelical Faith Christian Association (Church)’ was created. It was formed as a result of a unification congress that was held in a village named Stara Czołnica, not far from Łucka (currently the Ukraine). Artur Bergholc, a man of German descent and a Pastor in Łódź was named the Chairman. The growth of the Evangelical Faith Christian Association (Church) was impressive. In 1939, right before the Second World War began, the KChWE (Evangelical Faith Christian Association) had about 300 churches which were made up of around 25,000 members.2 A great success for Pentecostals associated with the Evangelical Faith Christian Association was the ability to train their personnel in a Bible School in Gdańsk. The founder of the school was Gustaw Herbert Schmidt. The Bible Institute in Gdańsk began operating on March 2, 1930 through Gustaw Herbert Schmidt’s initiative. During the 8 years it operated, over 1,000 students from various countries (Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Estonia, Germany, and Poland) were trained and many of those later became leaders of the Pentecostal Movements in

2   Władimir Franczuk, Prosila Rossija dozdza u Boga, (Kiev: Izditelstvo ‘Svitankova zoria’, 2002), p. 346.

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their own countries. The Institute made possible the defining of doctrine, the establishing of the direction needed for  growth, the creation of staff and personnel, and ultimately, the breaking of the resistance toward critical evaluation of their principles of faith.3 After the end of the War in 1945, the Pentecostals were moved from the eastern border to the western where they immediately began to try and organize the work of the churches. Unfortunately, politics began to have influence on their activities. Under the discreet pressure of the communist authorities, on 24 May 1947, the United Evangelical Church was created by combining several evangelical Churches, two of which were Pentecostal in nature – the Alliance for Committed Christianity and the Evangelical Faith Christian Association. Their coexistence did not show promise for the future. There was no unified vision between the various leaders and they disagreed about how to function together harmoniously. After the death of Stalin in 1953 and the appearance later of signs that the communist authorities were relaxing their politics toward the Church, the Pentecostals from the Evangelical Faith Christian Association decided to secede from the United Evangelical Church and register as an independent Church. This happened in 1956. Unfortunately, the repression of the authorities forced the Pentecostals to rejoin the United Evangelical Church again in the early 1960s. Difficult years of service began in a country oppressed by a totalitarian ideology whose main enemy was religion. In that period, some independent Pentecostal churches existed outside of those which were part of the ZKE (United Evangelical Church). However, they did not have legal registration (recognition), their own buildings, or the possibility to evangelize on a wider scale. They were at best tolerated by the authorities. The oppression of the Church entailed: surveillance of the churches by the security services, prohibition on building any structures, limitations on publishing materials, limitations on foreign contact, and forcing the Church to submit and adhere to controlling legal procedures. The situation slowly began to improve when ‘Solidarity’, the movement for independence, began to have an increasingly greater influence on the state of affairs in Poland from the beginning of the 1980s.

3  E. Czajko, Ruch zielonoświątkowy, Rocznik Teologiczny (Warszawa: Chrześcijańska Akademia Teologiczna, 1970) pp. 88-89.

228 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus The Pentecostals decided to separate from the United Evangelical Church and create their own Church. A Church Council was held on May 22, 1987, where it was decided to form the ‘Pentecostal Church of Poland’ and Michał Hydzik was named its Overseer. However, contentions arose between the brothers. Some of them, dissatisfied with the decisions of the Church Council, decided to form a separate Church by the name ‘Evangelical Faith Christian Church’. Władysław Rudkowski was made its Overseer. Both of these Churches were allowed to legally register on February 1, 1988. At the present time, after Mieczysław Czajko finished his term in office, Marek Kamiński is the head of the Pentecostal Church of Poland which numbers around 215 churches. The Evangelical Faith Christian Church has 18 churches and is lead by Andrzej Jeziernicki. At this point it would be valuable to mention the exodus of some Pentecostals from the Zaolzia territory to another area of Poland known as the Beskid Mountains (Bieszczady), a mountainous area in southeastern Poland. Zaolzie is a territory which in 1920, after the First World War, was divided into two parts, Poland and Czechoslovakia. That division separated several sister churches which were part of the Alliance for Committed Christianity. After 1945, members of the Alliance for Committed Christianity on the Polish side became members of the ZKE  (United Evangelical Church) and those on the Czechoslovakian side were forced to join the ‘United Brethren’ (Jednota Braterska). Unfortunately, persecution in Czechoslovakia was so strong that the Pentecostals of Polish descent decided to return to Poland. When the opportunity to purchase land from the government in the Beskid Mountain area became available, both Poles and Czech­oslovakians made the move. The migration process began in 1961–62 and ended toward the end of the 1960s. Ultimately, around 70 Pentecostal families settled in three villages creating a Christian enclave.4 In 1981 they were allowed to register legally as a Church and currently are named the Evangelical Pentecostal Fellowship. Their overseer is Tadeusz Krzok. Other Pentecostal factions are connected with the work of Bolesław Dawidow. He independently carried on evangelistic and pastoral

4   Wisełka Andrzej, Historia duchowego przebudzenia na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, (Maszynopis dostępny w archiwum Kościoła Zielonoświątkowego w Warszawie: Wola Piotrowa, 1984–1986).

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work for years. The fellowship he founded met in homes. Finally, on February 27, 1988, after the country experienced political changes and after several years of waiting for their application to be approved, the ‘Church of God in Christ’ was officially registered. After Bolesław  Dawidow’s death, Andrzej Nędzusiak was appointed the leader of the Fellowship. Today the Church of God in Christ has over 60 churches. It is worth mentioning the existence of the Church named ‘Christian Pentecostal Fellowship’. It is a radical wing of the Church which is made up of over 20 churches. It received its legal registration in 1986. The head of this Church is Roman Jawdyk. The legal situation in Poland is such that becoming legally recognized as an independent Church is exceptionally difficult and, for that reason, the Pentecostal Movement in Poland is mainly organized denominationally. About 350 churches exist in Poland in 2009. Of these, about 330 belong to Pentecostal denominations. Bibliography Czajko Edward, Ruch zielonoświątkowy, Rocznik Teologiczny (Warszawa: Chrześcijańska Akademia Teologiczna, 1970). Czajko Edward, Sytuacja prawna ruchu zielonoświątkowego w Polsce w perpektywie historycznej, (Warszawa Instytut im: TB Barrata, 2000). Czajko Edward, Zielonoświątkowcy, (Instytut Wydawniczy ‘Agape’ 1995). Franczuk Władimir, Prosila Rossija dozdza u Boga, (Kiev: Izditelstvo ‘Svitankova zoria’, 2002). Pasek Zbigniew, Ruch zielonoświątkowy próba monografii, (Kraków: Zakład wydawniczy NOMOS, 1992). Pasek Zbigniew, Stanowczy chrześcijanie, Studium historii idei religijnych, (Kraków: Instytut Religioznastwa UJ, 1993). Roman Janina, Zarys historyczny zboru „Elim’ Kościoła  Zielonoświątkowego w Cieszynie lata 1910–1996, (Cieszyn: Wydawnictwo Arka, 2002). Tymiński Michał, Kościół Zielonoświątkowy w Polsce, (Wrocław: Misja Życie, 1999). Wisełka Andrzej, Historia duchowego przebudzenia na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, (Maszynopis dostępny w archiwum Kościoła Zielonoświątkowego w Warszawie: Wola Piotrowa, 1984–1986).

Websites from July 20, 2009. from July 20, 2009.ściół_Boży from July 20, 2009.

230 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus 2.  Romania Ciprian Balaban The Beginning There are several opinions about the location and exact timing of the first Pentecostals in Romania. Some theories have appeared quite recently, such as one which states that the first Pentecostals were established in 1915 in Surducul Mic, Timi County (Western Transylvania).5 Another theory claims that the first Pentecostals arrived in 1918 in Vicovul de Sus, Suceava County (Northeastern Romania or Bucovina).6 More reliable information records the existence of Pentecostal believers among the Saxons in Sibiu County (Transylvania), in the villages of Dârlos and Curciu, between 1919 and 1921.7 However, the group from which the Pentecostal faith spread across Romania was established in 1922 in the village of Păuli, which is now located in Arad County.8 The founders of this group were Gheorghe and Persida Bradin who had heard about the Pentecostal faith from some people who had visited the United States. They kept in touch with Pavel Budean, a Romanian born Pentecostal evangelist living in the USA at that time.9 In 1924, Pavel Budean came to Romania, and officiated at the first water baptism of 16 people on 16th October. On this occasion, at the end of 1924, the first petition for recognition of the group under the name of the Baptist-Pentecostal Denomination was signed and filed with the  Constantin Cuciuc, Religii care au fost interzise în România, (Bucureti: Gnosis, 2001), p. 77. 6  Marcel Codreanu, „Romania’, in Stanley Burgess & Eduard M. Van der Maas (ed.), The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan) p. 212. 7   Trandafir Sandru, Biserica penticostală în istoria cretinismului, (Bucureti, Editura Bisericii lui Dumnezeu Apostolice Penticostale din România, 1992), p. 130; Trezirea spirituală penticostală din România, (Bucureti, Editura Institutului Teologic Penticostal, 1997), pp. 92–93; Vinson Synan & Valeriu Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, (Oradea, Editura Betania, 2004), p. 300; Ioan Ceuţă, Micarea penticostală în evenimente i relatări ale secolului XX, (Bucureti, Editura Lumina Evangheliei, 2002), pp. 132–135; Gheorghe Bradin, Istoricul Cultului Penticostal – Biserica lui Dumnezeu Apostolică din R. P. R., (unpublished manuscript), (Bucureti 20 august 1960), leaf 11 back side. 8   Păuli Village is situated in Arad county, but in that time it belonged to Timioara area. 9   Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 9 back side – 11 back side; Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 67; Biserica penticostală, pp. 125–127; Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, pp. 300–301. 5

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Ministry of Denominations by 50 adult believers. The rejection of this petition by the Ministry of Denominations through decision no. 5734 of 29 January 1925, was the first official document recognizing the existence of Pentecostals in Romania. It also contributed a great deal to the spread of Pentecostal beliefs throughout the country through its publication in the press of that time. After this decision was announced, Gheorghe Bradin received many letters and even visits from previously unknown individuals, interested in the new beliefs.10 Several other petitions were rejected during the following years, but as a large number of Pentecostal believers had grown in the eastern part of the country near the cities of Galaţi and Brăila, a new strategy for obtaining state recognition was attempted. This time believers tried to obtain recognition for a religious association with another name, avoiding the term ‘Pentecostal.’ They had a new leadership, unknown to the Ministry of Denominations and a new headquarters with the hope that all Pentecostal churches could join the association if it was recognized. Thus in 1929, a new request was submitted under the name of ‘The Apostolic Church of God’ (Biserica lui Dumnezeu Apostolică) with the central headquarters of the association located in Brăiliţa (a suburb of Brăila).11 This petition was also rejected12 and in 1930, the Ministry of Denominations discovered the identity of the Apostolics as Pentecostals which resulted in decree no. 93114 of 1930 ordering the closing of Pentecostal houses of prayer.13 Even though other decisions were made to prohibit the Pentecostal confession, ‘The Word of Truth’ (Cuvântul Adevărului) magazine managed to avoid closure and continued being published from January of 1929 until April of 1937 when it finally was prohibited. This publication, together with other magazines and tracts contributed greatly to the

10   Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 32 front side – 33 front side; Gheorghe Bradin, ‘Micarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947, pp. 4–6; Sandru, Biserica penticostală, pp. 129, 134–135; Trezirea spirituală, pp. 68, 91–92. 11  Gheorghe Bradin, ‘Micarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947, pp. 4–6; Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 77; Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 306; Anonymous, ‘Proces-verbal’, în Cuvântul Adevărului, Anul I, nr.10, octombrie 1929, p. 8. 12  Anonymous, ‘Întiinţare’, în Cuvântul Adevărului, Anul I, nr. 7, iulie 1929, p. 7; Anul IV, nr. 1, ianuarie 1932, p. 12; Anul I, nr. 9, septembrie 1929, p. 12. 13  Gheorghe Bradin, ‘Micarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947, p. 5.

232 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus spread of Pentecostal beliefs. During this period Pentecostal believers were fiercely persecuted by authorities, facing severe beatings if they were discovered by policemen while gathering for prayer. At this time, there were at least four martyrs, including Partenie Pera from Lipova, Arad County who died in 1927, after suffering terribly from injuries sustained in a brutal beating by policemen with a chain;14 and Cristian Gavrilă from Bilca who also died as the result of a beating received from authorities in 1935.15 We find in ‘The Word of Truth’ magazine that a believer died in December of 1936, after being imprisoned under an unknown name.16 It seems that reporting this news led to the eventual closure of the magazine. Voicu Rusin from Lascăr Catargiu in Brăila County died as well, in 1944, when the prison where he was held for his faith was destroyed by a detonating grenade.17 Disorganization and Reorganization (1938–1947) Due to increasing persecution, starting in 1938 a compromise was made associating Pentecostals with the Baptist Independent Association and later the Baptist Union of Romania, both of which were organizations recognized by the state.18 It should not be misunderstood that this event signified a rejection of Pentecostal doctrines, but rather that it was a beautiful period of cooperation between Baptists and Pentecostals in Romania. Nevertheless there were many Pentecostal believers who never accepted this union, considering it a renunciation of their faith.19 During the time of the Antonescu regime, the situation of the evangelical denominations recognized by the Romanian state (including

Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 34 front side; Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 304. Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 76. 15   Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 94. 16  Anonymous ‘Zi de post i rugăciune’, în Cuvântul adevărului, anul IX, nr. 3, martie 1937, p. 12. 17   Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 137; Trezirea spirituală, p. 78; Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 41 front side. 18   Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 21 front side – back side; ‘Micarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947, p. 6; ‘Lucrul acesta a fost cârmuit de Domnul’, în Pacea, anul VIII, nr.10–11, 1 iunie 1940, pp. 7–8; ‘O clarificare’, în Pacea, anul VIII, nr.12–13, 1 iulie 1940, pp. 11–12; Arhiva Consiliului Naţional Pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securităţii (National Council Archive for Security Archive ‘Study), fond Documentar (Documentary Found), folder 6885, leaf 66. 19   Bradin, ‘Întristaţi, dar nu descurajaţi’ Mângăietorul, Anul II, nr. 7, iulie 1940, p. 7; ***, ‘Clarificare importantă’, în Lumina Evangheliei, anul II, nr. 8, septembrie-decembrie 1946, p. 4. 14

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Baptists, Adventists and Evangelicals) also grew worse. This culminated with decree no. 927 of December 28, 1942. Signed by Ion Antonescu and Ion Petrovici, the minister of Denominations, the decree stated that the three evangelical confessions were dissolved, because their connections with the United States and England supposedly contributed to a decrease in the national unity of Romanians. It was even ordered that believers belonging to these groups be deported to Transnistria. This in reality never happened, however, as by the end of 1942, the Romanian and German armies were losing control of that area.20 This situation continued until 1945 when the Pentecostals from Romania reorganized forming three Pentecostal associations and even receiving temporary recognition from the state. These groups were called, ‘The Pentecostal Apostolic Church of God’ (the main and current group); ‘The Pentecostal Apostolic Church of God of Christians Baptized in the Holy Spirit’ (a group that left the main Pentecostal movement in 1931 over differences of belief concerning the practice of washing feet); and a third group named ‘The Disciples of the Lord Jesus’ (This group seems to have appeared before World War One, primarily being centered in and around Bucharest).21 Even during this difficult period for Romanian Pentecostals, the number of believers doubled. Thus, their numbers grew from 7,270 Pentecostals in 1938 to approximately 15,000 in 1945 after their separation from the Baptist denomination.22 By 1950 they had grown to about 32,000 individuals.23 Romanian Pentecostals during the Communist Regime 1948–1989 After the king’s abdication on December 30, 1947, and the installation of the communist regime in Romania, the Ministry of Denominations was willing to accept only one Pentecostal Denomination. Thus, the three branches of Pentecostals united in the first part of 1950, and a  single Pentecostal denomination known as ‘The Apostolic Church of God of 20  Alexa Popovici, Istoria baptitilor din România 1856–1989, (Oradea, Editura Făclia, 2007), pp. 637–640. 21   Bradin, Istoricul Cultului, leaf 23 front side – back side; Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, pp. 97–104; Biserica penticostală, pp. 140–146; Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, pp. 317–320; Pavel Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor din România Bucureti. Editura Privilegiu, (1997), pp. 79–80. 22  Cuciuc, Religii care au fost interzise, p. 81. 23   Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 318; Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 104; Biserica penticostală, p. 146.

234 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus Romania’ was recognized by presidential decree on November 14, 1950.24 At the time of this recognition, the Ministry of Denominations was staunchly federalist in its approach to the evangelical groups in Romania. Following a Soviet model, they merged all four recognized evangelical groups into a single Federation known as ‘The Federation of Evangelical Denominations.’ This single federation, consisting of Pentecostal, Baptist, Evangelical and Adventist believers, allowed the Ministry of Denomi­ nations to more easily monitor evangelical activity.25 Even though the Pentecostal Denomination received recognition from the state and both the Constitution and other Laws guaranteed religious freedom and even stipulated penalties for hindering religious expression, all Pentecostal activity throughout the communist era occurred under the often abusive control of inspectors from the Ministry of Denominations and later the Department of Denom­inations.26 Theoretically, no one could be baptized in water without consent from the Ministry of Denominations inspectors. This consent was generally not granted for believers who were not born to families from within the Pentecostal faith. Approvals were also necessary for marriage services.27 No one could become a pastor or a student of a theological seminary without the approval of the Department of Denominations.28 Actually, any person who wanted to get a certificate as a pastor, had to sign a cooperation agreement with the authorities of the state and the secret police. But only a small number of pastors respected this commitment. For this reason, the Securitate, or secret police tried to secretly conspire with pastors and members of the churches. After signing a special document, these individuals were given secret code names.29 24  Adrian Nicolae Petcu, ‘Securitatea i cultele în 1949’, în Partidul, securitatea i cultele 1945–1989, Adrian Nicolae Petcu (coord.), (Bucureti, Nemira, 2005), pp. 180– 181 (nota 80); Elis Neagoe-Plea & Liviu Plea, ‘Cultele neoprotestante din România în perioada 1975–1989’, în Partidul, securitatea i cultele 1945–1989, Adrian Nicolae Petcu (coord.), (Bucureti, Nemira, 2005), p. 357; Pavel Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor din România, (Bucureti, Editura Privilegiu, 1997), p. 67. 25   Petcu, ‘Securitatea i cultele’, în Partidul, Petcu (coord.), p. 148. 26  Elis Neagoe-Plea & Liviu Plea, ‘Cultele neoprotestante din România în perioada 1975–1989’, în Partidul, securitatea i cultele 1945–1989, Adrian Nicolae Petcu (coord.), (Bucureti, Nemira, 2005), pp. 363–364. 27   Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor, p. 68, p. 110; Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 148; Trezirea spirituală, p. 108; John Tipei, ‘Persecution of the Romanian Church in the Twentieth Century – A Historical and Theological Perspective’, în Pleroma, (Bucureti, Institutul Teologic Penticostal), Anul VI, nr. 1, iunie, 2004, pp. 81–83. 28   Sandru, Trezirea spirituală, p. 113; Tipei, ‘Persecution of the Romanian Church’, în Pleroma, Anul VI, nr. 1, iunie, 2004, pp. 81–83. 29   Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 324.

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More than five years after prohibiting publication of The Gospel Messenger magazine, the government approved the publication of a new magazine called The Pentecostal Denominational Bulletin in 1953. However, its pages were strongly censored by the authorities and its articles were frequently filled with political propaganda. From 1955 to 1964, the secret police became very involved in the internal affairs of religious groups. Thus, at the second congress of the denomination held on 1–2 June, 1956 in Bucharest, church delegates were manipulated by religious inspectors to remove many people from leadership, including: Alexie Vamvu, Trandafir Sandru, Pantelimon Cojocariu and Dumitru Zamfir. Alexie Vamvu and Trandafir Sandru, were even forced to resign from their positions as pastors in 1958, and they along with Cristian Vasile Roske lost all their rights as members of the denomination through interference of the secret police.30 In the early 1960s, the state took some new measures to reduce the rapid rate of numerical growth among protestant denominations. One of these actions was the ‘redistribution of churches’, this withdrew authorizations for small churches to exist, their members being transferred to bigger churches which were often far away or overcrowded. At the same time, the number of districts within the Pentecostal denomination was reduced from five to three leaving only Arad, Oradea and Suceava. During the same period, many pastors were forced to resign. Those that remained were given large areas to minister to so that they would be overwhelmed and overworked.31 Rules for Religious Services were also imposed. Worship services were only permitted on Saturday evenings after 6 o’clock and on Sundays before 2 o’clock in the afternoon. The government also forced simplification of religious services prohibiting orchestras, ensembles and even choirs.32 Pentecostal believers working in different businesses and factories were marginalized and prevented from advancing in their workplaces as they were considered to be agents of western ideals. This was especially

Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 148; Trezirea spirituală, pp. 107–108.   Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor, p. 68; Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 148; Trezirea spirituală, p. 108. 32   Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor, p. 68; Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 148; Trezirea spirituală, p. 108; Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 324; Tipei, ‘Persecution of the Romanian Church’, în Pleroma, Anul VI, nr. 1, iunie, 2004, pp. 81–83. 30 31

236 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus true in fields requiring advanced education where believers were especially maltreated.33 The following people, among others, were persecuted and even imprisoned for religious propaganda and Bible possession: Ioan Jiloveanu (who died after being beaten by secret police in 1948)34, Constantin Caraman, Constantin Tarnavschi, Victor Răscol, Cornel Mihai, Vasile Gapar, Alecu Iacob and Ioan Toader from Ploieti.35 The period from 1964 to 1970 was more relaxed but after that the communist regime became increasingly rigid. It became harder for churches to obtain authorizations to function, and many church buildings were demolished for systematic urban development.36 Believers found at prayer meetings without proper authorization, were fined on the basis of decree no. 153 of 1970 which condemned gambling and other antisocial behaviour, even though prayer was not the original object of the law.37 During the communist era, special attention was paid to the Pentecostal churches by the Department of Denominations because the Pentecostal denomination was the fastest growing religious group numerically, growing at rates two to three times higher than other evangelical denominations. This rate of growth especially worried the old regime.38 In 1950 there were approximately 30,000 Pentecostals in Romania, but by 1989 they numbered from 250,000 to as many as 300,000, forming approximately 1,100 churches, out of which only 800 had authorizations. The remaining 300 or so were meeting undercover without proper legal permits.39 The Present Situation of the Romanian Pentecostalism Following the revolution in December of 1989, Romania became a democratic country. Undercover churches were given authorizations, many new church buildings were built and new organizations were established   Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 324; Tipei, ‘Persecution of the Romanian Church’, în Pleroma, Anul VI, nr. 1, iunie, 2004, p. 82. 34   Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 322. 35   Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 325; Sandru, Biserica penticostală, p. 148; Trezirea spirituală, p. 108. 36   Sandru, Biserica penticostală, pp. 153–156. 37   Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor, p. 69. 38  Elis Neagoe-Plea & Liviu Plea, ‘Cultele neoprotestante’, în Partidul, Petcu (coord.), pp. 357–358. 39   Bochian, Viaţa unui păstor, p. 68, p. 110. 33

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to do humanitarian work among people with special needs. Pentecostal missionary societies were formed, to serve both internally (especially for the southern part of the country where there are few evangelical Christians and to the south-eastern part of the country where an Islamic population is found), and externally all over the world. The Pentecostal educational system has also developed very much. The original Pentecostal Theological Seminary founded in 1976 became the Pentecostal Theological Institute in 1992.40 The key personality of this institution was Trandafir Sandru, rector of the seminary from its beginning and of the institute until 1998. His ministry is carried on today by John F. Tipei. There are also several other seminaries and Bible schools and many Pentecostal high schools which have opened since the revolution in Timioara, Arad, Bucureti, Oradea, Piteti and Suceava. From the moment of the recognition by the state of the Pentecostal Denomination, the Denomination has been led by four presidents: Gheorghe Bradin (1950–1962), Pavel Bochian (1962–1990), Emil Bulgăr (1990–1994) and Pavel Rivi-Tipei, who was elected four times in this position, beginning with the 5th congress of the Denomination in 1994. Besides the Pentecostal Denomination of Romania which belongs to the greater Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee), other Pentecostal religious associations also appeared affiliated with the Assemblies of God and the Pentecostal Holiness Church. The 1992 census recorded 220,033 Pentecostals in Romania,41 and the 2002 census, recorded a total of 330,486 Pentecostal believers among a general population in Romania of 21,698,181 people.42 Bibliography Anon ‘Penticostalii din România’, în Cuvântul adevărului, seria II, anul XIV, nr. 7–8, iulie-august 2003, p. 25. Anon, ‘Clarificare importantă’, în Lumina Evangheliei, anul II, nr. 8, septembrie-decembrie 1946, p. 4. Anon, ‘Întiinţare’, în Cuvântul Adevărului, Anul I, nr. 7, iulie 1929, p. 7; Anul IV, nr. 1, ianuarie 1932, p. 12; Anul I, nr. 9, septembrie 1929, p. 12. Anon, “Întristaţi, dar nu descurajaţi” Mângăietorul, Anul II, nr. 7, iulie 1940, pag. 7;

Synan & Andreiescu, Tradiţia micării penticostale, p. 335.  Anonymous, ‘Penticostalii din România’, în Cuvântul adevărului, seria II, anul XIV, nr. pp. 7–8, iulie-august 2003, p. 25. 42 (2010 February 27) 40 41

238 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus Anon, Istoricu Cultuluil, ‘Mişcarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947, p.6; Anon, Istoricul Cultului Penticostal – Biserica lui Dumnezeu Apostolică din R. P. R., (unpublished manuscript), (Bucureşti 20 august 1960), leaf 11 back side. Anon, ‘Lucrul acesta a fost cârmuit de Domnul’, în Pacea, anul VIII, nr.10–11, 1 iunie 1940, pp. 7–8; Anon, ‘Micarea penticostală în România’, în Vestitorul Evangheliei’, Anul III, nr. 11, 1 iunie 1947 Anon, ‘O clarificare’, în Pacea, anul VIII, nr. 12–13, 1 iulie 1940, pp. 11–12; Arhiva Consiliului Naţional Pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securităţii (National Council Archive for Security Archive’Study), fond Documentar (Documentary Found), folder 6885, leaf 66. Anon, ‘Proces-verbal’, în Cuvântul Adevărului, Anul I, nr.10, octombrie 1929, p. 8. Anon, ‘Zi de post i rugăciune’, în Cuvântul adevărului, anul IX, nr. 3, martie 1937, p. 12. Bochian, Pavel, Viaţa unui păstor din România, (Bucureti, Editura Privilegiu, 1997). Bradin, Gheorghe, ‘Întristaţi, dar nu descurajaţi’ Mângăietorul, Anul II, nr. 7, iulie 1940, p. 7; Ceuţă, Ioan Micarea penticostală în evenimente i relatări ale secolului XX, (Bucureti, Editura Lumina Evangheliei, 2002). Codreanu, Marcel, ‘Romania’, in Stanley Burgess & Eduard M. Van der Maas (ed.), The New International Dictionary of Pomanientecostal and Charismatic Movements, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan). Cuciuc, Constantin, Religii care au fost interzise în România, (Bucureti: Gnosis, 2001). Neagoe-Plea Elis & Liviu Plea, ‘Cultele neoprotestante din România în perioada 1975– 1989’, în Partidul, securitatea i cultele 1945–1989, Adrian Nicolae Petcu (coord.), (Bucureti, Nemira, 2005). Petcu, Adrian Nicolae, ‘Securitatea şi cultele în 1949’, în Partidul, securitatea şi cultele 1945-1989, Adrian Nicolae Petcu (coord.), (Bucureşti, Nemira, 2005), pp. 180–181 (nota 80). Popovici, Alexa, Istoria baptitilor din România 1856–1989, (Oradea, Editura Făclia, 2007). Sandru Trandafir, Biserica penticostală în istoria cretinismului, (Bucureti, Editura Bisericii lui Dumnezeu —— , Apostolice Penticostale din România, 1992). —— , Trezirea spirituală penticostală din România, (Bucureti, Editura Institutului Teologic Penticostal, 1997) —— , Tradiţia mişcării penticostale, (Oradea, Editura Betania, 2004). Tipei, John, ‘Persecution of the Romanian Church in the Twentieth Century – A Historical and Theological Perspective’, în Pleroma, (Bucureşti, Institutul Teologic Penticostal), Anul VI, nr. 1, iunie, 2004, pp. 81–83. (2010 February 27).

3.  Bulgarian Pentecostalism Daniela Augustine The Roots of Bulgarian Pentecostalism The roots of Pentecostalism in Bulgaria are associated with the missionary work of Dionissi Zaplishny (1889–1935) and Ivan Voronaev (1886– c.1940?). After receiving the Pentecostal experience of the baptism

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with the Holy Spirit as immigrants in the United States, they felt divine urging to return to Russia and spread the fire of Pentecost to their homeland which was being torn by civil violence.43 Their journey in 1920 took them first to Bulgaria, laying the foundations of Pentecostalism in this country.44 According to two parallel narrative traditions, the proclamation of their message was welcomed by members of the Congregational Church45 at the port city of Burgas, as well as by independent revivalist groups of former Eastern Orthodox believers that flourished under the apostolic ministry of Ioncho Hinkov (the founder and patriarch of the Bulgarian Church of God). While the Voronaev family continued across the Black Sea to Odessa, the Zaplishnys chose to remain in Bulgaria. Their ministry faced severe opposition and in 1924 they were deported back to the United States where they continued ministering to Slavic immigrants.46 In 1931, the Zaplishnys returned once again to Bulgaria where they pastored and evangelized until Dionissi’s death.47 When Nikolai Nikoloff (an ethnic Bulgarian immigrant to the United States and nephew of Zaplishny’s wife, Olga) arrived as an Assemblies of God missionary to Bulgaria in 1926, he found a growing Pentecostal movement without a distinct organizational structure or administrative hierarchy.48 Nikoloff started urging the members of the existing fellowships to organize themselves in a legally registered ecclesiastical entity under the name Union of Evangelical Pentecostal Churches. The founding meeting of the Union took place in the city of Russe from the 28th to 43  Fried Smolchuck, 1989, ‘Slavic Immigrants to America and the Pentecostal Experience’, Assemblies of God Heritage, Summer, p. 9. 44  Velichko Velev, Istoria na Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkva v Bulgaria, (Sofia: Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkava, 2002), p. 35. 45   The records of the first encounter of the missionaries with believers in the city of Burgas (located on the Black Sea in the South-Eastern part of the country) are inconsistent. Some claim that that it was the Methodist and not the Congregational church where they preached. A parallel oral tradition insists that Zaplishny’s first contact with believers in Burgas was with the group of Ioncho Hinkov and that he eventually became the pastor of that congregation. The same narrative tradition does not mention any affiliation of Zaplishny with a Methodist or a Congregational church in the city. It also claims that only Zaplishny and his family traveled initially to Burgas. 46  Fried Smolchuck, , ‘Slavic Immigrants to America and the Pentecostal Experience’, Assemblies of God Heritage, Summer, 1989 p. 10 47  N. Nikoloff, 1931, ‘Gospel Spreading in Bulgaria’, The Latter Rain Evangel, February, 48   In 1927, The Later Rain Evangel published the first article in reference to Nikolai (Nikolas) and Marta Nikoloff as missionaries to Bulgaria (‘Pentecostal Work’, 1927, p. 10).

240 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus the 31st of March 1928. Some of the believers felt uncomfortable with the idea of registering as a church institution; their self-understanding as a revival movement was deeply influenced by Zaplishny’s negative attitude toward ecclesiastical structures and institutional religious life.49 Two Groups develop Though the historical record of the events that followed is incomplete, sources indicate that the movement split into two groups. Some followed Nikoloff ’s proposal and others refused to associate with it. The majority of the second group welcomed the ministry of Stojan Tinchev (ordained by Ioncho Hinkov and serving as his successor), who continued to provide pastoral care and oversight for its members.50 In the 1970s and 1980s the underground house churches of the same group (also known as Tinchivisti) established relationships with the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee) with which they entered into a full fellowship after the fall of Communism in 1989.51 The relationship of the Bulgarian Pentecostal movement and society at large could be outlined in four periods. The first is the period from the movement’s inception until 1945, when Pentecostals were faced with occasional opposition by the Orthodox Church. However, they had the protection of the Bulgarian Constitution as well as the tolerance of the general population.52

49  Velichko Velev, Istoria na Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkva v Bulgaria, (Sofia: Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkava, 2002) p. 36. 50  Velev, Istoria na Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkva v Bulgaria, pp. 43–44 51  Nikoloff ’s status as an Assemblies of God missionary to Bulgaria led to the natural association of the Union of the Evangelical Pentecostal Churches (known also as Pentecostal Union) with the same denomination. 52  A brief report by Mrs. M. Nikoloff of an evangelistic outreach and public baptism in the city of Varna (a location where the Pentecostals could have potentially encountered an exceptionally strong opposition because of the active presence of the Orthodox Church) summarizes the relationship between the Pentecostal movement and society at large in this time period. ‘Although the district of Varna is known as a place where the Greek Orthodox people are very fanatical, nobody did us any harm during the baptismal service. Some people have tried to hinder the Pentecostal meetings since we left Varna. They purposefully have come to the meetings in a drunken state, but later have testified that they could not do the things they intended to do… Some priests speak openly against us, using all sorts of false stories, just to make the ignorant people afraid of us; others write in the papers, but the more they speak and the more they write, the more the Lord blesses…Fortunately, the Bulgarian constitution grants freedom and until now the Lord has kept us from any harm.’ (M. Nikoloff 1929, 10)

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The second period is from 1945 to 1989, when Pentecostals were persecuted alongside the rest of the Protestant denominations and the Orthodox Church by the Communist regime.53 In contrast to the Pentecostal Union, the Bulgarian Church of God continued to maintain its unregistered underground status, which evoked severe persecution against its members. The congregations of both denominations were infiltrated and closely observed by secret service agents, and the Pentecostal ministers experienced continual pressure by the secret police to collaborate and provide information concerning church affairs. Shortly after the fall of Communism the files of the secret police were opened and became a matter of public access. The names of collaborators and their victims appeared in various publications, stirring up deep emotions of disenchantment and disillusionment with key church leaders. These events tested the spiritual maturity of the movement, urging the necessity of confession, forgiveness and healing of memories and relational wounds between individuals and communities. This search for reconciliation and historical redemption was symptomatic of the post-Communist travail in society at large and gave the church the opportunity to provide spiritual leadership by setting an example of grace, forgiveness and restoration. The third period encompasses the years between 1989 (the fall of Communism) and 1993. This was the period of the Bulgarian Pentecostal Revival. The churches exploded ‘overnight’ and society responded with great openness to their evangelistic outreaches. The Bulgarian Orthodox Church, experiencing a deep schism and internal political struggles, did not interfere with the revival and there were even occasions of cooperation between Orthodox and Pentecostals on some social initiatives. This period was also characterized with active involvement in humanitarian endeavours, from soup-kitchens and various Samaritan centres to orphanages, medical outreaches and educational initiatives. By addressing vital humanitarian needs in society at large, the church was given the opportunity to extend its influence and provide pastoral care and guidance for a constituency that vastly exceeded its congregational membership. In this early post-Communist period, the first independent charismatic churches in the country emerged under the initiative of Western missionaries, organizations and evangelistic networks.

53  Haralan Popov, I was a Communist Prisoner, (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1966).

242 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus This brings us to the fourth period (from 1993 to the present) which was initiated by Western evangelists who utilized their crusades as a platform for negative rhetoric against the Orthodox Church. Their speeches revealed unfortunate ignorance regarding the historical, spiritual and cultural contribution of the Eastern Orthodox Church, provoking waves of disillusionment with Protestantism in society at large. Amidst escalating nationalistic sentiments, Protestantism was portrayed as something foreign and therefore unnatural for the Bulgarian ethnic identity. The media started a campaign against the Pentecostals, portraying them as charlatans and exploiters of the populace’s emotions and spiritual hunger. Missionary activities were outlawed and the following decade was marked by ongoing attempts by the ‘vigilant’ media to use the Pentecostal movement as a scapegoat in the midst of the political and economic struggles of post-Communist societal transition. In 1993, the Bulgarian parliament adopted legislation that enforced restrictions on the activities of non-Orthodox religious groups and forced the closing of many local churches by denying them re-registration.54 In 2002, the parliament passed the so called Confession Act as a replacement of the Communist Law of Religion which had provided the main legal delineation in church-state relations since 1949. The Confession Act affirmed the status of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church as the traditional religious confession of Bulgaria and demanded the re-registration of all non-Orthodox religious minorities.55 Yet, the text did not contain clear guidelines for requesting registration or for appealing denied requests. Therefore, the court was empowered with unregulated control in remapping the confessional realities in the country.56 This hostile environment, however, forced the Evangelical denominations towards closer cooperation with one another. The Bulgarian Evangelical Alliance57 became a forerunner in this process of interdenominational networking. In 1999, the five founding members of the 54  Nikolai Nedelchev and Latchezar Popov, 2002, ‘Evangelical Christians in Bulgaria’, East-West Church and Ministry Report, vol. 10, No.3, Summer. 55   Dony K. Donev, Postcommunist Believers in a Postmodern World. Paper presented at the Christianity and Human Rights Conference, November 13, 2004, Stamford University, Birmingam, Alabama. 56   Dony K. Donev, ‘Church and State in Bulgaria Today’, East-West Church and Ministry Report, vol. 13, No.3, Summer, 2005. 57 The Bulgarian Evangelical Alliance (known also as United Evangelical Churches in Bulgaria) is a historical successor of the civic association ‘United Evangelical Churches’ founded in 1909. The association was outlawed by the Communist regime in 1949 and all members of its executive committee were sentenced and incarcerated as enemies to the Communist state. In March of 2009 the Bulgarian Evangelical

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Evangelical Alliance (two of which are Pentecostal denominations58) established the Bulgarian Evangelical Theological Institute59 – a landmark accomplishment in the struggle of the Bulgarian Protestants to obtain legal recognition of their institutions for higher education. The Bulgarian Pentecostal movement has been actively involved in ministry among the Muslim population, including its Turkish and Roma ethnic minorities.60 The Pentecostals’ work with these demographic groups has been recognized both nationally and internationally as contributing towards building a sustainable ethnic peace in Bulgaria, and has underwritten the status of the country as a model of ethnic tolerance and cooperation in this part of the world.61 In 2010, Bulgarian Pentecostalism will celebrate its 90th anniversary. Undoubtedly, it will be a time of reflection on God’s divine providence as history’s turbulent turns have shaped and imprinted decades of Bulgarian Pentecostal memory. Consistent with the Pentecostal testimonial tradition, this will also be a time of hopeful outlook toward the future, whose light joins the glow of past victories and etches the next pages in the history of Bulgarian Pentecostalism. Bibliography Donev, Dony K., ‘Postcommunist Believers in a Postmodern World’: Paper presented at the Christianity and Human Rights Conference, November 13, (Birmingham, Alabama: Stamford University, 2004). Donev, Dony K., Church and State in Bulgaria Today, East-West Church and Ministry Report, vol. 13, No.3, Summer, 2005. .html.

Alliance commemorated the 60th anniversary of the beginning of the repressions and campaign against the Evangelical pastors and ministers in the country. 58   The two founding Pentecostal members of the Bulgarian Evangelical Alliance are The Union of Evangelical Pentecostal Churches and the Church of God. 59 Three out of the four faculties of the Bulgarian Evangelical Theological Institute are Pentecostal. These are: the Bulgarian Theological College in Stara Zagora, which is a Church of God educational institution; The Faculty of the United Churches of God in Sofia and the Faculty of the Union of Evangelical Pentecostal Churches also in Sofia. 60  Most of the Roma population practices a syncretistic form of Islam with indigenous religious overtones. 61  On June 21, 2007, the St. Ethelgurga’s Center for Reconciliation and Peace organized a conference under on the topic ‘Religious Tolerance and Understanding: The Example of Bulgaria and the Story of Faithful Coexistence.’ For the complete text of the presentations as well as the address to the participants by Tony Blair (PM of Great Britain) and Sergai Stanishev (PM of Bulgaria) see the following website http://www

244 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus Nikolai Nedelchev and Latchezar Popov, ‘Evangelical Christians in Bulgaria’, East-West Church and Ministry Report, vol. 10, No.3, Summer, 2002. http://www.eastwestreport .org/articles/ew10308b.html. Nikoloff, Marta, ‘Conference in Bulgaria’ under the rubric ‘The Gospel in Foreign Lands’, The Pentecostal Evangel, No. 780, 12 January 1929. PentecostalEvangel/1920-1929/1929/1929_01_12.pdf#Page10. Nikoloff, N., ‘Gospel Spreading in Bulgaria’, The Latter Rain Evangel, February, 1931. .pdf#Page18. ‘Pentecostal Work in Bulgaria’, The Latter Rain Evangel, October 1927, p. 10, http://ifpch .org/pdf/LatterRainEvangel/1920-1929/LRE%201927/1927_10.pdf#Page18. Popov, Haralan, I was a Communist Prisoner, (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1966). Smolchuck, Fried, ‘Slavic Immigrants to America and the Pentecostal Experience’, Assemblies of God Heritage, Summer, 1989. Velev, Velichko, Istoria na Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkva v Bulgaria, (Sofia: Bulgarska Bogia Tzurkava, 2002).

4.  History of the Pentecostal Movement in Hungary Czaba Tenkely It was 1926 when a movement of spiritual awakening started to appear in Hungary. There had been some indications of it as early as 1914. In fact, the ‘Esti Újság’ (Evening Paper) of the town of Békéscsaba published a report on a local fellowship in March 1913. However the main awakening was due to returned soldiers of the First World War. These first pioneers of Pentecostalism had been taken captive in that World War. There in prison they experienced the baptism with the Holy Spirit. István Sipos from Mórichida returned to Hungary in 1918, as did István Sebestyén, who was already a member of Church of the Living God when baptized with the Holy Spirit. Another man, János Horváth, had been a prisoner of war and he returned home as one who knew what salvation in Christ meant. On the other hand, some Hungarians who had previously emigrated to the US and had a Pentecostal experience there, travelled home to preach the message about the Holy Spirit. József Szalai and his wife, for example, were two of those renewed brothers and sisters; they became involved in the Pentecostal movement in America in 1921, and the same year they returned to their village, Darány. Imre Mihók went home to Bakonycsernye from a visit to Detroit, and during the few months that he spent at home, he saw several people baptized in water as well as in the Spirit, and many were healed through his ministry. In this village people started holding regular meetings, and

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this is where the first Pentecostal house of worship was built. Both the church and missions grew rapidly. Imre Mihók also published works that greatly enhanced the spread of Pentecostal doctrine. Upon hearing all the good news from Imre Mihók, Ferenc Dávid Rároha returned to Hungary from America on August 28th, 1927. The Rárohas became involved in the work in Hungary with great enthusiasm. They planted new churches, and later they became leaders of the church in Budapest that met at 3 Üllői Road, in the home of István Sebestyén, who had become involved with the new movement upon returning from Russia. The Rárohas also purchased a printing press and regularly published Apostolic Faith, the magazine of the movement. They had a huge part in organizing the congregations into a denomination. The name of the first church organization was Magyarországi Istengyülekezetek (Hungarian Churches of God); it was established at the conference of February 5–9, 1928, at 6 Villany Street in Kispet, which was at the time the headquarters of the organization. At this conference the representatives of eight congregations accepted and signed the constitution. Under the leadership of the Rárohas, the church network saw dynamic growth. Within a year the movement included 15 congregations; within two years their number grew to 20. At the 1932 conference, the organization grew to 70 congregations, with the new name of Isten Gyülekezetei Szövetsége Magyarországon (Alliance of Churches of God in Hungary). The first leaders of this new organisation were István Siroky, József Tomi and József Fábián. About that time, the Rárohas were banned from the country and forced to return to the US. They continued to support the work in Hungary from there. The young movement suffered great persecution from the mid-1930s, which resulted in internal tension and led to a breakup. The peak of persecution came under the Teleki government – freedom to assemble together was curtailed in September 1939, and on December 2nd the Home Secretary’s order abolished all ‘cults’ as endangering the interests of home-defence. From that time on, until the end of World War II, the maltreated congregations were being supported by the Baptist, Lutheran and Methodist churches. State agents and detectives often attended the services and reported on the meetings. However, there were still genuine salvations, healings and spiritual renewals. Even though the preachers were carried off to trials, the tyrannical authorities were unable to stop the revival. However, unity did not last very long. There were disagreements regarding certain doctrinal issues such as the

246 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus prophet’s movement in Szabadka, or the issue of striving for holiness; these issues at least helped make the palette more colourful, as several independent church organizations were then established. In the 1940s the Őskeresztyén Apostoli Egyház (Early Christian Apostolic Church), also a church of Pentecostal nature, appeared in Hungary. At first it spread in the counties of Békés and Bács-Bodrog. At the time of the Communist takeover, the Pentecostal movements were therefore divided. The group that was faithful to Ferenc Dávid Rároha continued its work under the name Isten Gyülekezetei Szövetsége Missziója (Mission Alliance of Churches of God). The greatest influence on the movement, however, came from the Evangelical Pentecostal Church – internationally they are a member organization of Assemblies of God. Other groups include the Early Christian Fellowship, the Evangelical Christian Churches and a number of independent congregations. In 1949–1950 there were attempts at reunification, urged mainly by the Hungarian Council of Free Churches (run by the state), but this proved to be a short-lived attempt. There were some people who played a major role in this: Mihály Sárkány on behalf of the Early Christians, István Siroky and József Deák on behalf of the Evangelical Christian Churches. The Evangelical Pentecostal Church at this point was led by József Fábián and József Ladó. The Evangelical Pentecostal Fellowship was finally established in 1962, by unifying the Evangelical Pentecostal Church and the Evangelical Christian Churches. The Early Christian denomination and the Mission Alliance of Churches of God continued as independent churches, and the latter utterly withered away by the 1970s. The Council of Free Churches established an institution for training ministers; this is where the pentecostally-oriented denominations also trained their ministers. In that institution, both the professors and the students came from ten different denominations, which in turn helped in creating and maintaining a better relationship among these denominations. The Evangelical Pentecostal Fellowship instituted their own theological training in 1992. This was made possible by the political changes of 1989 and the democratic transformation that followed. In the 1970s, a movement known since 1967 as the Catholic Charismatic Renewal reached Hungary. Charismatic fellowships were formed, the most significant of which were called Emmanuel, Emmausz (Emmaus), Hét Láng Szövetség (Seven Flames Alliance), and Új Jeruzsálem (New Jerusalem). From the early 1990s faith and emotions were interwoven again in the modern Pentecostal-Charismatic movement, which was also called the

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‘new wave’. This new move has sometimes been described as the revival of joy, and it was accompanied by laughter and other emotional-physical manifestations. These manifestations ended up being divisive, as many could not accept these as the work of the Holy Spirit. The new wave was especially thriving within the Faith Movement. In Hungary the number one representative of this movement is Hit Gyülekezete (Faith Church). Between 1995 and 1998 they held 152 worship services in the Budapest Sportcsarnok (Budapest Sports Hall), with an approximate average attendance of 10,000. Within three years, 6,800 people received water baptism. From the year 2000, their growth slowed down, and they were not able to escape the splits that are regrettably so characteristic of Pentecostal movements. After the change of regime in 1989, the control of the State Office for Church Affairs was abolished, and new legislations made it possible for new church organizations to be formed as well as for underground or tacitly functioning churches to be officially registered. Up to that point there had been ten so called ‘small denominations’ (other than the historic churches), and today there are over one hundred registered denominations, some of which are of Pentecostal orientation. The scope of this report does not allow us to mention all of these. We will take a look at the most significant ones. Szabadkeresztyén Gyülekezet (The Free Christian Church) experienced baptism in the Holy Spirit in 1974. At that time they impacted the spiritual life of the whole nation, but a while later their growth was stifled. In the mid-2000s they joined the international Pentecostal Holiness family. Through the ministry of a missionary family who served in Albania for years and then returned to Hungary in 1997 there was a reorganization of the Magyarországi Church of God (Hungarian Church of God). In the past ten years they have planted new churches in several places in the country, as a member organization of Church of God International. The most significant Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Hungary today are the following:

- Evangelical Pentecostal Fellowship - Fountain Christian Church - Church of the Living God - Hungarian Church of God -  Budapest Full Gospel Church -  Shalom Open Bible Churches - Church of the Blessed God

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- Four Corner Stones Apostolic Faith Church International - Early Christian Apostolic Church -  Budapest Autonomous Church - New Jerusalem Church - Omega Churches Network - Latter Rain Church of Hungary - Free Christian Church -  Szolnok Christian Church - Agape Church - Faith Church Bibliography

Hajdu, Sándor, ‘The Age of Wonders in Stormy Corner’ Hetek National Publik Weekly, May21,2005 & Hetek National Public Weekly, September 21, 2005. Rajki, Zoltán, The Pentecostal Movement toward the End of the 1940s in Hungary, paper from the docent of the Adventist Theological Seminary. Tóth, László, János Makovei, Béla Kovács & Albert Pataky (Overseer Of EPK) The Pentecostal Movement in Hungary, (Budapest: EPK /Hungarian Pentecostal Fellowship/, 1998).

Pentecostal Movement in the Czech Republic and Slovakia Jozef Brenkus Within this section we survey the initial period of the Pentecostal movement in the former Czechoslovakia and the era when foreign input came into its formation. We will then deal with the primary representatives of the movement in the last decades of Czechoslovakia’s existence. Subsequently there were some significant events and changes that took place in the history of the movement and the movement’s relation to other charismatic groups. Due to the fact that the Pentecostal movement came to the Czech Republic and Slovakia from different, unrelated sources initially, this section reflects these sources based on a geographical principle.62 Since the beginnings of the Pentecostal movement stretch back to the time of Austria-Hungary’s rule, we will outline its start from this period. 62   Primary sources that were drawn upon in writing this chapter are documents and  archival materials of the Pentecostal movements in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Czech Republic: Rudolf Bubik, Historie letničního hnutí I.: Autentické

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The Pentecostal movement in the Czech Republic The beginnings of the Pentecostal movement in the Czech Republic were independent of foreign movements.63 Its history can be divided into four  periods: (1) Beginnings – the disintegration of Austria-Hungary, (2) Establishment of Czechoslovakia – beginnings and the era of Communism,64 (3) Struggle for registration, (4) Life and ministry after the fall of the totalitarian regime. Beginnings – Disintegration of Austria-Hungary The roots of the movement stretch back to the spiritual revivals at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. During this time, new churches were established that influenced the beginnings and development of the movement. The revival in the Czech Silesia [Tešínsko] had two currents – church and ‘public/lay’ which resulted from the work of the Holy Spirit. It affected miners and workers who found salvation in Christ and experienced the baptism in the Holy Spirit accompanied by speaking in tongues65 and the gifts of the Spirit. The groups cooperated with each other in the beginning; however, they eventually split. The first group remained in the church, the second established the organization, Association of Determined Christians [Spolok rozhodných krest’anov], which was registered in 1910.66 dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement I.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křest’anský život, 2005), Historie letničního hnutí III.: Autentické dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement III.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křest’anský život, 2006), Historie letničního hnutí V .: Autentické dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement V.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křest’anský život, 2007). Slovak Republic: Jozef Brenkus, Dejiny Apoštolskej cirkvi na Slovensku [History of Apostolic Church in Slovakia], (Bratislava: Apoštolská cirkev 1987; revised edition Banská Bystrica, 2007), J. Brenkus, ‘A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal Church in the Czech and Slovak Republics’, The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association XX (2000), pp. 49–65; Ján Lacho, and Jozef Brenkus, História Apoštolskej cirkvi na Slovensku [History of Apostolic Church in Slovakia] (Bratislava: Krest’anský život, 2007). The author also drew upon articles published in the magazine Život v Kristu [Life in Christ] a magazine of the Apostolic Church in the Czech Republic and Krest’anský život [Christian Life] a magazine of the Apostolic Church in Slovakia. 63   R. Bubik, ‘V moci Ducha svatého – jděte!’ [‘In the Power of the Holy Spirit – Go!’], Život v Kristu, 1997/2, p. 11. 64   Within this period we are going to have a closer look at the struggle of Czech Pentecostals in achieving registration by the state. 65   Bubik, ‘V moci Ducha’, p. 11. 66   The association had its headquarters in Těšín (1910), later Nebory (1910–1912) and eventually Dolný Žukov (1912–1951).

250 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus The first Pentecostal movement arrived in Prague in 1907–08 through the Free Reformed Church [Slobodná reformovaná cirkev]. This Pentecostal experience came from Germany into the Bohemia region.67 The new movement caused tension and resulted in 19 members leaving the church. Under the leadership of the brothers Sokols, they established a group called ‘Tábor Life-Saving Association’ [Záchranný spolok Tábor], which became the basis for further Pentecostal work.68 Establishment of Czechoslovakia – Beginnings and the Era of Communism The year 1918 brought great changes, not only politically, but also religiously. The Pentecostal churches in the Silesia region operated until World War II as a part of the Association. As a result of unifying efforts, the Pentecostal church in the Czech Republic joined the Unity of the Brethren church [Jednota českobratská] in 1920 with the stipulation that it would not be in touch with Pentecostals abroad. When Josef Novák became a member of the church, he broke the promise by staying in touch with Jonathan Paul. This caused tension that resulted in Novák’s exclusion from the Unity of the Brethren church.69 However, the excluded church members stayed in touch with the church in Czech Silesia.70 Life during World War II The activity of the Association in the Czech Silesia region was resumed during World War II, and its property was confiscated. Many people were displaced because of their Polish nationality; they were sent to

J. Michal, ‘Teologický obraz Svobodné církve reformované do roku 1919’ [‘Theological Image of the Free Reformed Church until 1919’], Sto let ve službě evangelia [One Hundred Years in the Service of the Gospel], (Praha: Církev bratská, 1980), pp. 91–92; P. Kocur, ‘Stručná historie sboru Apoštolské církve v Praze’ [‘Short History of the Apostolic Church in Prague’], Život v Kristu, 1997/3, p. 8. 68  M. Košt’ál, ‘Probuzení v druhé polovině 19. století a Svobodná církev reformovaná 1880–1919’ [‘Revival in the second half of the 19th century and the Free Reformed Church in 1880–1919’], Sto let ve službě evangelia [One Hundred Years in the Service of he Gospel], (Praha: Církev bratská, 1980), p. 35. 69   The church was excluded in 1923 at Žižkov conference. J. Kubový, ‘Teologický obraz Jednoty Českobratské a Církve bratrské 1919–1980’ [‘Theological Image of the Unity of the Brethren and the Brethren Church 1919–1980’], p. 104. 70   Kocur, ‘Stručná historie’ [‘Short History’], p. 8. 67

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forced labour camps, imprisoned and victimized. After the war, the work of the churches within the Association was renewed.71 The work of the church in the Czech Republic continued illegally under the leadership of brother František Sokol and after his death under the leadership of his brother Rudolf Sokol. Beginnings of the Totalitarian Regime (1946–1949) After the Communists came to power, they started liquidating churches between 1946 and 1949. Those churches which were not registered by the state were not allowed to perform any activities after 1951. These churches were supposed to integrate into the registered churches, otherwise they were declared illegal. The Pentecostal churches in the Czech Silesia region integrated into the Unity of the Brethren church [Jednota českobratská],72 however, due to the anti-Pentecostal attitudes of the Unity Brethren’s who accepted the Berlin Declaration, the Pentecostals organized an independent Pentecostal church under the leadership of brothers J. Kondrela and Wojnár. This group expressed their identity by the name Determined Pentecostal Christians [Rozhodní křest’ané letniční]. The church in the Czech Republic under the leadership of brothers Tefra and Řehák became illegal. Struggle for Registration (1963–1989) The struggle for the legalization of the Pentecostal movement continued for almost 30 years going through several phases under the leadership of the churches in Czech Silesia. The first effort to register the movement took place in 1963 within the atmosphere of existential threats and persecution.73 The church continued in its activities illegally.74 The second effort to register the movement was stimulated by political changes in 1968, however, due to internal problems, the registration

71   J. Kaleta et al., ‘Cirkev bratrská na Těšínsku’ [‘Brethern Church in Těšínsko’], Sto let ve službě evangelia [One Hundred Years in the Service of the Gospel], (Praha: Církev bratrská, 1980), pp. 148–149. 72   Kaleta, ‘Církev bratská’ [‘Brethren Church’], p. 150. 73   The establishing conference of the Determined Pentecostal Brothers was called on March 17, 1963. However, the conference was declared illegal and it was dispersed. Eight brothers were put in prison, while others were examined by the authorities. 74  For further details, see R. Bubik, ‘V moci Ducha’ [‘In the Power of the Spirit’], p. 12.

252 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus was  not accomplished.75 A temporary permit had been terminated in 1973, and consequently all activities of the church were declared illegal. In spite of these difficult circumstances, the church, with the support of  foreign mission organizations, spread the gospel and developed its structures. Several people were persecuted and imprisoned. On August 24, 1982, Rudolf Bubik and two other brothers from Těšínsko were imprisoned.76 On January 11, 1983, three brothers from Brno were imprisoned.77 The third effort for registration began in January 1983.78 In spite of problems, this was successfully completed on the eve of the fall of Communism.79 On January 25, 1989, the Pentecostals were registered under the name Apostolic Church in the Czech Republic. Rudolf Bubik was appointed as its leader. The registration created new conditions for the inner development of the church and mobilized it for accomplishing its mission call. Life and Ministry after the Fall of the Totalitarian Regime (1989–2008) After the fall of Communism, the public activity of the church changed dramatically. Anti-church laws were abolished; the relationship of the church and the state was based on mutual respect in the context of the legal system. With no external restrictions, the church was able to develop education, missions, and pastoral care.80 This growth required many new 75   During this period the church had struggled with doctrinal problems – infiltration of Kenyon’s teaching, Branhamism and the Faith Movement. As a consequence of apocalyptic prophecies many believers moved to Poland. 76   R. Bubik described his imprisonment in Väzenská cela 304. R. Bubik and J. Dunn, Prisoner Cell 304 (Nottingham: Lifestream Publications, 1993). 77   The Apostolic Church in Slovakia showed great courage in this situation. In spite of threatening its own existence they declared for the purposes of the trial that their teaching and praxis was in agreement with the teaching of Determined Pentecostal Brothers. By doing this they actually seated the socialistic state on the defender’s bench – they showed that in one of its republics the state legalized the church yet persecuted it in the other one. Other neighboring countries (including the Soviet Union) provided the court with similar declarations. The trials thus ended in a fiasco. 78  New efforts that had begun in 1977 were launched within the Apostolic Church in Slovakia; however, it was not acceptable to the state administration. 79   During the struggle for registration over 170 letters and appeals were written – these were all supported by hundreds of prayers and spiritual battles. 80   Pastoral care creates a platform for charity, foreign missions, and social ministry of the church. Through Teen Challenge the church helps addicted people and provides humanitarian aid in the Caucasus, Ingushetia and Ukraine.

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workers who were being continuously trained through seminars, ICI courses and the newly-established Bible school.81 An important milestone in the life of the church was its integration into European and global structures. This resulted in possibilities for its participation in the life and ministries of European and global structures, e.g. EPTA, PEM, Nehemia, ESYP, etc. Within this movement, new contacts with partner Pentecostal churches in Europe and the world were established. Thus many evangelists, teachers and mission teams took part in the development of the church. After the church became a part of the Assemblies of God World Missions Fellowship (AGWMF), foreign missionaries started working in the church, and gradually the church started organizing its own foreign mission outreaches as well as sending out missionaries. In its early stages, the Pentecostal movement in the Czech Republic ran under the collective leadership of local churches that cooperated closely. From 1977 to 2008, R. Bubik led the movement. In 2008, Martin Moldan became the head of the movement. Nowadays, the Apostolic Church in the Czech Republic has over 6,900 members, including children and adherents. It has 42 local churches, 43 preaching stations and 69 works in diaspora.82 Its mission activities cover the entire republic,83 and the church is actively involved in foreign missions.84 In Relation to Other Charismatic Movements The Apostolic Church is the only Pentecostal church in the Czech Republic. Within the last few decades, it has also developed relations The Apostolic Church also established an interdenominational organization, ACET, and a publishing house, Krest’anský život. 81   The Pentecostal Academy was established in Kolín as a joint project of the Apostolic Church in the Czech Republic and Apostolic Church in Slovakia. Its first director was Jozef Brenkus. Milan Buban is his successor. The Academy was later transformed into Higher Schools of Missions and Theology and is cooperating with Global University. 82   The church is led by the bishop and his deputies (R. Tomsa, P. Bartoš, P. Bubik, R. Smetana), and by the Church Council made up of Regional Administrators (S. Bubik, J. Sedláček, S. Cichy, P. Čep, F. Cupal), pastors B. Wojnar and F. Apetauer, and by the director of the Bible school M. Buban and A. Navrátil. 83   The mission work is coordinated by the Outreach and Missions Department, using Kids Quest, the mission company Život, the foundation Nehemia, the Children’s Ministries Department and Royal Rangers. .php?rstema=13&stromhlmenu=6:13 84

254 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus with other Charismatic groups. Due to the patient attitude of the leadership of the church, these relations remain open, and the church cooperates with these groups in joint projects. Pentecostal Movement in the Slovak Republic The Pentecostal spiritual heritage in Slovakia is even more diversified than in the Czech Republic. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Catholic Church had a prevalent majority resulting from the CounterReformation.85 This was logically implicit in the religious background of the majority of Slovak Pentecostals. First Pentecostal groups were established among believers who had originally belonged to the Church of God86 and to the Evangelical Churches.87 The beginnings of the Pentecostal movement in Slovakia are indirectly linked with the Pentecostal movement in the USA88 and Scandinavia.89 85   In the second half of the 16th century 90% of the inhabitants of Slovakia were Lutherans. The situation changed dramatically under the reign of the Habsburg family during the Counter-Reformation. Veselý, Daniel, Dejiny krest’anstva na Slovensku [History of Christianity in Slovakia] (Liptovský Mikuláš: Tranoscius, 1994), p. 29. 86   The Church of God reached Slovakia from the USA through a native of the village of Mengusovce, Ján Gaj after 1890. The first fellowships were founded in the High Tatra region in the villages of Mengusovce (1893–94), Štôla (1900) and Batizovce. From there it spread to the Liptov region and to the Uhrovecká dolina valley. From 1939, and during the era of the Slovak State, the church was declared illegal. During World War II members of the church joined the Baptist church, which was the only legal Evangelical church at the time. After the war the Church of God did not renew its independent status and merged with the Baptists (see Ján, Hudec, Pútnici na úzkej ceste [Pilgrims on the Narrow Road] (Ostrava: A-Alef, 1999), pp. 156, 188. 87   The beginnings of the Pentecostal movement stretch back to the period when the Gospel was preached in the High Tatra region (1900-) and to mission activities of the Church of God (1904–1907). The Pentecostal message found acceptance in Evangelical fellowships, which similarly as the Pentecostal, placed emphasis on the need of being born again (Christian churches, Baptist church, Brethren Unity as well as Evangelical internal mission abstinence community Modrý kríž (Blue cross). The Pentecostals continued in their teaching and emphasized the need of the power of the Holy Spirit and his gifts for life and ministry. Similarly as in other places in the world, the message was not received in these fellowships and it created tensions. Those who experienced baptism in the Holy Spirit accompanied by speaking in tongues were excluded from the churches. 88   Pioneer Juraj Zelman experienced the baptism in the Holy Spirit in the USA. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Portland, Oregon participated by means of literary works in spreading the movement. See Blumhofer, E.L., ‘Apostolic Faith Mission (Portland, Ore.)’, Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movement (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1989), pp. 18–20. The Pentecostal movement in Slovakia used the name Apostolic Faith until 1968. 89  One of the pioneers, Ján Balca, experienced the baptism in the Holy Spirit in Norway; brothers from Sweden visited believers in Bratislava in the early stages of the development of the Pentecostal movement.

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The history of the Pentecostal movement can be divided into four periods: (1) Beginnings – World War II (1900–1945), (2) Homecoming of the repatriates – the establishing of a conference (1946–1977), (3) Formation of the church after the establishing of a conference (1977– 1989), and (4) Activities of the church after November 1989. The Beginnings of the church The Pentecostal message spread in the beginning among spirituallyawakened groups of believers which were later transformed into independent churches. The first Pentecostal church was established in 1924 in the western part of Slovakia in the village of Lapašské Ďarmoty (now called Golianovo), and the first church building was opened in 1938 in Uhrovec.90 After World War II, the Pentecostal movement had its autonomous churches in all regions of Slovakia.91 The biggest mistake by the leaders at the time was their underestimation of the need for the movement to be registered – a mistake that was deeply felt after the Communists came to power, particularly in 1946–1949. The Homecoming of the Repatriates – Establishing Conference (1946–1977) The Pentecostal movement underwent significant changes after World War II. It was positively influenced by the homecoming of the repatriates; however, its activities were vastly limited by the totalitarian regime. The repatriates came to the Slovak and Czech regions following the war.92 Many families from Pentecostal denominations were among the repatriates. They strengthened the existing Pentecostal fellowships

90   The church in Bratislava was established in 1932. In the beginning the church was often visited by Kramarič, a Pentecostal preacher from Vienna. 91   The churches operated independently with no cooperation within Slovakia or with foreign countries. They were administrated by the local elders. Some of the active workers of this period were Stehlík and P. Gabánek, J. Komár, J. Vimpel’, P. Tuchyňa and J. Tuchyňa (brothers), J. Filo and E. Filo (brothers), J. Rusnák, O. Huba and others. 92   The repatriates returned to Czechoslovakia under President Beneš’s decrees from 1945/46. Škvarna, Dušan, (ed)., Lexikón slovenských dejín [Lexicon of Slovak History], (Bratislava: SPN, 1997), pp. 150–151. They came from Hungary, Romania, Austria, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria.

256 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus significantly,93 and after they settled, they established many new churches, especially in the western part of Slovakia. After the declaration of anti-church laws and after the refusal of their Constitution,94 the activities of the believers were declared illegal and remained as such until 1956. As a result of a protesting petition organised in 1956, the President’s office95 decided to merge the denomination with the New Apostolic Church (Novoapoštolská cirkev).96 In 1968, the Pentecostal churches separated from the New Apostolic Church, and they adopted their present name, Apostolic Church.97 However, the church did not use the opportunity to settle its relations with the state properly.98 After the change of the political climate, it ‘suffered’ until 1977.99 Contacts with foreign Pentecostal believers were a significant help for the life and ministry of the church. The foreign mission movements supported the church until the fall of Communism, mainly by means of illegal Bible and Christian literature distributions.

93   In that time the church had 15 churches and 69 diasporas, altogether about 2500 members and supporters. The following brothers were involved in active ministry: P. Farár, J. Hruška, J. Marko, A. Podobný, O. Lacho, J. Viskup, J. Seč, S. Laurovič, and F. Brenkus. 94  Executive bylaws were approved by the church conference on December 26, 1948, in Bratislava. Pavol Tuchyňa was elected as the head preacher, Jozef Seč was appointed as the president, and Adam Záhradský was appointed as the secretary. 95   The repatriates sent a delegation to the President. The delegation voiced their protest about the fact that the government did not keep their promise to secure the repatriates in Czechoslovakia their rights, including their right for religious freedom. 96   The New Apostolic Church had its headquarters in the Czech Republic. Its roots stretch to E. Irving (1792–1834). This merger was forced on the believers by the state for political reasons. The socialistic state was not interested in the registration of a new denomination. This caused misunderstandings in relations with foreign Pentecostal movements, which considered the Pentecostal church in Slovakia as a part of the New Apostolic Church. The situation only changed in 1968, when they separated. 97   The amendment was registered by the Ministry of Interior Affairs of the Slovak Republic under No. PKI 303/1968 Km. In the same year the Communist publishing house Pravda published the Bible (16,500 copies). 98   There was the need to establish the church as an organization with a nation-wide sphere of action, to ratify its constitution, elect the church council, and gain confirmation about the registration, in addition to changing its name. 99   In 1947–1977, during the period of the biggest persecution of believers, the number of believers dropped from 2500 to less than 700. Many families joined the Evangelical churches, or simply left the Pentecostal churches.

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The Formation of the Church after the Establishing Conference (1977–1989) The relationship between the church and the state was finally settled after 1977 when the establishing conference was called. At the conference, autonomous churches were united into one church with a nationwide sphere of action.100 Milan Bednár was elected to be the head representative of the church. He remained in that position until his death in 1988, and Jozef Brenkus [the present writer] became his successor. After 1981,101 within the parameters given by the socialistic state, the church started to develop its internal structure – it started to educate its workers,102 to develop mission work,103 to create departments for working with children and youth, ministries for women, and it established contact with the Pentecostal movement in the Czech Republic and neighbouring countries. Activities of the church after November 1989 After the fall of Communism, the Pentecostals in Slovakia were a consolidated movement that had a clear goal to educate its workers104 and a

The Constitution of the Apostolic Church was finally ratified on January 26, 1981, after many obstructions. Thus, the long period of struggle for recognition of basic rights and equal existence with other churches and religious communities of Czechoslovakia by the Pentecostal believers was accomplished. 101  After the ratification of the Constitution, brothers M. Bednár, P. Lacho, A. Podobný, J. Brenkus, and Š. Szabo were appointed as the leaders of the church. The conference also approved the cooperation with the Pentecostal churches in the Czech Republic. In 1983, a proposal for the establishment of a national Czechoslovak Apostolic Church was drafted. M. Bednár and J. Brenkus, who became the first full-time employees of the church in 1986, J. Lacho became one of the members of the leadership of the church as well. 102   The workers were trained at illegal seminars with the participation of foreign Pentecostal and Charismatic leaders, as well as at Bible courses which were organized after 1981 and within a three-year educational program for pastors and church workers that was led by Jozef Brenkus in 1987–1990. 80% of the Pentecostal pastors participated in the program. 103  Mission work was mainly developed in the eastern and central part of Slovakia where there was the least number of churches and preaching stations. 104  New Bible schools within local churches were established as a consequence of this vision; another outcome of the vision was the participation in the establishment of the Theological and Missions Seminary at Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica. So far 42 students from Pentecostal churches have accomplished their Master’s degree at the seminary. 100

258 case, kaminski, balaban, augustine, tenkely and brenkus vision for outreach and missions.105 This fact could be observed in dynamic church planting and growth of the church.106 Regular national church conferences107 and pastoral conferences with the participation of important leaders of foreign Pentecostal movements became an important tool for building the movement after the fall of Communism. The Apostolic Church of Slovakia became a part of European and global Pentecostal organizations (PEF, WPC), which opened new doors of opportunities. In 1994, the Apostolic Church in Slovakia became a member of the Assemblies of God World Missions Fellowship (AGWMF). Many missionaries came to Slovakia within these newly-established relations, and the Pentecostal churches launched cooperation in joint mission projects.108 This eventually resulted in sending out Slovak missionaries abroad.109 The Apostolic Church in Slovakia continued to grow after the fall of Communism. Today it has 30 local churches, over 20 mission stations and altogether 5000 members, including children and adherents.110 Jozef Brenkus served as the bishop of the denomination from 1989–1999; Ján Lacho has been the bishop since 2000.

105  On the eve of the revolution in November 1989, the Church Council approved essential documents for education, missions and the work of different church departments. Consequently, immediately after the November revolution the church was ready for public ministry and missions. 106   In 1990, outreach meetings with Reinhard Bonnke were organized. One of the meetings was broadcast by the state television. 500,000 copies of the Book of Life were published and distributed. Regular outreaches with Erich Theis were being organized, as well as tent missions and projects of church planting. Also, systematic work with the Roma resulted in the planting of new Roma churches and preaching stations. 107   The national conference approved new visions and strategies, which dealt with the organization of the church and the ordaining of new workers into the ministry. New departments were created to make the work of the church more effective – pastoral care and education, evangelization and missions, publishing and literature, administration and investments. Their work was made effective through regional administrators and workers. New workers entered the ministry – J. Hrubý, D. Vimpel’, J. Liba, P. Liba, P. Vimpel’, Š. Pap, P. Zsolnai, E. Bajzík, M. Tóth, C. Madaras, and J. Šefčík. 108   Joint mission projects were operated within Diakonia (Samaritan Purse – 3000 gifts annually; food and clothes for the needy), Teen Challenge, ACET, Chevra, Alija. 109  Long-term mission was accomplished in cooperation with the Finnish foreign mission department. Short-term mission trips have been organized to Slovenia, Serbia, Romania, and the Ukraine (distribution of food and clothes to the Ukraine takes place annually). 110

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In Relation with other Charismatic Movements The Apostolic Church in Slovakia is the only Pentecostal denomination in Slovakia. Even during the era of the totalitarian regime, good relationships with Charismatic movements were developed within Slovakia. These relationships are still maintained in spite of certain tensions caused primarily by the younger generation of Charismatic leaders. Bibliography Blumhofer, E.L., ‘Apostolic Faith Mission (Portland, Ore.)’, Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movement (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1989). Bubik, Rudolf, Historie letničního hnutí I.: Autentické dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement I.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křesťanský život, 2005). Bubik, Rudolf, Historie letničního hnutí III.: Autentické dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement III.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křesťanský život, 2006) Bubik, Rudolf, Historie letničního hnutí V .: Autentické dokumenty [History of Pentecostal Movement V.: Authentic Documents], (Albrechtice: Křesťanský život, 2007). Brenkus, Jozef, ‘A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal Church in the Czech and Slovak Republics’, The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association XX (2000), p. 49–65. Brenkus, Jozef, Dejiny Apoštolskej cirkvi na Slovensku [History of Apostolic Church in Slovakia], (Bratislava: Apoštolská cirkev 1987; revised edition Banská Bystrica, 2007). Hudec, Ján, Pútnici na úzkej ceste [Pilgrims on the Narrow Road] (Ostrava: A-Alef, 1999). Košťál, Miloslav et al., Sto let ve službě evangelia [One Hundred Years in the Service of the Gospel], (Praha: Církev bratská, 1980). Lacho, Ján – Brenkus, Jozef, História Apoštolskej cirkvi na Slovensku [History of Apostolic Church in Slovakia] (Bratislava: Kresťanský život, 2007). Škvarna, Dušan, (ed)., Lexikón slovenských dejín [Lexicon of Slovak History], (Bratislava:SPN, 1997). Veselý, Daniel, Dejiny krest’anstva na Slovensku [History of Christianity in Slovakia] (Liptovský Mikuláš: Tranoscius, 1994).

chapter ten The Development of Pentecostalism in Russia and the Ukraine Pavel Mozer1 and Oleg Bornovolokov This chapter is divided into two main halves. The first deals with Russia itself and the second with the Ukraine which, during the Soviet era from approximately 1917 to 1989, was incorporated within the socialist republic. There is an overlap between these two sections since Ivan Voronaev was active in both places and the same Pentecostal groups were to be found on either side of the border. Russia Pavel Mozer, Roman Lunkin and Ilya Kartashov The first news of Pentecostalism reached Russia soon after the outpouring of the Spirit at Azusa Street in an article entitled ‘Awakening of the Christian Church’ in the spring 1907 issue of Avots, a Baptist magazine. By 1908 Eleanor E. Patrick, a missionary who followed German immigrants to Estonia and Latvia had reached Belarus and Russia itself where she worked from 1911 until at least 1916; there she founded or strengthened Pentecostal congregations. Before 1920 and in separate initiatives Moncur Niblock, T B Barratt and Alexander Boddy also held meetings in St Petersburg.2 In the 1920s when much of Russia was starving during the terrible years at the start of the Soviet regime, a scattering of Christians in

1   Pavel Mozer –The member of Russian Legal Association (Moscow), from a Pentecostal family well linked with the earlier underground churches, assisted by Roman Lunkin, Religion and Justice Institute Director, PhD -Science reviewer (Moscow), Ilya Kartashov translation (Moscow) 2   I am grateful to Mel Robeck for sharing this information with me as he has continued to follow the spreading ripples of influence from the Azusa Street revival in the writings of Frank Bartleman and others.


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e­ vangelical communities on the territory of the former USSR began receiving spiritual gifts including speaking tongues and the gift of prophecy. The Baptist Union and the Evangelical Christian Union Board had not previously exercised the gifts of the Holy Spirit because they had no spiritual experience of this kind. As a result, these new phenomena caused many believers in the Baptist Union and the Evangelical Christians Union to feel concern and even hostility. One needs to admit that such bright leaders of Russian Protestant communities as Ivan Prokhanov and Ivan Kargel created appropriate conditions for spiritual renewal in the churches of Evangelical Christians. The communities themselves, where this renewal started, needed teaching about how to handle these gifts, especially speaking in tongues. Many of them did not know that, at the beginning of the century, a similar movement of the Holy Spirit had already reached many Evangelical Communities throughout the world. In August, 1921 Ivan E. Voronaev and V.R. Kotlovitch travelled to Odessa from the USA. They were baptized with the Holy Spirit and were ministers of the Slovenian Evangelical Communities in the USA. Voronaev, an experienced and gifted minister, was a native of Orenburg province who had suffered persecution for his protestant beliefs during the Tsarist regime. Koltovitch had gifts of prophecy and healing. They both received a clear revelation of their mission to Russia which is described in more detail in the memoirs of those who knew Ivan Voronaev personally.3 Immediately after their arrival in Odessa they and their families began to preach about the baptism of the Holy Spirit and spiritual gifts in all the Baptist and Evangelical Christian communities. Those communities which did not have any superintendents were able to join the new union under Voronaev’s leadership. This Union was named the ‘Evangelical Faith Christian Union’ (EFCU). By this time Vasily Pavlov had become an active co-worker with Voronaev. In the years that followed he survived despite being imprisoned for his faith. In 1927 the Union had about 20,000 evangelical Christians throughout The USSR. The management of the Union in 1927 began to publish the Evangelist magazine on a regular basis. In 1927 Voronaev visited Moscow where there was already a community of those baptized with the Holy Spirit. The senior pastor of that community appeared to be Mikhail

3   There is also a tape recording of the interview with Ekaterina Vornaeva who left for the USA back in 1960s (described in detail in ‘The sender of the Pentecost’).

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Bykov. Within a short time Aleksey Frolov became a pastor and Alekseev and Volkov became deacons. The spiritual structure of the Union looked like this: the Union’s supreme authority was a congress of delegates from all communities of EFCU. At the first meeting between the congress and the Union, a supervising Board was put in place. The right to provide ministry on the basis of a community’s request belonged only to the oldest pastors (there were less than ten for the whole country in those days). The communities were managed by presbyters with the help of deacons. A special place in the Union structure was given to evangelists (at district, regional and country levels) who had the task of planting churches and establishing communications between them. Together with the EFCU there was also a CFE Union. It was organized on the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus managed by G. Shmidt and I.Panko and S.Vashkevitch who later belonged to it. After a while the two Pentecostal unions began to establish a close relationship and afterwards they took the name of CFE. The difference between these two unions was in the washing of feet before taking Communion. In the churches of CFE (under the leadership of G. Shmidt) the washing of feet was carried out once a year. In the CFE Union during Communion services unleavened bread was always used. The most important principle for the members of these churches was to deny participation in any political parties or in any political conflict. The members of CFE did not take up arms and did not swear any oaths. However, under the pressure brought to bear by the Soviet Government for the purpose of keeping the Union’s legal status, Voronaev proposed a resolution to the CFE Union that would oblige all the members of the Union to join the army with all the rest people of the Soviet Union. The compromise offered by the government endangered the spiritual integrity and unity of the Union. After this the congress of the CFE broke into two parts – those supporting this decision and those who could not accept it. Ivan Voronaev himself in his private conversation called for keeping the principle of freedom of the conscience regarding military service. He explained this decision by pointing to the extreme pressure of the Soviet Power. This period became in some sense the predecessor of two future branches of CEF (later called the CFE)4 on


For clarification on these abbreviations please see the list at the end of the article.


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the territory of the former Soviet Union: this was the division between so-called ‘registered and unregistered’ Pentecostals. In 1930 the Chairman of the CEV Union, Ivan Voronaev, and his wife were arrested and imprisoned for different terms of imprisonment. After they were freed, they were exiled to Kaluga. Here, for the second time, Voronaev was arrested and never returned. He finished his trial of faith with a painful death during the first years of the 1939–45 war in one of the forced labour camps in the Urals. His wife could leave for the United States to be with her children only in the time of Khrustchev after 1956. In addition to Voronaev, V.R. Kotlovitch and members of the Board were also arrested. The CVE Union was deemed to be illegal. In these difficult circumstances the Union was headed by one of the oldest pastors G. Ponurko, his deputies A. Bidash and D. Ponomarchuk. In 1940s the oldest CVE Union pastors were redesignated ‘Bishops’. After the arrest of G. Ponurko the unification of the churches was headed by Afanasiy Bidash. He remained a Bishop till his death. In August of 1945 under the pressure of the Soviet Government the leaders of the Union, A. Bidash and D. Ponomarck together with the leaders of CEV Union I. Panko and S. Vashkevitch, signed an Agreement of Unification of Pentecostal communities with Baptist communities.5 However, after the unification, the leadership of AUCEC and Baptists with active help from Soviet power started forcing Pentecostals (the total number of members was around 100,000 according Bidash) to deny their teaching and practices. From 1948 to 1956 Bishop Bidash, while being under constant persecution and threat of arrest, unified CVE and CEV and retained its doctrines and brought them into one Union of Evangelical Faith Christians with one teaching. The Soviet authorities refused to accept this Union. In the year 1967 Bishop Afanasiy Bidash ordained new Bishops Viktor Belikh, Ivan Levtchuk, Paul Egorenkov, Michael Ivanov and formed a Board of Bishops of CVE that was later named the ‘Kiev Episcopate’. After Afanasiy Biddash died, the ‘Kiev Episcopate’ was headed by Ivan Fedotov who at the present time has responsibility as Senior Bishop of UCCEF. One of the brightest lights in the CFE was their bishop, the prisoner Pavel Egorenkov. He had gifts of healing, miracles, faith, the word of wisdom and the word of knowledge. The other member of the Kiev Bishops who was also many


Известное в современной истории как «Августовское соглашение 1945 года».

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times imprisoned was Bishop Ivan Levchuk who also had gifts of faith and performing miracles. Bishop Ivan Fedotov, who was imprisoned for 18 years for exercising his ministry, has gifts of faith, healing and management. The leading Bishop of Kiev is the ex-prisoner Victor Belikh. He had a gift of prophecy, words of knowledge and wisdom and gifts of teaching and management (he was imprisoned for 19 years for his ministry and 5 years in exile). Viktor Belikh has created the first CVE institute – Rybnitskiy Bible college – and has done a remarkable work together with other CVE bishops to systematise the teaching of CVE. The leaders of the CVE brotherhood – Viktor Belikh, Ivan Levtchuk, Pavel Egorenkov and Ivan Fedotov – spent tens of years in Soviet prisons for their faith.6 Bishops Ivan Levtchuk and Pavel Egorenkov were sentenced to death and in their lives not only healed many people but even raised some from the dead. Currently this union of Pentecostal churches is called the CVE Brotherhood and consists of OCHVE of CIS and Baltic countries (the supervising bishop is Ivan Fedotov and his deputy, Chief Bishop of the Ukrainian OCHVE Georgiy Babiy) and CVE churches of Germany (the Archbishop is Alexander Konrady), Poland (The Archbishop is Roman Yavdik) and USA (The Archbishops are Nikolay Tochinsky and Eugeny Yakovlev). On the international level the CVE is managed by the Board, headed by the Archbishops I. Fedotov, G. Babiy and A. Konrady. The secretary of the Board is Bishop Vladimir Murashkin, who is the most brilliant theologian of the CVE Brotherhood at the present moment. Most of the Pentecostal churches are located in Ukraine. An enormous percentage of Pentecostals from the general population is located in Armenia. Some CVE churches under the pressure of the Soviet government and against the advice of the Kiev Episcopate registered themselves independently and became independent from the Kiev Episcopate. In 1990 Pentecostal churches who were part AUCECB (Baptist) and registered independently, united in one CVE Pentecostal Union under the leadership of the Bishop Roman Bilas. After he left for the USA this Union in Russia was headed by Vladimir Murza. At the present time this Union on the territory of Russia is headed by the Bishop Pavel Okara and his deputy Bishop Pavel Bak.

6   Added together all the sentences served by four Bishops they amount to more than 80 years of imprisonment.


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At the end of 1980s in Russia as a result of preaching by foreign missionaries as well as independent and Charismatic churches, new unions and associations began to appear. In 1990s they united into one Union – the Russian United Union of Evangelical Faith Christians (RUCEF) headed by the Bishop of Russian Church of God, Sergey Ryahovsky. One of his assistants is Pavel Savelyev who is heading one of the first Charismatic churches in Russia, and the Association of Charismatic Churches. S.V. Ryahovskiy organises social activities and does valuable work in protecting the rights of Protestant churches in Russia. Charismatic churches in Russia are also often called CVE but they are slightly different from the traditional Pentecostal churches. In the United CVE Church (as in all traditional Pentecostal churches in Russia) woman pastors are not accepted. Traditional Pentecostals also confess the principle of a separation from the political life. They generally have strict requirements for pastoral ministry. They also more strictly follow their interpretation of the Scripture regarding the inner and outer sides of the Christian life (in such matters as godliness, family – including the birth of children – divorces and second marriages). They are more conservative in their conduct of church services because they do not accept clapping hands and dancing during services. In the recent past one more Pentecostal Union was founded in St. Petersburg. It is headed by the Bishop Igor Nikitin. This Union has a developed Mass Media Ministry at the international level. There are several churches that do not belong to any union and are therefore independent. The relationships between traditional Pentecostals and neocharismatic churches became complicated. Attitudes to the Charismatic movement have become causes for division within the Kiev Episcopate (1982–1992). The division was caused by the disagreement between Viktor Belikh (who was on the side of the soft position regarding this new Charismatic churches) and Pavel Egorenkov (who did not accept even slight Charismatic liberal views in the ministry of the gifts of the Holy Spirit). At the present time the most significant leader of the Pentecostal movement on the territory of former USSR and among the Pentecostals who immigrated from USSR to USA, Germany and other western countries, is Bishop Ivan Fedotov, who is held in deserved respect not only by the Board headed by him but also by other Unions including Charismatic churches.

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Ukraine Oleg Bornovolokov Introduction In Ukraine, the Pentecostal Movement is divided into several organizations: CFE – Christians of Faith Evangelical, a movement that was started in the Western territory of Ukraine.7 CEF – Christians of Evangelical Faith, Eastern Ukraine.8 Besides these two organizations, there were other Pentecostal groups, but they were not able to build their spiritual organizations and structures. The following organizations are related to them: Oneness Pentecostals (Evangelical Christians in the Spirit of the Apostles – ECSA).9 Pentecostals-Zionists (Evangelical Christians Pentecostals Zionists – ECPZ).10 Sabbatical Pentecostals (SP).11 “Murashkovtsi” (Evangelical Christians Holy Zionists – ECHZ).12 In this chapter, we consider just one organization of the Pentecostal Movement that appeared in the Southern Ukraine, in Odessa city. Its founder and head, Ivan Ephimovich Voronaev, was a great leader, skilled administrator, and a pastor.13 Being a leader of the movement over a period of 9 years, he made a great contribution to the swift development of the churches of CEF. Historical Sources Literature on this theme, may be divided into several types. First there is an atheistic type. This literature may be characterized as negative and     7   И. Зуб-Золатарев. «Первый объединенный съезд христиан веры евангельской в Польше». (Примиритель №1 1929, Рига), p.3.     8   М.А. Гальчук. «О Втором Всеукраинском съезде христиан Евангельской Веры». (Евангелист.№2, 1928), р.17.  9  No editor. Словарь Атеиста (Москва: Политическая литература, 1990), р.184 10   Словарь Атеиста, p. 184 11   Словарь Атеиста, p. 194 12  H. И. Макарова. Энциклопедия преступлений и Катастроф (Минск: Литература, 1996), р. 476. 13   О.I. Первомайский, Хто такi пятидесятникi (трясуни). (Киiв: 1960), р. 3.


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unreliable. It distorts and sometimes gives information about facts which never took place. For instance, in his book, Pentecostals, A. T. Moskalenko wrote: A fervent prayer must continue until a Christian’s sweat becomes like drops of blood as well as like drops of cold water. According to the teaching of the Pentecostals, it is the most important criterion to define fervency in prayer. ‘Sometimes people pray’, I. E. Voronaev writes, ‘but not fervently. Some of them have neither drops of blood nor drops of cold sweat.’14

Making this statement, Moskalenko refers to an article of I. E. Voronaev, printed in the Evangelist magazine in 1928. Let’s see what it is really about. The second one: – Fervent prayer. – In the book of Acts 12:5, we read about Peter being kept in prison, and while he was there, prayer for him was being made fervently by the church to God. This fervent prayer was heard in the heavens, and the Lord sent his angel to Peter. The angel took Peter out of there. Christ also used fervent prayer. “And being in agony He was praying very fervently; and His sweat became like drops of blood, falling down upon the ground” (Luke 12:44). Sometimes people pray but not fervently. Some of them have neither drops of blood nor drops of cold sweat.15

In this article, Voronaev speaks about prayer, dividing it into several types. The first type is the ‘prayer of faith’; The second one is the ‘fervent prayer’; The third one is the ‘effective prayer’, etc.

Moskalenko takes a paragraph about the ‘fervent prayer’ out of context and tries to make negative conclusions introducing Pentecostalism as a sect of self-torturing monsters of cruelty. This type of literature had been published from 1930 till 1989. Its purpose was to discriminate against the Pentecostal Movement. Nevertheless, it should be given credit for its diligent attempts to find and distort information, and then present it in regular mass publications. In this period of time, magazines and newspapers carried screaming headlines on such subjects as “Who are the shakers?”, “The shakers and Voronaev as their 14   А.Т.Москаленко, Пятидесятники (Москва: Политическая литература, 1966), р. 137. 15   И.Е. Воронаев «О Молитве» (Евангелист №3–4, Одесса: 1928), р. 4.

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organizer”, “Religion and intellectual epidemics”, “Obscurants with no mask”, “Truth about Pentecostals”, “Fathers and children of Pentecostals”, “Behind nailed up shutters”, “A dead lake”. A certain Nikolay Gurich was one of the first Soviet journalists who slandered the Pentecostals and their leader Ivan Ephimovich Voronaev. He wrote a small illustrated  book about the history of the community of the CEF16 and its leader. The brochure was published in 1930 in Kharkov city in the Ukrainian language; 10,000 copies were printed and it was called Who are the Shakers? It became popular among the teams of agitators. In September of the same year, an atheist publishing house printed this very article in the Russian language in a popular magazine, Atheist under the title of “The shakers and Voronaev as their organizer”. The second type of literature about Pentecostalism is from Baptist and evangelical sources. Most of the sources are periodicals. They were published from 1924 till 1928 when the growth and development of the Pentecostal churches were seen as a threat to the Baptist and evangelical movements.17 In their periodical journals, published till 1928, they spoke of the Pentecostal Movement in an extremely negative way. Sometimes they distorted information as the atheists did.18 They represented the Movement as a form of extremism that has nothing to do with God and authentic Christian movement,19 saying that its origin was in the belly of the hell.20 Such journals as Baptist, Baptist of Ukraine, Familial Friend (in German), Christian21 were leaders in this sort of slander and distortion of facts. Such people as S. V. Belousov, M. Bronshtaine, Z. Paulenko, P. Schukin, L. Lazarenko were eager to try to discredit the Union of CEF in their letters and articles.22 In 1945, the unions of CEF and ACECB (all-USSR Council of Evangelical Christians Baptists) were unified. After that, the attitude 16  CEF – “Christians of Evangelical Faith” – a Pentecostal union that developed in the South Ukraine, and was organized in 1925 on initiative of the 2nd Regional Congress in Odessa city. 17   Правления Союза Х.Е.В. «Предостережение» (Евангелист №2, Одесса: 1928), р. 26. 18   В.Р.Колтович. «Письмо Одесской общины ХЕВ» (Евангелист №3–4, Одесса: 1928), р. 31. 19   С.В.Белоусов. «Трясунство» (Баптист №2, Москва: 1925), р. 15. 20   М.М.Корф. «Остерегайтесь опасного учения» (Баптист Украины №6, Харьков: 1926), р. 18. 21   Administration of the Union of CEF «Предостережение» (Евангелист №2, Одесса: 1928), р. 26. 22   В.Р.Колтович, Протокол Юбилейного собрания Одесской общины ХЕВ (Одесса: Одесская община ХЕВ, 1927), р. 10.


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changed from extremely negative to a tolerant one.23 Nevertheless, tolerance was imposed by the Committee on Religious Affairs. That is why fervent and understanding love among Christian people did not immediately become a reality.24 The Committee on Religious Affairs was organized as part of the machinery of communist party to control religious movements. It was headed by I. V. Polyansky.25 After unification, periodicals had restrained or tolerant attitudes towards the Pentecostal Movement. Apart from periodicals like Brethren Bulletin, two volumes of A Brief Course of the History of the Baptists in USSR were prepared and published in 1987. The history of the Pentecostal Movement was briefly described in there. In 1989, A Brief Course of the History of the Baptists in USSR was published in one volume under the title of History of the Evangelical Christians – Baptists in USSR. By 2000, some extremely negative works about the Pentecostal Movement appeared in Christian literature again. The literature was mostly published by a publishing house of the “Irpen Biblical Seminary”. A book of Outlines of Pentecostal History by V. A. Slobodyanik was ­published. Though the work is very negative about Pentecostalism, it gives quite interesting information about its history. Apart from that work, Irpen Seminary published a number of books which contain articles from different Baptist and evangelical journals for the years 1924–1929. The third type of literature comes from publications in which Pentecostalism speaks for itself. Periodicals of the early stages of the Movement’s development are included here. Among these must be counted such periodicals as Evangelist published in Odessa city in 1928, and the journal Traveller published from 1924 till 1933. Apart from that, there are such archive documents as: – records of proceedings of meetings and congresses; – written and oral testimonies of the eye-witnesses; 23   Г. Гартфельд, Научное исследование контекстуализации богословских доктрин в жизни церквей Евангельских христиан-Баптистов под руководством Всесоюзного Совета ЕХБ в бывшем Советском Союзе (Черкассы: Сефанус, 1995), р. 29. 24   В. Заватски, Евангельское движение в СССР после второй мировой войны, (Москва: 1995), р. 104. 25   С.Н. Савинский, История Евангельских Христиан – баптистов Украины, России, Белоруссии 1917–1967 год, (Санкт-Петербург: изд. «Библия для всех», 2001год), р. 164.

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– Works connected with the history of the Pentecostal Movement from 1956 to 1999; articles from modern periodicals such as ­Reconciler, Evangelical Voice, Word of Christian, Christian Bulletin. Besides these three types of sources, social and political journalism will be used in this chapter. This type of literature gives descriptions of the social, political and economic conditions of the country. Mainly, these are the works of A. Solzhenitsyn, encyclopaedia articles and the research papers of V. Faitelberg-Blank, Vladimir Shestochenko, and Oleg Platonov. Combining and analyzing these sources, we will try to reconstitute a general picture of events that occurred at the beginning of the 1920s. Using such different types of editorial materials, we are going to be guided by the laws of history. An individual approach will be used to every type, depending on the level of credit given to information in the sources. Of course, this study does not claim to be absolutely precise in the events it describes. A lack of informative sources which tell about the birth and development of the Pentecostal Movement is the reason for that. Nevertheless, precision of material exposition may be judged only by the people who actually made the history by their lives, faith and sufferings. Let’s consider what preconditions led the south of Ukraine to become a cradle of one of the Pentecostal Movements. Why exactly did this city, situated on the Black Sea coast, become a place of forming and a starting point for spreading the movement of Christians of Evangelical Faith? The preconditions or factors may be divided into two types: indirect and direct ones. The general situation in the country in political, social, and economic spheres may be related to indirect factors. Actually, indirect factors influenced not only the growth of the Pentecostal Movement but the development of the different evangelical groups (there were a lot of them in 1921) as well. Only the factors which directly influenced the birth and development of the Pentecostal Movement in the south of Ukraine may be related to the direct ones. The following may be mentioned: missionary work of a group of people led by Ivan Ephimovich Voronaev; organization of the CEF Union and its great stress on missionary work; publishing and distributing of its own literature. In our chapter, we are not going to concentrate our attention on the indirect factors. We will focus on the reasons without which the birth and development of the CEF Movement would have been impossible.


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Indirect Factors The political, economic, social situation in the country should be divided into two periods of time. The year of 1917 is a fatal one for Russia and all countries adjoined to it. This year serves as a point of division. Because the conception of the Pentecostal Movement started with arrival of a missionary group from America in 1921,26 we are going to be interested in a period which started after the October Revolution of 1917. The political situation of the country was under powerful influence from military communism by 1921. The Communist Party (RCP(b)*) had unlimited power, having suppressed the other parties which had accompanied the revolutionary coup a few years earlier. In the space of twenty years in the twentieth century, Russia had three revolutions: the Bourgeois one in 1905–1907, the February one in 1917, and the October one in 1917; four wars: the Russian-Japanese in 1904– 1905, the First World War in 1914–1917, the Civil War in 1917–1922, the Soviet-Polish one in 1920. The country was in a desperate situation, and the vast bulk of the population had no strength left to resist the new power. Having put the “red terror” into operation, the Bolsheviks were destroying with systematic cruelty everybody who was displeasing to them. A resolution that gave them a quasi-legal right to destroy sections of the population was called “dictatorship of proletariat”. I should add another distress to all those mentioned before. Political struggle of the different parties against the governing party of the Bolsheviks caused much suffering. Everyone tried to strike his own enemy. The Bolsheviks began to carry out and intensify terror. The ­cities of Petrograd and Moscow were divided into regions, and special revolutionary tribunals were set up in each one. There were similar revolutionary tribunals almost in every town and village all over Russia. Hundreds of people were dragged to these tribunals at day and night time. Many were convicted, most were sent to prisons, some were shot immediately. Shooting of the arrested people took place straightaway only yards from the tribunals. Sometimes they took 100 or 200 convicted people outside the city and shot them there. People who were sent to Petropavlovsk fortress had been shot between 1 and 2 a.m.27 26   В.Д. Бондаренко. (редактор) Довiдник Християнськi Церкви i релiгiй нi органiзацii в Украiнi (Киiв: Державний комiтет Украiни у справах релiгiй, 2001), р.58.  *  Russian Communistic Party of the Bolsheviks. 27   И.С.Проханов, В котле России (Изд. ВСЕХ, 1992), р.177.

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Post-war devastation reigned everywhere. An amnesty was granted not only to political and religious prisoners but to thousands of criminals as well. Being released, these criminals began doing what they used to do – robbing and killing. Because of impunity, the level of banditry increased so that people were afraid of walking outside even at day time. Anarchy, chaos and lawlessness reigned over the country. In this period of time, the foreign policy of the Bolsheviks extended; their influence reached over into the neighbouring independent states, forming the Union of the Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia. Thus from December 1920 to January 1921, an alliance was concluded with Ukraine and Belorussia, in 1921 with Georgia and Armenia, and in 1922 with Azerbaijan. Further the Bolsheviks’ decisions on unification of the countries and republics developed into ecumenical plans. A new purpose arose – to unify working people of all countries and make a World Soviet Country. On the 30th of December 1922, delegations from four republics signed a treaty to set up centralized governance. The supreme organ of the state governance was established – the Central Executive Committee of USSR (CEC). As a result, a new state consisting of six republics appeared on the territory of the former Russian Empire. The political system of RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Social Republic) consolidated through its foreign policy. Besides the internal and foreign policy, the authorities did not forget to work with religious movements. By 1921, Protestant movements had increased. In fact, the authorities themselves were “guilty” of evangelical church growth. Because of hopelessness, people longed for comfort, support, and they found it in God. Nevertheless, because the Bolsheviks fought a war not only against the Tsarist authorities, the bourgeoisie, and the intellectuals, but against the Orthodox Church as well, there were only Protestant churches left. Many decrees and regulations, limiting the activity of Orthodoxy, were adopted. The property of the Orthodox churches was either plundered or confiscated. Monasteries and temples were turned into storehouses and stables. Church schools, seminaries and academies were closed down. Thus 38,138 church schools had been closed down in the years 1917–1922. Church regulations, such as church marriage, for instance, were annulled. Orthodox priests were sent to the camps as the “enemies of people”28 according to the 58–10 article*. Hardly anyone   А.Солженицын, р.49.   It is written in the article “Contrrevolutionary agitation”.

28     *


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of them came back from there. Thereby, only during 1922, two thousand judicial sittings over priesthood occurred. Ten priests were sentenced to death.29 The attitude of the Bolsheviks towards Protestants was favourable. This occurred for several reasons. The first reason, and, probably, the principal one, was the following: Bonch-Bruevich, the secretary of V. I. Lenin, and an expert in sectarian affairs, was an intercessor for the religious evangelical movements. In the Protestant movement, mostly consisting of the poor population of the country,30 Bonch-Bruevich saw Christian socialism, and it was in harmony with the Bolsheviks’ views. Secondly, during persecutions in the Tsarist Russia, different Protestant denominations as well as political organizations that resisted monarchy, were sent into exile. Owing to this, they were among those who suffered from the monarchical regime. Thirdly, in that period, there were about 150,000 church members in the Protestant movement on the territory of Russia.31 At first the Soviet rule, while it was weak, hoped to have multiple allies, who would support their reforms and governance.32 In connection with this, the functioning authorities issued laws for the benefit of Protestantism, and regulations against the Orthodox Church. In January 1918, a decree “About separation of church from the country” was issued. The decree was signed by V. I. Lenin, V. BonchBruevich, and the National Commissariat, numbering eight people. The decree equalized the Orthodox Church, which used to be dominant, with other religious denominations, including Protestantism. In this decree, the most important article for evangelical believers was number 3. It said: Every citizen can profess any religion or profess none. Any sort of disentitlement connected with confession of any faith or confession of no faith, is cancelled.33

It is worth mentioning that the Bolsheviks carried on a dialogue with leaders of the Protestant groups. For instance, in the 1920s, the Bolsheviks   В. Годфрида, Хроника Христианства (Москва: ТЕРРА, 1999), р. 387.   Л.М.Митрохин, Баптизм: История и современность (Москва: 2000), р. 27. 31   В.Заватски. Евангелическое движение в СССР после второй мировой войны. (Москва, 1995), р. 39. 32   М.Аксенова (ред.). Энциклопедия для детей, том 6, Религии мира, часть II. (Москва: Аванта, 1998), р.466. 33   Сборник Декретов и распоряжений Правительства. (Москва: Народный Комиссариат Юстиции, 1922), р. 9. 29 30

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together with Prokhanov considered a project of building of a Christian city named Evangelsk. The Bolsheviks even participated in a symbolical making of a future city park.34 Because the circumstances were favourable, the Protestant churches grew in number. Thus according to the statistics given in the book Evangelical Movement in the USSR by Valter Zavatsky, we can see that by 1917 the number of people in the evangelical movement was reaching 150,000 members. During the next seven years the number of evangelical Christians grew almost five times. According to the statistics of 1924, the annual increase of members in evangelical churches was 10% on the territory of Siberia, and up to 15% on the territory of Ukraine.35 Nevertheless, in spite of the apparently friendly relationship, not everything was so cheerful and smooth between the religious organizations and the Bolsheviks. The communists pursued internal and foreign policy in connection with religious movements. A purpose of the foreign policy was to show the whole world that dictatorship of the proletariat respected the right of men to confess freely any religion. A lot of articles about religious freedom given by the Bolsheviks’ party to the Soviet citizens were published all over the world. Thus Vasily Pavlov, one of the Baptist movement leaders, in the 1920s wrote the following: Many brethren abroad are interested in how it is to live and breathe under the Soviet rule. Since the most important thing for us is religious freedom and we do not care much for material needs, so we answer such questions unfailingly, “Well”.36

Many articles were published in the 1920s in the United States.37 Many Christians who emigrated because of previous religious persecution, after having heard such news, returned to Russia. The second thing the Bolsheviks pursued in foreign policy was seen in a desire to gain the favour of religious organizations and to enlist their support in difficult and unstable times. There was also an internal policy of the Bolsheviks towards the religious organizations as well. The primary purpose of the Bolsheviks was to build an atheistic society, and they were not going to turn back from this plan. Thus Emelyan Yaroslavsky,

Аксенова, стр.467.   Заватски, р. 39. 36   Там же. 37   А.Г.Горошко, Iван Юхимовiч Воронаев, (город, изд, год – не указан), р. 54. 34 35


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one of the revolutionist-fanatics, liked to repeat with pure rapture, ‘Religion can lead forward only dead people, and lead to the grave, and religion is not going and cannot go at the head of working and peasant masses’.38 Reconciliation with religious organizations was just a temporary step. They showed their favour towards people and the world outwardly, but they schemed secretly, trying to cause leaders to quarrel inside of the movement, and to drive a wedge of discord between Russian associations and foreign unions. They knew that if unions kept together, it would be difficult to fight against them. However, as soon as they quarrelled with each other, it would be easy to destroy them. The Bolsheviks adopted a statement of the Roman emperor Caesar Augustus, “divide and rule”. Thus, in report of the 6th department of GPU39 of E. A. Tuchkov from the 12th of June 1923 such decision was approved, Suggestion of GPU to use Prohanov to divide sectarianism – approved; two weeks later a commission pointed to necessity to “intensify work on the destruction of sectarianism”. A report of E. A. Tuchkov about work for 1923 “About sectarianism” narrates how it was done. This report can drive anybody to shock, because it shows how cynically and shamelessly blackmail, threats, pressures, were used to play around with the fears and weaknesses of ordinary people. Besides all the troubles, there were crop failures and famine; many diseases and epidemics spread in consequence. All these factors resulted in a high death rate of the population in the country. Famine resulted in epidemics of typhus, cholera, smallpox, and the death rate of population increased three or four times, in some places up to five. In those dreadful days famine drove people to eat each other and committing crimes to get food so as by any means to survive. In his book In the Cauldron of Russia, Prohanov confirmed the situation that had emerged in 1921–1922, ‘Gradually all people of Russia began to feel lack of food, inflation and other difficulties. Revolution and civil war only increased these miseries. In 1920–1921 there was a great crop failure which resulted in terrible famine. The number of victims was immeasurable.’40   Митрохин, р35.   From Russian Gosudarstvennoye politicheskoye upravlenie. Abbreviation for the State Political Administration; the Soviet police and secret police. 40   Проханов, р. 176. 38 39

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The new economic policy (NEP) led the country out of the social and economic crisis. It protected private entrepreneurship and raised the country from the ashes to a much better level for a short period of time. Nevertheless, in 1921 when Voronaev arrived to Russia, conditions were critical. Ivan Ephimovich did not want to stay too long in Odessa city, and he intended to stop in Orenburg province where he had been born and grown up. Having come to Odessa, he found out that virtually the whole village had died of starvation. Out of twelve members of his family only two – his mother and one of sisters – survived; all the rest died. The situation in Odessa was not better, but it was at least possible to find bread in the port city. Everything stated above shows us that the economic and social factors as well as the political ones were extremely inauspicious for the population. Problems and troubles encouraged people to turn to the One who could help them. People lost their faith in the work of the communistic apparatus, their own strength was not enough, there was left a choice for them either to die or to search for help from above. Death did not frighten them anymore; they saw it every day in the streets of the city. It was senseless to speak about the hell, because life itself had become like hell. Nevertheless, faith and comfort from God gave people hope. People wanted their eyes to be open to Someone who would be able to care for them and avert the troubles. This search for hope had a noticeable effect because people, having heard about God from missionaries, remained in the churches. Their hearts were a good soil completely ready for the Good News to be sowed, news about the One who endured everything they did, about the One who redeemed them, who stretches his hand of help and support. Voronaev was a wonderful pastor; he could see what people needed at that moment – comfort and hope. Of course, his first sermons concerned this theme: Now lives of many people resemble Job’s one in the days of his trial after he lost everything, sat down on the ground in dust and ashes. He was deprived of the whole of his property, sons and daughters. He was smitten with sores and boils from the sole of his foot to the crown of his head (chapters 1 and 2). That is how now many of our citizens are dying of starvation, cold, diseases, and other consequences of poverty.

Direct Factors A number of events directly influenced the origin of the Pentecostal Movement in Ukraine. In other words, it is impossible to imagine the


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birth and formation of the Christian of Evangelical Faith Movement without these factors. The arrival of the group of missionaries to Russia with Voronaev Ivan Ephimovich at the head of it may be referred to as one of these events. The life and activity of this fervent preacher, wonderful pastor and talented leader Voronaev cardinally influenced the origin of the Christian of Evangelical Faith Movement in Ukraine.41 The second significant event was the organization of the Union of Churches of CEF on a regional level first, and then on the all-USSR level afterwards. It contributed to consolidation and growth of churches. The third event was the publishing of Evangelist. New perspectives for evangelism appeared as a result. The journal reached the farthest villages where the travelling preacher was not able to go. These three factors are the very direct causes of the birth and rapid spread of the Evangelical Faith Movement. The year 1921 is considered to be a founding year of the Christian of Evangelical Faith Movement.42 This date is referred to in most of the documents. In 1921 a group of missionaries sailed up by a steamer to Odessa city. These people were Russian emigrants who immigrated to the United States in search of a better life. Many of them turned to God there. In 1919 they came to know that Soviet rule allowed free confession of any faith; they became enthusiastic over preaching about baptism of the Holy Spirit in their homeland. Ivan Ephimovich Voronaev, who used to be a Baptist pastor, headed up this group of people.43 Ivan Ephimovich Voronaev is an alias of Nikita Petrovich Cherkasov. An exact date of this man’s birth is difficult to ascertain; some sources say he was born on the 16th of April 1885. The “Protocol of the Jubilee Meeting” of the 13th of November 1927 gives evidence concerning this date. Another source gives the year of 1886 as the year of his birth.44 Nepluevskaya, a Cossack village in Orenburg province is the place of his birth.45 When Ivan Ephimovich was seven years old he entered a village school, and left at 13. At 20 years old he was accepted in military service 41   О.В. Борноволоков, «Деятельность Славян в Америке». (Свiтло Воскресiння, Киев: Лютий-Квiтень 2001),р. 8. 42   Г.Г Понурко, «Об омовении ног» (неопубликованная рукопись, Москва 1963 год), предисловие. 43   А.Г.Горошко, Iван Юхимовiч Воронаев Лист Радянському послу у Вашiгтонi А.А. Трояновському, (год – неуказан), р. 54. 44   Горошко, р. 7. 45   Горошко, р. 7.

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and assigned to Tashkent, to the 5th Orenburg Cossack regiment. In the city of Tashkent he started attending a Baptist church. By the time of Ivan E. Voronaev’s visit to church on the 23rd of April 1907,46 the community had already been renting a house to hold services; it was not far from the river of Salara, where water baptism was held. That meeting impressed him greatly. There were many young people, a choir sang, and the name of the Lord was praised. Having attended several services, he accepted the Lord as a personal Saviour.47 Later on he met a girl Katerina Afanasyevna Bashkirova,48 who came to Tashkent from Kizil-Aravata to enter a medical college to become a midwife;49 she became his wife and shared his difficult life. After immigrating to America in 1912, Ivan Ephimovich did not expect to return to Russia because the Tsar’s government threatened him with penal servitude. That is why Voronaev planned to settle down in America with his family for the rest of his life. After the revolution in October 1917, the Tsar’s government was overthrown and the Soviet rule declared freedom of religions. Then God spoke into his heart and to those who had the gift of prophecy to go back to Russia to work in His field. In a letter written to sister Kinich in summer in 1929, Ivan Ephimovich mentioned the call of God to go to Russia and work in His field. It has been joyful to see people repent, to baptize them with water and to be a witness of baptism with the Holy Spirit of many souls. The Spirit of God used my tongue for the prophetic revelations. God reveals us great things concerning Russia; He directs us there. Praise the Lord! I had never thought I would ever go back to Russia. I planned to start a Pentecostal Bible School. We thought so, but God thought otherwise. God spoke through his prophets, “Go to Russia and I’ll be with you”. I do not want to be Jonah. Pray for me. I am very busy now because we are going to go to Russia. Let the Lord help us. At the end of this month or next month, we are leaving for Odessa city. God sends few brethren with us as well. So they are going with us (Acts 13). We have already received our passports. June 1920.50

In the middle of June of 1920, Ivan Ephimovich held a meeting with responsible leaders such as Gerys, Syryts, Vasilenko, Sister Kinich and

В. Колтович, “Протокол Юбилейного собрания”, р. 1.   Горошко, р. 8. 48   Горошко, р.8. 49   Горошко, р.8. 50   Горошко, р.8. p. 16. 46 47


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others to decide what to do about the church in the USA. Voronaev suggested the candidacy of brother Kozik in his stead. Later on, D. Matisyuk became a presbyter of the church.51 He also sought advice about a way of carrying out the work of God in the USA and who would take care of the Truth and Life journal. Such brethren as V. R. Kotlovich, V. Klybik, N. Kardanov (an Ossetian), I. D. Zaplishiy with his wife (a Bulgarian) decided to go to their homelands together with Voronaev.52 Having handed over the ministry to brethren, Ivan Ephimovich left New York by the steamer Madonna with his family and co-workers on the 15th of July 1920.53 Money for tickets were given by the Slavic Pentecostal churches of Klarmonto, New-York, Philadelphia, Toronto and some churches of the “God’s Assembly”. The “Madonna” steamer sailed up to Constantinople city in Turkey on the 10th of August 1920. There was no opportunity to go from Constantinople to Odessa because of the blockade of the Soviet Republic. Waiting on the raising of the blockade, Voronaev and his brethren decided to stay in this city for a while. At that moment, there were a lot of refugees from Denikin and Vrangel’s army who had escaped from the Soviet rule. These were exhausted and hungry people who needed comfort and encouragement. Voronaev organized prayer meetings for Russians in an American church under the American Bible Society in Istanbul. The meetings were attended by refugees. Being in Turkey, they met the Sabbatical Pentecostals who washed feet at the Communion before taking bread and wine. Voronaev and Koltovich liked such an example of humility, so they adopted it and put it into practice in the Soviet Union.54 In November 1920, Voronaev and the brethren left Constantinople for Burgas city, Bulgaria, which was the motherland of brother D. Zaplishniy’s wife. In Burgas, Voronaev and the brethren who arrived with him successfully planted new churches all over Bulgaria. After several months of work, they had planted about 18 churches.55 After the Red Army had crushed and driven out Vrangel from the Crimea, the Soviet rulers declared an amnesty for all refugees of Denikin and Vrangel. As a result, they were allowed to go back to the motherland. 51   И.Е.Воронаев. «Одесский Областной Союз ХЕВ». (Путешественник. №1, Филадельфия, 1924), р.12. 52   Колтович “Протокол Юбилейного собрания”, р. 7. 53   Колтович “Протокол Юбилейного собрания”, р. 7. 54   Г.Г. Понурко preface. 55   Яков Цопфи, На всякую плоть, AVC, Postfch 12 66, D-6478 Nidda 1.


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About four hundred of Vrangel’s refugees and captives went back to the Soviet Odessa from Germany through the port city of Varna in Bulgaria. Voronaev with his family and the brethren-missionaries went together with these refugees. Brother Zaplishniy stayed in Burgas city and was responsible for the CEF communities organized in Bulgaria. A steamer with Voronaev and the brethren sailed up to Odessa on the 12th of August 1921. They were put into quarantine together with refugees in military barracks which used to be stables before the revolution56 in Degtyarnaya Street.57 Rumours of the arrival of brethren-missionaries from America reached all evangelical churches in Odessa. Knowing Voronaev from the Truth and Life journals Christians visited him and invited him to preach to their congregations. Two weeks after their arrival, the quarantine was lifted and the missionaries were freed. Ivan Ephimovich’s activity began from that moment. Voronaev’s primary purpose was to bring the movement of the Holy Spirit into the Baptist and evangelical churches. He never wanted to divide churches or start a new movement on the basis of Spirit Baptism. What he expected was not destined to come to pass. Ivan Ephimovich excelled in eloquence. His sermons won more and more believers’ hearts. Voronaev and brethren who came with him spoke strongly about the baptism with the Holy Spirit with the sign of speaking in tongues. Leaders of the Baptist and evangelical churches did not like this. Voronaev was stopped from preaching. After that he started ­holding his services in the basement of Odessa Railway Palace.58 That room soon became too small, so on the 12th of November 1921, the church moved to the Sabanskiy Alley. This date is an official date of the first Odessa CEF church’s birth. The congregation in the Sabanskiy Alley was attended by about 100 people. Most of them were from the Baptist and evangelical churches. Services in the Sabanskiy Alley were held later in the day than services of the evangelical churches in Odessa. It was because of this that many members of different churches were able to attend Voronaev’s services. The church soon moved to larger premises in Tiraspol Street. Some sources name the house of Ptashnikovs # 34,59 ­others – house #4.60   Горошко, р. 20.   В.Р. Колтович, р. 7. 58   Горошко, ст р. 21. 59   Интерьвью с Санниковым С. В, Одесса 2000 год, Борноволоков.О.В. Без автора, История Евангельских христиан – баптистов в СССР, (Издательство ВСЕХБ, 1989 год), р. 495. 60   Колтович, р. 7. 56 57

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In 1923 Voronaev applied to the city executive committee with a request for an even bigger place. The city executive committee made concessions and assigned the second floor of a house at 91 Chicherin Street. There were up to 200 members in church then. This community was an autonomic one. It was not a part of any evangelical union of the Russian Federation. The year of 1923 became a year of change in the ministry of Ivan Ephimovich. He stopped thinking n a scale of one city. Evangelical brochures, letters, appeals to different churches were sent all over Ukraine from Odessa. People from different evangelical unions walked to Odessa city from everywhere.61 Many presbyters of the Baptist communities and many evangelical Christians went to Odessa in order to see the way services were held. They tried to understand differences in religious doctrines between the Pentecostal Movement and other movements. Some of them came back home after being baptized with the Holy Spirit. Subsequently, many communities became a part of the Christian of Evangelical Faith Movement. The first branch churches appeared in the village of Mayaki62 and at the isolated farmstead of Nadezhda in Odessa region.63 Soon communities began to appear in Dnepropetrovsk and Zaporozhe regions.64 Afterwards communities of the CEF Movement spread not only on the territory of Ukraine but in other regions of the USSR, for example, in Tashkent, Siberia, Ural.65 Voronaev wrote the following in his report to American Assemblies of God mission on the work that had been done, ‘Starting with Odessa the work now reaches to Kiev, Moscow, Leningrad. The fire of the Holy Spirit is caught everywhere. New churches and groups of Pentecostals are born’. As the number of congregations grew there appeared a need to centralize the Movement. Voronaev started organizing the First Regional Congress of the CEF. According to the law # 134 on “Order of permission to carry out congresses and conferences” issued in 1922, Voronaev

61   Н. Гурич, Трясуны и их организатор Воронаев, (Атеист №55, Москва, изд. «Безбожник» 1930), р. 117. 62   В.А. Слободяник, Очерки по истории пятидесятничества, (Киев: изд. Ирпенская Библейская Семинария ВСО ЕХБ, 2000), р. 63. 63   В.С. Глуховский, Неопубликованная рукопись составлена со слов Подлесного И.Н, (Киев 1982 год), р.2. 64   Слободяник, р.64. 65   А.Т. Москаленко, Пятидесятники, (Москва, Изд. Политическая литература, 1966 год), р. 62.


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registered the congress and got a permission of the People’s Commissariat of Internal affairs of the city. The congress took place from the 7th to the 10th of September in Odessa city. There were 29 delegates present there, and many guests mostly from the Crimea. Such questions as the election of evangelists and senior presbyters were discussed there.66 A lot of the Baptist and evangelical churches wished to join the CEF structure. That is why the matter of reorganization of the Baptist and evangelical communities was discussed at the congress. Thus, according to the statistics, given by Voronaev in letter addressed to New York community on the 28th of September 1924, he affirmed that there were more than 100 congregations of the CEF. Thus 13 congregations of the evangelical Christians joined the Pentecostals just in Ekaterinoslavsk province (Dnepropetrovsk region), and Krivoy Rog’s district. There was assigned a regional congress on the 28th of September 1924 to reorganize these congregations. Voronaev was invited there.67 At the Odessa regional congress, the “Regional Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith” was founded. Voronaev was selected as Chairman of the Union, V. C. Pavlov became vice-chairman V. Koltovich became treasurer, V. C. Pavlov and I. F. Dolzhnikov were chosen as travelling preachers. M. N. Kats was secretary.68 A decision to carry out the second regional congress in Odessa city in 1925, i.e. the following year, was taken. In twelve months 1924–1925, between the congresses, the leadership of the Union concentrated their work on starting of new churches. For example, many churches appeared in the Crimea. G. I. Zavalniy was appointed senior presbyter of the Crimean region. The central office was located in Jankoy city. New churches appeared in Odessa, Poltava, Dnepropetrovsk, Khmelnitsky, and Kiev regions.69 Thus from Voronaev’s report on work done for the year (1924–1925) we find the Union’s leadership did the work of God honestly and diligently. During that year many communities and groups of believers joined the Union. The Union doubled in size up to 200 congregations.70   Франчук, р.38.   И.Е.Воронаев, Одесский Областной Союз Христиан Евангельской Веры, (Путешественник №1 ноябрь, 1924), р12. 68   Протокол Второго Областного съезда ХЕВ, (г. Одесса: 1925 год), §1. 69   А.Т. Маскаленко, Идеология и деятельность христианских сект, (Новосибирск: изд. «Наука», 1978), стр.79., И. Ефимов, Современное харизматическое движение сектантства, (Москва: 1995 год), р.42. 70   Протокол второго областного съезда ХЕВ, §5. 66 67

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According to the statistics, given by I. N. Podlesniy, the number of church members was 8,000 in 1924, and 10,000 in 1925. Besides missionary work, leadership of the Union was preparing for the Second Regional Congress of the CEF. They worked on the development of the CEF doctrines on the basis of the “Doctrines of the Pentecostals of the Northern America”.71 The second Regional Congress of the CEF Union took place from the 2nd to the 4th of September 1925. There were 36 delegates from 24 communities of the CEF and 17 guests present. The previous year was summed up and Voronaev’s report on the Union’s work was given. The “Brief Creed” was presented and approved. The issues of church life of communities were touched upon and discussed. Additionally they debated such themes as attitude to the communities which were not members of the Union, celebration of the church and state holidays, and norms of behaviour for the rules of conduct of church members during a service. Different issues, directly connected with relationship between church and the state, were discussed as well. A strong accent was laid on evangelism. It was agreed to hold special services to collect money for missions. Besides purposeful services, it was also recommended to make a subscription for voluntary donations which would be used strictly for the missionary work of the Union. Leaders of the communities had to be self-inspired with understanding of paramount necessity to collect as much money for that as possible. It was suggested every Union member should donate not less than one kopeck a day or 3 roubles 65 kopecks a year for missions. The collection would be sent to the Union’s cash office. There were about 10,000 members of the Union’s churches, i.e. about 36,500 roubles would be collected and used for missions within a year. At that time this was a substantial sum of money. Nevertheless, it could be accomplished if everyone had a desire to donate for evangelism. That is why brethren, drawing up a budget, defined a more real sum of money. It was assumed that total sum for maintenance of the CEF office, evangelists and transportation would be 8,000 roubles a year. It meant that the incoming sum of money should be not less than 8,000 a year or 666 roubles from all communities of the CEF Union a month. Besides there were taken such decisions as:   – To print out the “Brief Creed” as a guidance for every community.   -T  o have the Holy Communion on the first Sunday of every month. 71   И. Ефимов, Современное харизматическое движение сектантства, (Москва: 1995 год), р.44.


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– To suggest all Union groups of Ukraine be organized into urban or regional departments, to hold regional congresses for preachers and others, to carry out joint Bible meetings and discussions. The following goals were set for 1926:   – To reorganize Regional Union of the CEF into the all-Ukrainian one.   – To carry out the First all-Ukrainian Congress of the CEF churches in autumn 1926.   – To write a petition to the Soviet government concerning ­permission for the churches to receive a) 500 Bibles (in Russian); b) 2,000 ­Gospels; and c) 500 songbooks from abroad for the Word of God to be spread. One more important task was defined, and it needed to be solved – putting together and publishing their own Evangelist journal. It was necessary to solicit the Soviet government for permission for a journal or newspaper with sermons about God. The Union’s leadership did not change in 1926 except for Koltovich who gave up the ministry of a treasurer and was elected as a travelling evangelist. The task of an evangelist was to visit churches and baptize newly converted people.72 Voronaev and Pavlov remained in the same positions – a chairman and a vice-chairman. The Union’s leadership started preparing documents necessary for organization of the CEF all-Ukrainian Union from the first days after the second Regional Congress. The Statutes of the Union was drawn up. Execution of the documents was done to register the CEF all-Ukrainian Union. Having taken the documents Voronaev, the chairman of the Union, went to Kharkov, the capital of Ukraine. He registered the “AllUkrainian Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith” there. He got permission to carry out the all-Ukrainian congress in 1926 as well. The year of 1925 was a productive one for the CEF Union. However, its efficiency was not in opening of the new churches. Unfortunately, the leadership hardly had time for that. Many churches from the Baptist and evangelical unions joined the Pentecostals and this added churches and people to the Union. The leaders of the Union always travelled, visiting churches, mentoring and teaching people. There were not enough teachers to visit every church. That is why different kinds of extreme things   Воронаев, Письмо (Путешественник,№9,Филадельфия,1926 год), р.5.


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started taking place in different places. “Apocalypse Pentecostals” were an example of that. In many churches people began to search for mystical experiences which sometimes were based on emotions and feelings. People who sincerely wanted to become the vessels and bearers of God’s grace ran to extremes because they did not have a proper teaching. At the services, great attention was paid to manifestation of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, especially to the gift of prophecy. Different negative consequences took place because of lack of Christian education and due passing of judgment on this gift. For example, funeral processions were stopped to raise a dead from the dead. There were prophecies about Christ’s return and the rapturing of the Church at a certain place and on a certain day, etc.73 There was a pressing need in competent and educated people. It was necessary to develop theological education to solve all these troubles and problems connected with Christian illiteracy. Nevertheless, a Bible school or course could not even be mentioned in the period of atheism. There was the only one-year Bible school and a 9-month course in the whole Soviet Union in the middle of the 1920s. They were in Petrograd city. Publishing of the theological or moral periodicals was the only opportunity for the evangelical churches to end illiteracy. A journal could reach every corner of the country. It would contain information about the Union, Biblical teaching and testimonies of people about wonderful things of God. It would bring unbelievers to God and strengthen the faith of believers. Leaders of the evangelical movements understood that clearly. That is why there were plenty of evangelical and Baptist periodicals in 1925. I. E. Voronaev, as chairman of the Regional Union of the CEF was of the same opinion. Maybe that was why the leaders of the Union called their journal Evangelist because its purpose was in harmony with the name – to bring people to God. Yet it can be supposed that the name of Evangelist was rather popular. For example, Evangelical Christians of Ukraine had an Evangelist journal which was published in 1927–1928 in Kharkov. Evangelical Christian Baptists had an Evangelist journal as well; it was published in 1923–1924 in Tashkent. From 1925 to 1926, 50 churches more with 5,000 people joined the Union. Altogether the Union of the CEF was represented by 250 churches and 15,000 members in 1926. True, most of churches were from the other unions.   Слободяник, pр.116, 125.



pavel mozer and oleg bornovolokov

In 1926 the First all-Ukrainian Congress of the CEF took place in Odessa city from the 21st to the 23rd of September. Not only delegates from Ukraine but from many Republics of the USSR arrived to the congress. The Union joined up to 350 communities with up to 17,000 people. People elected Voronaev to be chairman of the Congress unanimously. Koltovich, Galchuk, Pavlov, Ponurko, Ponomarchuk and Kushnarev were elected as the members of the presidium. Alesiuk was elected as a secretary. Podlesniy, Luchinets and Garina were elected into the mandate commission. Voronaev reported the work done for the previous year. After him, preachers spoke and testified about how God had blessed their work and added newly converted people. The congress recommended the Union to organize dressmaking courses, Biblical and musical courses in order to unite youth. In the course of discussion of the condition and growth of churches in many republics, delegates concluded that it was necessary to organize the “AllUSSR Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith”. It was connected with the appearance of churches in Moscow, in the Caucasus, in the Urals, in Siberia and in other places. The Second all-Ukrainian Congress took place in Odessa city from the 8th to the 12th of October in 1927. Delegates from the Ukrainian communities as well as from different regions of the Soviet Union were present at the Congress. That is why the First all-USSR Congress of the CEF took place on the 13th of October 1927 straight after this congress was closed. Almost all matters brought up at the previous congresses were raised at this congress. From the summary report of Voronaev we can see that the Union of the CEF grew significantly in 1927. Growth of the communities occurred everywhere and it could be observed; new churches were started. There were pressing needs for a Union journal and some biblical courses. Thus the Union contained 350 communities with 17,000 people in 1927. The first all-USSR Congress of the CEF churches became the last general one. In 1928 six numbers of the Evangelist journal were published. After 1927, the communist government under the direction of Stalin toughened its relation towards religious movements including the Christians of Evangelical Faith. There were repressions in 1928–1929, and in 1930 the Union of the CEF was closed down officially. Practically all the leaders were arrested; churches of the CEF went underground. Nevertheless, increase of the Union continued due to its organized system of leadership. In 1928 churches were started mainly in Rostov region

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and on the Krasnoyarsk Territory. In fact, Koltovich and Klochkov headed key missionary activity in these regions. Conclusion Having examined the history of development of the Pentecostal Movement in the south of Ukraine, we conclude that the Movement did not arise from scratch. Its origin and spread were influenced by many factors including social and economic ones, and the arrival of missionaries from America as well. These preconditions prepared and purified people’s hearts to receive the truth. Formation of the Union and publishing of the journal (even only 6 issues) strengthened and increased the churches. It also prepared people’s hearts for the period of persecutions, and for confrontation between atheism and faith. At the moment the Pentecostal Movement has become dispersed across the territory of the former Soviet Union. Most Pentecostal churches are connected with the name of Voronaev and the CEF Union. Atheists even nicknamed churches of the CEF as “Voronaevtsi”. In the year 2000 three groups of the Pentecostal churches co-existed in Ukraine. All of them have mutual origins and the same background. Every year Unions grow and become stronger. The Union of the Free Churches of Christians of Evangelical Faith of Ukraine are an example of this. Thus in the Kiev Union, 18 new churches were opened and 88 churches joined the Union in the period from 1997 to 2000. Abbreviations AUCECB – All Union Council of Evangelical Christians-Baptists CEF – Christians of Evangelical Faith CFE – Christians of Faith Evangelical ECB – Evangelical Christian Baptist

Part Two

Pentecostal Theology across Europe

chapter eleven Pentecostal Theology and Protestant Europe Jean-Daniel Plüss When the Pentecostal revival began to spread in Europe at the beginning of the twentieth century, the respective leaders of the new movement were not primarily concerned about denominational affiliation. The move of the Holy Spirit required a response. The rest would be in God’s hands. As it turned out, European Pentecostals began to form affiliations and national churches. At first they had to fight the stigma of being a Christian sect, but eventually they were considered as free churches in loose alliance with evangelical groups. Theologically, European Pentecostal denominations are considered to be independent, sometimes radical, perhaps on occasion obstinate grandchildren of the Reformation. If such claims are true, what significance would they have for Pentecostals and other Christian churches in the twenty-first century? This chapter will focus on key issues of the Reformation on one hand and fundamentals of Pentecostal piety on the other and ask in what sense Pentecostals could benefit from an engaged dialogue between their theological roots and their current self-understanding. Before theological issues are raised, a historical overview will help us to understand the dynamics that influenced Pentecostal thinking in Europe. Towards the end, questions will be raised that may be relevant to contemporary issues, such as the present expressions of Pentecostal practices and their beliefs in dialogue with other Christian churches. Historical context Non-conformism is generally at the beginning of a new religious renewal. The history of Christianity is full of examples where new spiritual avenues brought about a enrichment of the church. Similarly, the roots of Pentecostalism can easily be traced to revivalist movements such as Lutheran Pietism, Methodism, the Holiness movement, regional folk


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revivals, the Welsh revival and other ‘Free church’ movements at the threshold of the twentieth century.1 Many researchers content themselves with establishing some sort of “ecclesiological succession”, a way of documenting the denominational and theological parenthood. However, it is just as important to ask a forward looking question, ‘In what way did an ecclesial heritage influence future decisions? What were the theological presuppositions that were carried over?’ As far as European Pentecostalism is concerned, we make a stimulating discovery. Early European Pentecostal leaders constituted an ecumenical amalgam, which had important implications for the development of their churches, their theology, their liturgical practices. If we speak about an ecumenical amalgam there are two components to look at. On one side, there is the ecclesiological diversity represented by the early Pentecostal leaders. The English-born Thomas B. Barratt (1862– 1940), who was the catalyst for bringing accounts of the Azusa Street revival and Pentecostal spirituality to Norway and then to Western Europe, had been a mission-minded pastor of several Methodist Episcopal Churches in Norway. Lewi Pethrus (1884–1974), the first key figure among Swedish Pentecostals, was originally a Baptist evangelist and maintained some Baptist teachings throughout his life, such as a strong congregational view. Alexander A. Boddy (1854–1930) was the son of an Anglican rector, became deeply influenced by the Keswick Higher Life Movement and was an ordained Anglican minister throughout his life. Alexander Boddy was instrumental in spreading a Keswickian understanding of what ‘Baptism in the Spirit’ meant among European Pentecostal churches. Jonathan A. Paul (1853–1931) was a well educated Lutheran theologian and pastor. He was an active member of the revivalist branch within the German Lutheran Church called the Gnadauer Verband.2 As a Pentecostal leader he participated in the first translation of the New Testament into contemporary German. Gerrit R. Polman

1  Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, (Wilmore, Ken.: Francis Asbury Press, 1987 and Walter J., Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, (London: SCM Press, 1972), p. 176f. on Revivals in Great Britain. Various Lutheran and free church revival movements were significant in Germany as well as Scandinavia, e.g. Jouko Ruohomäki, The Call of Charisma: Charismatic Phenomena during the 18th and 19th Centuries in Finland in Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, vol. XIX, no. 1, 2009, 26–41. 2  Ernst Giese, Jonathan Paul. Ein Knecht Jesu Christi, (Altdorf:, Missionsbuchhandlung und Verlag, 1965).

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(1868–1932), a Salvationist with an ecumenical heart, was the first leader of the Pentecostal revival in the Netherlands.3 One of the Pentecostal denominations in Switzerland, had a retired Lutheran pastor, Christoph Drollinger (1861–1943), and a minister with Reformed credentials, Robert Willenegger (1912–1975), that joined the renewal and were initial leaders of that church.4 In France, it was Louis Dallière (1897–1976), a pastor of the French Reformed Church, who was instrumental in spreading charismatic spirituality in France. In his writings he based the experience of Spirit Baptism firmly within the context of the Bible. At the same time he maintained an ecumenical vision of the blessing of Pentecost.5 On the other side there was a common spiritual experience that made these people the first leaders of the European Pentecostal movement. Although they had diverse theological upbringings, practices and convictions, they had a deep yearning in common that was born out of revivalist and holiness traditions of the 19th century. Furthermore, these pastors owned a spiritual experience that they attributed to a direct response to their fervent prayers, an infilling by the Holy Spirit.6 In this way the historical context enabled European Pentecostalism to develop within a plurality of theological emphases. It was truly a sign of Reformed theology, the church in constant reform, ecclesia semper reformanda. In a real sense it was a marriage of intellect and heart. With this in mind we can now look at specific theological issues. Theological Issues A helpful way to relate Pentecostal theology to Protestant thought in Europe is to reflect on the fundamentals of the Reformation, the 3  Cornelis van der Laan, Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman and the Birth of Pentecostalism in the Netherlands, Studies in Evangelicalism 11, (London: Scarecrow Press, 1991). 4   Then “Gemeinde für Urchristentum” now called “BewegungPlus” cf. Andreas Rossel et al. Erinnerungen and die Zukunft. Das Buch zum 80. Geburtstag der BewegungPlus, (Bern: Berchtold Haller Verlag, 2007). 5   For initial information on various Pentecostal leaders and their theological backgrounds see: Stanley M. Burgess and Eduard M. van der Maas eds. The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, Zondervan, Grand Rapids, Mich, 2003 and Walter J. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide, (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1997), pp. 335–349. 6   This common spiritual experience would again be instrumental during the rise of the Charismatic movement and then again when Pentecostalism became a global movement, including many independent and non-western instituted churches.


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theological pillars of Protestant thought and practice, subsumed under the five solas: sola scriptura, sola fide, sola gratia, solus Christus and soli Deo gloria.7 By looking at each thesis we can enter into dialogue between the Reformed and Pentecostal theological traditions. Sola scriptura The doctrine teaches that the Bible is the sole authority in matters of Christian faith, life and devotion. The leaders of the Reformation, who had struggled with medieval traditions and scholastic theology rediscovered in the Scriptures a fresh foundation. They believed that God is communicating his being and will to humankind through the Bible. Hence the Word of God would be the sole foundation and highest authority from which the believer and the church would be able to draw wisdom, guidance and comfort for life, now and hereafter. Pentecostals are happy to bank on this fundamental assertion, emphasizing the trustworthiness, inspiration and infallibility of the Bible.8 However, the parallels between Reformed and Pentecostal approaches to the Scriptures go further. For one, the call by the Reformers for the priesthood of all believers meant that every Christian is entitled to read the Bible and interpret it to the best of his or her ability. This premise has been instrumental in the spread of Pentecostal churches worldwide. Like their Methodist forerunners, this meant that the Bible could be shared in small groups, and church meetings could be held even if ordained clergy were absent. The focus is on the Bible as a personal means for receiving clarity and direction in the life of faith. Pentecostals, like the Reformers, would argue that the Scriptures were sufficiently clear for that purpose and would read the Bible mostly in a literal sense.9 This brings us to another point, namely the interpretation of Scriptures. Here it is helpful to realize that Luther, Zwingli and Calvin had different

7  Scriptures alone, faith alone, grace alone, Christ alone and only to God be the glory. The reformers all agreed on this, even though the emphases given varied. 8   The definition of infallibility is under discussion, for instance, does infallibility relate to faith and conduct alone? Is the issue of inerrancy part of it? If so, what is meant by inerrancy? 9  Recently, Keith Warrington has written on the Pentecostal understanding of the Bible in: Pentecostal Theology. A Theology of Encounter, (T & T Clark, London, 2008), pp. 180–205.

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educational backgrounds and insights in terms of how the Bible should be understood. Whereas for Luther it was clear that the whole Bible needed to be interpreted with a Christological outlook, Zwingli was more of a Christian humanist, concerned about reading the whole Bible in the original languages for the practical benefit of the community, and Calvin was willing to read the Old and New Testament in a far more contextual way. The interpretation of the Bible needed the inner witness of the Holy Spirit. Calvin’s great respect for the sciences lead him to appreciate the Bible as a religious book, telling about God’s progressive revelation to his people.10 Issues of verbal inspiration and inerrancy were not issues of the Reformation but were introduced during modernity. It may surprise Pentecostals that the inerrancy debate was mainly an outgrowth of late 19th and early 20th century conservative North American Protestantism and Evangelicalism. Some German Pentecostals were satisfied to confess in 1963 and then again in a new edition in 1980, that the Bible is wholly God’s Word (Old and New Testament), that the Holy Spirit is the sole true interpreter of the Scriptures, and that the trustworthiness of the Bible is evident in view of the power that it has to transform lives.11 European Pentecostals were initially much more open to a spiritual interpretation and metaphorical understanding of the scriptural passages, when meaning was not obvious in a literal reading. The fact that the Pentecostal Mülheim Association in Germany was the first group to publish a New Testament in modern German as early as 1914 shows that early Pentecostals were not afraid to transpose the Biblical message into a contemporary context.12 They took the Bible at face-value, but they were certainly not literalists. European Pentecostals, more so than their North American siblings, were assuming a certain freedom in the Spirit in interpreting the Word of God. In good Protestant fashion the inspiration of the Holy Spirit was necessary to illuminate what God wanted to say to the believers through the words of the Bible. Without the Spirit the word would remain dead letter. 10   Karen Armstrong, The Bible. A Biography, (New York: Grove Press, 2007), pp.155–182. 11  Christian Krust, Was wir glauben lehren und bekennen, 2edn. (Altdorf: Missionsbuchhandlung und Verlag, 1980), p.117f. 12   Das Neue Testament in der Sprache der Gegenwart, Christliche Kolportage GmbH, 1914, newly published in 1986 by Mülheimer Verband Freikirchlicher-Evangelischer Gemeinden.


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There is another important dimension that illustrates a Pentecostal understanding of Scripture. Taking Scriptures at face-value has repercussions with regard to their understanding of what they believe an apostolic church to be. Foundational to Pentecostals are ‘Restorationist’ convictions in view of the eschatological emphasis in Acts 3. There we read about the restoration that God had announced so long ago to the prophets has now been set in motion with the coming of Jesus Christ. Early Pentecostals were convinced that God was ushering in a new revival, a New Pentecost in order to restore the church before the second coming of Christ. As a result, many believed that practices of the early church as well as leadership models similar to those of the apostolic times of the New Testament would have to be restored. One practical outcome was that some Pentecostals felt that the apostles were baptizing only ‘in Jesus’ Name’ and not in the Trinitarian formula (cf. Acts 2:38, 10:48 Acts 19:5 as opposed to Mt. 28:19). These have since commonly been referred to as ‘Oneness Pentecostals’. Another consequence of an emphasis on an apostolic role model was the expectation of signs and wonders, especially if they were administered with apostolic authority. This notion that the church could again experience the power of the apostolic church had generally been dismissed among Christians of the Reformation as no longer necessary since the biblical canon was closed. It was an argument put forward by Augustine at the beginning of the fifth century that the Reformation now used in reaction to the claim of the Roman Catholic Church that the foundation of its authority was due, not only to Scriptures but also to apostolic succession. Among Pentecostals, passages like Ephesians 4:11 and 1 Cor. 12:28 received new attention especially with regard to the offices of apostles and prophets. In obedience to the Scriptures, some of them believed, such offices had to be reintroduced. This restorationist impulse has come to Pentecostals in waves, first during its beginnings echoing sentiments generally popular in the world of evangelical Christianity at the time,13 then by the Latter Rain ­movement since the late 1940s, and more recently by the so-called New Apostolic  As an illustration see for instance the connection between the 19th century Catholic Apostolic Church in England and the origins and struggles of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain in the 20th century; James E. Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain – with a Breviate of ist Early Missionary Endeavours, (Wellington: Julian Literature Trust, 1991), pp.73–89, 310. 13

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Reformation, a movement that has emphasized the ministry of apostles as overseers, vested with authority and spiritual power for leadership; and of prophets claiming concrete, often personal direction from God for the benefit of individual believers.14 It is important to understand, however, that there are three major ecclesial streams among Pentecostal denominations. First, the majority follows a Presby­terian/ Congregational setup.15 Secondly, there are those churches, coming mostly from a Holiness background, that have adopted an Episcopal structure, but which, for all practical purposes, do not make big distinctions in ministerial functions. Then there are groups that have incorporated a significant emphasis on apostolic authority and prophetic ministry. Pentecostals with apostolic convictions are faced with a triple challenge. First, they have to come to terms with their appreciation of Scripture as the Word of God and the Reformation principle that no independent revelation is necessary. Is the prophetic ministry more than the timely proclamation of Scriptures? Secondly, in what way would apostolic authority be beneficial other than as a tool of ecclesial control? Thirdly and more generally, Pentecostals are challenged to develop their ecclesiology; how the structural ministry of the church in Ephesians 4 can be applied today and how the conviction of the common priesthood of all believers is to be upheld.16 Finally, Pentecostals may be more Reformed than they realize. Martin Luther, because of his Christological reading of the Bible, has often been accused of producing a canon within a canon, favouring the  books that related more directly to the work of Christ to the neglect of other biblical writings. Pentecostals, similarly, could be charged that they prefer quoting Luke/Acts and certain Pauline letters rather than other New Testament texts when it comes to explaining their pneumatology.

14  A strong apostolic emphasis among Neo-Pentecostals is especially present in Africa and Latin America where many regional leaders adorn themselves with the title of apostle. Since the late 1990s some independent churches in the USA have begun to build up networks involving apostles and prophets under the leadership of C. Peter Wagner and others. Their impact on European churches, however, is limited. 15   It is remarkable that the desire to be scriptural has led some Pentecostals to go the other way and eschew any form of denominational structure as is illustrated by Bertil Carlson thesis, Organizations and Decision procedures within the Swedish Pentecostal movements, published by the author, Mariefred, 1974, 131 pages. 16  See below the discussion on the common priesthood of believers in the section Solus Christus.


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More importantly, it should be affirmed that Pentecostals have always been keen to test their pneumatological experiences and convictions against the teachings of the Bible. European Pentecostals were constantly challenged, mostly by Lutherans, to check their enthusiasm or their Schwarmgeist, against the Scriptures. Perhaps due to the fact that many early European Pentecostal leaders came from established churches of the Reformed tradition, they could sincerely agree with John Wesley, when he maintained, ‘In all cases, the Church is to be judged by the Scripture, not the Scripture by the Church. And Scripture is the best expounder of Scripture’.17 Sola fide Martin Luther once claimed that the church stands or falls on the issue of justification by faith.18 A person could not be received by God by means of good works or by ecclesially administered graces, but only through faith in the redeeming work of Jesus Christ. Early European Pentecostals (ca. 1907–1920) were all influenced by modern revivalism and the Holiness movement. Thus they shared the conviction that only faith would lead a person to Christ, and they would have emphasized the need for redemption due to everyone’s sinful nature and the lostness of the human race. However, because of their Methodist leanings they would have felt uncomfortable by just stating that justification by faith was a unilateral action of God’s grace. They preferred to see justification by faith as a synergy between a person’s willingness to repent from sin and God’s sovereign grace accepting this move due to the work of Jesus Christ. On one hand Pentecostals can wholeheartedly agree with statements like Ephesians 2:8f. ‘For by grace you have been saved through faith, and this is not your own doing; it is the gift of God – not the result of works, so that no one may boast.’ Being saved through faith means trusting God, it is not to be confused with self-confidence for the decision one has made to follow Jesus Christ. At the same time they understand faith as a continuing development in the believer’s life, a process whose goal is sanctification, so they would also quote Philippians 2;12ff: ‘work out

17   John Wesley, Popery Calmly Considered (1779) in The Works of Rev. John Wesley, Vol. VX, 180, London (1812) digitalized by Google Books. 18   In XV Psalmos graduum 1532–33; WA 40/III.352.3

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your own salvation with fear and trembling, for it is God who is at work in you, enabling you both to will and to work for his good pleasure.’ In both cases, God is at work. Whereas the Calvinist doctrine of predestination has not been a real issue among European Pentecostals, the nature and extent of sanctification has been a cause of much debate. Was sanctification a crisis experience, a second work of grace, or was it more like a process through the believer’s life?19 It was American revivalism in the mid 19th century that popularized the notion of sanctification as a second definite work of grace, which later would also be called “the baptism of the Holy Spirit”. This “higher life” view was not uncommon among conservative Christian circles at the beginning to the 20th century.20 Jonathan Paul, for instance, tried to uphold the idea that perfect sanctification in Christ was not just desirable but in fact possible. But, this perfectionist teaching created so much upheaval among Pentecostal and Lutheran churches that he publicly withdrew from this position in 1919 and terminated the publication of the periodical Heiligung (Sanctification).21 Today, most European Pentecostals understand sanctification as a process by which the believer experiences transformation and a growing commitment to Christ, the church and the world. Recently the term sanctification has lost some of its appeal in favour of more contemporary notions like integrity, character, attitude, spirituality and ethical commitment.22 Sola gratia The third pillar of the Reformation proclaims that one is saved by God’s grace alone. As indicated in the passage above, Pentecostals clearly subscribe to this doctrine. Salvation is God’s gracious gift, the sinner is in no 19  Apparently John Wesley was quite ambiguous about the crisis/process understanding of sanctification for much of his life. Cf. Donald Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, 48. 20   People as diverse as Dwight L. Moody, William Booth and A.B. Simpson were drawn to emphasize sanctification in their theological understanding. Their writings had a powerful influence on conservative Christians in Europe. A much more radical point in case would be the ministry of Johan Oscar Smith (1871–1943) a former Methodist and founder of what is sometimes referred to as either The Brunstad Christian Church, or The Christian Church, or Smith’s Friends, or the Norwegian Movement, with a heavy emphasis on sanctification and perfection. 21  Ernst Giese, Jonathan Paul, 217–226. 22  On salvation, spirituality and ethics see Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology, (London/New York: T & T Clark, 2008), pp.34–40 and 206–245.


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way able to receive a new life in Christ based on any human merits. Maybe the best way to illustrate the affinity in the understanding of grace between adherents of the Protestant tradition and Pentecostals is John Newton’s hymn “Amazing Grace”. To both this confession of faith is deeply meaningful and that is all the more illuminating if one understands John Newton’s theological background. A slave ship captain in his early life, he became an Anglican minister after his conversion, influenced by Calvinism and Methodism alike.23 Now just as one may prefer to hear a rendition of that great hymn by, let’s say, the operatic pop vocal group “Il Divo”, others may be more inclined to listen to this song in a performance by Afro-American singer Yolanda Adams. Similarly, one notices different emphases in the appreciation of grace by the different schools of thought. First, whereas Reformed Christians would uphold that God acts alone to save humanity and apply this notion generally, Pentecostals focus in their testimonies and sermons on God’s grace with regard to the moment of conversion specifically. Many tell the story how God saved them from their meaningless, sinful or wretched life. The emphasis is on God’s graceful forgiveness in Jesus Christ and on the acceptance of God’s invitation. Here Pentecostals follow the Arminian/Methodist view that one is saved by God’s grace, but the sinner has to come to God in faith and receive the gift of forgiveness and eternal life.24 The theoretical understanding is identical with what one finds in Evangelicalism. On the practical side the understanding of grace is very much what Martin Luther proclaimed, namely that grace is the removal of the barrier that separates God and sinful man.25 Secondly, Pentecostals focus again on God’s grace in view of the final judgment. God in his sovereignty will exercise his grace as he wishes. Whereas the Reformation teaching emphasizes the unconditional grace of God, active in the here and now, Pentecostals seem to teach less about living by God’s grace when things go wrong; rather they focus on the possibility for everyone to come back to God with a contrite heart, 23   For a short introduction to John H. Newton see: John_Newton, and D. Bruce Hindmarsh, John Newton and the English Evangelical Tradition, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2005). 24   The acceptance of that invitation is in Methodist terms, only possible because of God’s prevenient grace that enables human to react to God’s call to salvation. Thus, the sinners’ decision to turn to God is not his or her own merit. 25  A. van Harvey, A Handbook of Theological Terms, (London: Samuel Bagster & Sos LTD, 1964, 1976), fn 25 p296.

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so that one’s sins may be forgiven and full communion with God is restored, and thus enabling the believers to be followers of Christ by the power of the Holy Spirit. The emphasis is evangelistic: concentrating on conversion, on metanoia, a change of mind. But these are nuances, for both Reformed and Pentecostal theologians emphasize the need for sanctifying grace. Such grace is not an infused quality, like in classical Roman Catholic teaching, but rather the gift of the Holy Spirit cleansing, renewing and fortifying the life of the believer.26 The Reformed emphasis that grace is an attribute of God (and not a supernatural essence that can be stored in a treasury and dispensed with) has two significant consequences. First, grace can be appreciated as the very presence of God. Where God is, there is grace. Secondly, grace, as presence, is relevant to the significance of the sacraments.27 Early European Pentecostal leaders, because they mostly came from historic churches, carried over their respective sacramental understanding. So for instance, the Anglican Alexander A. Boddy and the Lutheran Jonathan Paul maintained that children’s baptism is an option.28 In their choice of words, many of these early leaders used the vocabulary they grew up with, thus they spoke about sacraments and about Holy Com­ munion. The Apostolic Faith Church of Wales devoted, in their fundamental doctrines, a section called “The Sacraments”, explaining the sacred nature of the Lord’s Supper and baptism.29 Although the language used is Anglican, the explanation of the Lord’s Supper is along Zwinglian lines and baptism is for those who already believe. Similarly, the Mülheim Association carefully explains the sacraments in a quasi Lutheran fashion. With regard to believers baptism, their statement on fundamental beliefs discusses whether children could be baptized, and then leaves it open to God’s guidance and the conscience of those involved. The Lord’s Supper is described as a mystery that is celebrated in faith and not as a confessional exercise or as a mere act of remembrance.30 26  On sanctification see “Holiness in the Eyes of Pentecostals and Charismatics through the Twentieth Century” in William K. Kay and Anne Dyer eds, Pentecostal and Charismatic Issues, (London: SCM Press, 2004), pp. 127–143. 27   Many Pentecostals prefer to speak about ordinances when referring to baptism and communion. However, their expectations involved in these celebrations reveal some form of sacramental understanding (see below). 28  Concerning Alexander A. Boddy see: James E. Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain, As far as Jonathan Paul is concerned see: Ernst Giese, Jonathan Paul, pp. 31f. 29   James E. Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain, pp. 98f. 30  Christian Krust, Was wir glauben lehren und bekennen, pp. 135–141


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In all fairness to other Pentecostal groups it must be mentioned that tensions did arise between those Pentecostals that followed a “high church” tradition and those who were theologically more at home with representatives of the “radical” Reformation and North American Pentecostalism. But the point is that an engagement in theological discussion is possible precisely because the developments of Pentecostalism in Europe, and for that matter in many parts of the globe, have prepared the ground for a theological dialogue between different representatives of Pentecostalism and other Christian denominations. The understanding of the Lord’s Supper is a point in case. In recent discussions between Pentecostals and Lutherans31, the question of Christ’s presence at the Eucharist was discussed. If God’s grace is understood as his presence in the life of the faithful, then it is easy to attribute a sacramental quality to the celebration of communion. Pentecostals, when they meet at the Table, do expect their Lord to be present in a very real way, sharing the benefits of his death and resurrection for the good of his people. Pentecostals have underscored this conviction on many occasions professing they believed that Jesus died and made atonement also for spiritual and physical afflictions and that healing could be received during the partaking of bread and wine. There is for Pentecostals a physical dimension to Christ’s presence, not just a memorial one. Finally, the legacy of sola gratia challenges Pentecostals pneumatologically, namely to reflect on their understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit and dig further into the rich treasure troves of the Bible and theology, in Eastern as well as Western traditions. Solus Christus The Reformers, in strong opposition to the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church at that time, were emphatic that salvation was not to be found in the Church as an institution, but that it would rest in Jesus Christ alone. He is the only mediator between God and man. He is the Good News to us, it is the Word of Christ that we hear that generates faith, he is our Lord whom we confess. (Romans 10:8–17). He is the author and perfecter of our faith (Heb 12:2). 31  Conversations between representatives of various Pentecostal churches and delegates of the Lutheran World Federation: “How Do We Encounter Christ in the Sacraments/Ordinances?” The meeting was held at California Lutheran University in Thousand Oaks, California, in January 2008.

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People unacquainted with Pentecostal beliefs and practice sometimes claim Pentecostals are those who do everything with the Holy Spirit. In fact, the solus Christus, applies very much to Pentecostal proclamation and worship. Little needs to be added with regard to Christ-centred evangelistic preaching. The fact many Pentecostal preachers have a charismatic appeal sometimes even a penchant for showmanship may distract the attention of the people to the personality of the minister, nevertheless, the message proclaimed is focussed on Christ. Moreover, any reflection on the fruit of the Spirit (Gal. 6:22–26) is related to the believer who belongs to Jesus Christ and has crucified his sinful nature. Any teaching on the gifts of the Spirit (mainly 1 Cor 12–14 and Romans 12) is related to living in the body of Christ. There are different kinds of services but, but they pertain to the same Lord. Pentecostal worship is very Christ-focused as well. Many of the hymns and songs are about Jesus. Titles like ‘On the Cross’ ‘Worthy is the Lamb’ ‘Christ, he is the Saviour’, ‘Celebrate Jesus’, ‘Jesus lives’ abound. To that, one could add classics like ‘What a friend we have in Jesus’. In a Swiss collection of worship songs of a Pentecostal church there was a total of 355 hymns of which about 70 had Jesus, Christ, Redeemer, Lamb or King in their title.32 Needless to say, many more hymns and songs have a Christocentric message, even if the title does not reveal it. The strong emphasis on Jesus has led some Pentecostals to speak so much about their Lord, to the detriment of a more consistent Trinitarian understanding of God. Nevertheless, Pentecostal worship can be described as expressed to God, in the name of Christ and through the power of the Holy Spirit. Another important Christological element in Pentecostal worship is the emphasis on divine healing. Whereas John Calvin regarded any supernatural manifestation of the Holy Spirit as a bonus only given to the earliest church,33 Zwingli and Luther had a more differentiated understanding of healing. Zwingli had personally experienced recovery from the plague in 1519 and considered this to be a divine sign of God’s providence and an encouragement to continue his ministry.34 Luther, 32  Online collection of songs in German of Christliches Zentrum Buchegg, Zurich. ( restricted access area). 33  So for instance in his discussion on the false understanding of the five sacraments in J. Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion, Book 4, Chapter 19, Section 8. 34   The ‘Pestlied’ was written in response to that healing experience cf. http://www, accessed Dec.1, 2009.


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although not very enthusiastic about the value of the sacrament of anointing, saw the possibility of healing clearly in the context of Christ’s salvific work on the cross. In his sermon on the healing of a paralytic in Mt. 9:1–8 he argued that any good physician would first treat the root of the problem, which Jesus proclaimed to be the presence of sin in the life of the human being. Once Christ had healed the ailment of the soul, then he took care of the illness of the body.35 In a sermon on the healing of a deaf man in Mark 7:31–37 Luther argued that God is a God of life, therefore giving people good health. When disease or a disability manifests itself, it is but the devil’s attacks, for he takes no pleasure in the good gifts of God. Similarly, Pentecostals have developed a theology of healing based on the atonement of Christ on the cross, often quoting Isaiah 53:3–5 in that context, emphasizing that Jesus died for our sins as well as for our infirmities. They proclaim Jesus as the Healer; the Lord who cares and loves to provide restoration and wholeness to those who respond to God’s call. Divine healing through and in Jesus Christ has become one of the hallmarks of Pentecostalism around the world and is often contrasted with the mischievous attacks of the devil.36 Another consequence of the Reformation emphasis on ‘Christ alone’ has lead to a strong awareness of the common priesthood of all believers. There was no longer a need of ordained priests to dispense the sacraments or hear confession. For Luther, Zwingli and Calvin all Christians were entitled to serve if a minister was not available to officiate. In the more radical wing of the Reformation there was not even a need for theologically trained ministers to expound the Bible. Anabaptists, Pietistic circles, the Moravians and Methodists, revivalist and holiness folks were regularly meeting in the name of Christ in order to explain the Scriptures to each other. As a direct result, Pentecostals have from the beginning met in small groups to study the Bible, to pray and ­minister to each other in Jesus’ name. The promise, that the Lord would be with them if two or three would be gathered in Jesus’ name (Mt. 18:19), was enough to give those Christians the authority to minister. Recently, a French sociologist has argued that the Pentecostals have been more radical in carrying out the Reformation by even dispensing at times with 35   Dr. Martin Luther’s Werke. In einer das Bedürfnis der Zeit berücksichtigenden Auswahl, 2nd ed. vol.7, page 67f. Friedich Pethers, Hamburg, 1828. 36   For more on divine healing from a Pentecostal perspective see for instance, Donald Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, pp.115–141, William K. Kay and Anne Dyer eds, Pentecostal and Charismatic Issues, pp.47–83, Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology, pp.265–308, or Christian Krust, Was wir glauben lehren und bekennen, pp.147–149.

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traditional congregational structures and bringing the understanding of church to its democratic extreme, at the same time reintroducing ecclesial structures by merging the believers’ individual spiritual itineraries with an institutional framework that allows for the development of their faith and their place in society.37 In other words, Pentecostals can be ecclesial iconoclasts, because they deem ‘Christ to be sufficient’. However, as indicated above, classical European Pentecostals have adopted ecclesial structures largely along presbyterian and congregational lines. The emancipation of the believer has had another remarkable consequence in European Pentecostalism, namely the valuation of the role of women. It may have started with women like Catherine Price, Mary Boddy and Wilhelmine Polman leading small meetings, but it developed to more substantial leadership through charismatic gifting. For the promise in Acts 2:17ff was taken at face value, “Your daughters will prophesy”. Many Pentecostal women in the early days of the movement were respected for their spiritual ministries.38 Margaret Cantel led a Pentecostal assembly at Upper Street in Islington in London and later a missionary guest house at Highbury. Eleanor Crisp was an important figure in the Pentecostal Missionary Union. Two Norwegian women brought the Pentecostal revival to Germany and Switzerland. Anna Larson Biörner was instrumental to the beginning of Pentecostalism in Denmark. Many early Pentecostal leaders in North America were women. The role of women in the church developed from charismatic ministry, to missionary engagement and Sunday school teaching to evangelism and  pastoring. Most European Pentecostal denominations today have women in pastoral ministry, although their number is now relatively small. Soli Deo gloria When one hears the expression ‘soli Deo gloria’ one may be reminded of Sir John Eliot Gardiner’s record label or of the many cantatas and other musical manuscripts that the composers Johann Sebastian Bach and 37  Yannick Fer, Pentecôtisme en Polynésie française. L’Evangile relationnel, Labor et Fides, 2005. 38   cf. Diana Chapman The Role of Women in Early Pentecostalism 1907 – 1914 in JEPTA, XXVIII, No.2, p. 131–144 and Carl Simpson, Jonathan Paul and The German Pentecostal Movement – The First Seven Years, 1907 – 1914 in JEPTA, XXXVIII, 2, p. 177. Also on women elders: Kay and Dyer eds. Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies, 259ff.


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George Frederic Handel used to initial with that phrase. Of course, the Reformation postulated this not very well known but important teaching with a reason. Since salvation was only by the grace of God, through the redeeming work of Jesus Christ and brought to us by the power of the Holy Spirit, any glory that was ascribed to human beings such as to saints or high church dignitaries was inappropriate and considered to be an insult to God. Ascribing honour to men would only lead to pride and self-deception. In the end any human glory is idolatry and all glory belongs to God alone. “For from him and through him and to him are all things. To him be the glory forever! Amen” (Rom 11:36). How do European Pentecostals respond to this? On one hand, they have, especially in countries where Catholics or Orthodox believers constitute a majority, a strong aversion against magnificent cathedrals, glorious icons and the veneration of saints. In recent times, as Pentecostals became more visible, they have taken pride in larger church buildings, lavish television broadcasts and vibrant personalities preaching on stage, as if their success and prosperity was, not only a sign of blessing, but also of achievement, respectability and power. So from this point of view the Reformed ‘soli Deo gloria’ is like a prophetic word against mistaking the means for the end – it is a call to humility. On the other hand, Pentecostals are making a statement on behalf of God’s glory. Their practice of giving plenty of time to praise and worship in song and prayer during their church services, is an expression that God is sovereign and worthy of all praise. Furthermore, Christians from historic churches have been drawn to the fact that Pentecostals could spend a large amount of time praising God simply for who he is, without attaching petitions or qualifiers. The charismatic gift of praying to God in other languages further emphasizes this fact. One does not know what one speaks in the Spirit, but it is done to God. Speaking in tongues, as a private prayer to God, finds its biblical context in 1 Corinthians 14:2,14ff. and in Romans 8:26f. Praising God is a fundamentally Pentecostal thing to do, for on the day of Pentecost the Jews in Jerusalem were hearing those upon whom the Spirit of God had descended declaring the wonderful works of God (Acts 2:11). Conclusion The retrospection to the early European Pentecostal movement has shown that its leaders came from various churches of the Reformed tradition. Moreover, they were skilled, often had a thorough theological

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training as well as a spiritual formation. In the context of the present discussion it is important to note that any theological discussion or ecumenical conversation will benefit from a historical awareness of the roots of European Pentecostalism. A look at the theological pillars of the Reformation has shown that Pentecostals feel comfortable in the context of the Protestant expression of Christianity. The closeness to Methodism allows also some affinity that one could call catholic.39 In either case a dialogue with the historic churches is warranted and should not be shunned. Reflection on the five solas challenges Pentecostals in the following areas The Pentecostal Bible-centeredness is one of its strengths. This is true in terms of the challenge to ward off non-scriptural religious enthusiasm. The fact, that Pentecostals are acquainted with interpreting testimonial narratives, visions and prophecies40 should also give them an edge on reading the Bible with a sensibility for religious speech, especially when a literal reading does not satisfy and does not focus on the main intent of the text. Here the 16th century Reformers were more flexible than many 20th century Evangelicals. That faith is the central issue between a person and God is fundamental in both, the churches of the Reformation and Pentecostals. The focus on conversion, the indwelling of the Holy Spirit and in concrete matters such as divine healing, challenge Pentecostals to live with an attitude of faith that goes beyond intellectual assent to principles of faith. On the other side, they are well advised to be sensitive not to interpret failures as simply being a lack of faith. Not having enough faith can easily be an expression in terms of merit and human achievement. Not God’s grace, but man’s spiritual achievement would then be the issue. The gift of God’s grace will always be an awesome mystery that is humbly acknowledged. Pentecostals may want to pay more attention to God’s grace in the ordinary life of Christians and not restrict it to matters of salvation. Appreciating God’s grace in the here and now also leads

39  Walter J. Hollenweger has written extensively about the Catholic roots of Pentecostal spirituality in his book Pentecostalism, 144–180. See also a Catholic comment by John L. Allen Jr. on the ecumenical role of Pentecostals in: National_Catholic_Reporter.pdf 40  Cf. Jean-Daniel Plüss, Therapeutic and Prophetic Narratives in Worship. A Hermeneutic Study of Testimonies and Visions. Their potential Significance for Christian Worship and Secular Society, (Bern: Peter Lang, 1988).


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to a much needed ministry of encouragement and confidence that the ‘yeast of the Kingdom’ is doing its own work (Mt. 13:33). Reformed Christians, on the other side, may be invited to appreciate God’s presence through the work of the Holy Spirit in a more concrete way, for instance in charismatic worship. Both Pentecostal and Reformed Christians may be tempted to interpret solus Christus in old polemic terms. Both traditions are invited to discover expressions of the solus Christus also in the Roman Catholic and Orthodox traditions. Finally, Christian faith falls or stands with its vision of God. Especially ministers, educators and church workers are tempted to be victims of a preoccupation with themselves. But it is God alone who is worthy of all honour, glory and praise. Christians should never forget whose Spirit lives in them. Bibliography Armstrong, Karen, The Bible. A Biography, (New York: Grove Press, 2007). Carlson Bertil Organizations and Decision procedures within the Swedish Pentecostal movements, (self-published Mariefred, 1974). Chapman, Diana, The Role of Women in Early Pentecostalism 1907 – 1914 in JEPTA, XXVIII, No.2, p. 131–144 Dayton, Donald W. Theological Roots of Pentecostalism, (Wilmore, Ken.: Francis Asbury Press, 1987) Dyer, A, E., ‘Holiness in the Eyes of Pentecostals and Charismatics through the Twentieth Century’ in William K. Kay and Anne E. Dyer eds, Pentecostal and Charismatic Issues, (London: SCM Press, 2004), pp.127–143. Fer, Yannick Pentecôtisme en polynésie française. L’Evanglie relationel (Genève, Labor et Fides, 2005). Giese, Ernst Jonathan Paul. Ein Knecht Jesu Christi, (Altdorf: Missionsbuchhandlung und Verlag, 1965). Harvey, van A., A Handbook of Theological Terms, (London: Samuel Bagster & Sons LTD, 1964, 1976). Hindmarsh, D. Bruce, John Newton and the English Evangelical Tradition, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2005). Hollenweger, Walter J.,The Pentecostals, (London: SCM Press, 1972). Jouko, Ruohomäki, The Call of Charisma: Charismatic Phenomena during the 18th and 19th Centuries in Finland in Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, vol. XIX, no. 1, 2009, pp. 26–41. Krust, Christian, Was wir glauben lehren und bekennen, 2edn. (Altdorf: Missionsbuch­ handlung und Verlag, 1980). Plüss, Jean-Daniel, Therapeutic and Prophetic Narratives in Worship. A Hermeneutic Study of Testimonies and Visions. Their Potential Significance for Christian Worship and Secular Society, (Bern: Peter Lang, 1988). Rossel, Andreas et al. Erinnerungen and die Zukunft. Das Buch zum 80. Geburtstag der BewegungPlus, (Bern: Berchtold Haller Verlag, 2007). Simpson, Carl, Jonathan Paul and The German Pentecostal Movement – The First Seven Years, 1907 – 1914 in JEPTA, XXXVIII, 2, p. 177.

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van der Laan, Cornelis Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman and the Birth of Pentecostalism in the Netherlands, Studies in Evangelicalism 11, (London: Scarecrow Press, 1991). Warrington, Keith, Pentecostal Theology. A Theology of Encounter, (T & T Clark, London, 2008). Wesley, John, Popery Calmly Considered (1779) in The Works of Rev. John Wesley, Vol. VX, 180, London (1812). Worsfold, James E., The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain – with a Breviate of Early Missionary Endeavours, (Wellington: Julian Literature Trust, 1991).

chapter twelve Pentecostal Theology and Catholic Europe William K. Kay, with Kees Slijkerman, Raymond Pfister and Cornelis van der Laan Introduction The Catholic charismatic renewal (CCR) in Europe was influenced by the Catholic charismatic movement worldwide. And the Catholic charismatic movement worldwide was influenced by the larger charismatic movement. In both instances North American trends were important in the early days. What was striking about the Catholic charismatic renewal in United States was its location on a university campus. The original leaders in February 1967 were faculty members at Duquesne University, (Pittsburgh, PA), and the University of Notre Dame, (South Bend, IN). As a result of its setting, Catholic charismatics were well-educated and capable people. Their priests tended to act as theological advisors while lay leaders who worked together on the campus gave the movement cohesion in its early years. All these leaders had been influenced by Vatican II and believed the outpouring the Spirit was the means by which the church as a whole could be renewed in answer to Pope John’s prayer for a new Pentecost. Europe, however, did provide the first recognised senior Catholic cleric of renewal. Cardinal Leon-Joseph Cardinal Suenens (1904–96) came into contact with the Catholic charismatic renewal in 1972 and 1973 during a visit to Notre Dame. He was supportive of it and had already formulated policies that were influential in Vatican II, namely the development of lay charismatic ministries and ecumenical cooperation. The impact of the charismatic movement at parish level was not strong however. One alternative, which was also found in the USA but more developed in France, was the formation of charismatic communities and, in these, lay leaders continued to flourish. Typically, then, the CCR settled into either parish prayer groups or communities, each supported by national committees, news or prayer letters and bolstered by large celebratory meetings.


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The Catholic charismatic renewal is supported country by country through National Service Committees. In 1972, an International Communications Office was set up in the United States. This office moved to Brussels in 1976 (and therefore close to Suenens) and then, in 1981 to Rome where it changed its name in 1993 and became the International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services (ICCRS), an organisation officially recognised by the Vatican. In the sections that follow we offer a snapshot of the Catholic charismatic movement in various countries while trying to provide an indication of each starting date and local circumstances. There is a different context for Catholic charismatic renewal in each country depending upon its history. In some countries Catholicism is much nearer the centre of national identity (as in Belgium) than in others (as in the Netherlands). In each instance similar theological issues arise, as we will see. Individual countries or linguistic areas Latvia The CCR began in 1989 when half a dozen people came together to pray for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit after they had attended a conference in Poland. The group in Riga gradually became the Effata community and in 1993 missionaries from Italy and Mexico came to Riga to evangelise. In 1994 the leader of the community was Normunds Pucis and two years later the spiritual director was Fr Zbignev Stankevitch who had come into the CCR during his time studying in Poland and who became Archbishop of Riga in 2010. In 2001 Effata began to publish books and organise retreats, evangelism and meetings. Later the St Damian community in Riga and the Klints community in Ventspils were also founded. Latvians continue to look to German and Belgian prayer groups and communities for inspiration. Iceland In the summer of 2001 Fr Samuel Galias and Melba Serafico came from the Philippines and prepared the ground for the formation of a charismatic community and prayer group. This was based in the parish of Stella Maris in Reykjavik. The statutes of the community were approved by the Bishop of Reykjavik in 2003. Life in the Spirit seminars were

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organised after August 2001 and continue. The CCR constitutes a small and faithful group working among the country’s 9,000 Icelandic Catholics. East Germany Peter and Traudl Fischer became Christians in 1969 and worked among Catholics and Protestants. They became members of a prayergroup in Freiberg that belonged to the charismatic renewal in the Protestant church and then got in touch with the CCR and founded prayer groups in Heiligenstadt (1976) and Freiberg (1979), and they associated with Fr Michael Kleiner who became part of the East German charismatic scene. In 1976 Fr Norbert Baumert came from West Germany to run an interconfessional conference and the Fischers were included among its leaders. The conference ran on 26 occasions until 2001 and people came from all over Eastern Europe to attend, with numbers reaching up to 1,000 participants. At the end of the 1970s the Fischers organised seminars for priests and pastors in what is now the Czech Republic, and by this means began to have contact with the CCR in Hungary. Prayer groups were founded in Dresden in 1980 and seminars and retreats took place there and a retreat house was founded near Erfurt with discipleship training courses being run after 1988. In 1989 after the reunification of Germany, the eastern and western German conferences of bishops were united. The CCR in both countries also joined together and the eastern charismatics accepted the western structures and their leaders became full members of the German CCR Council. West Germany The first groups began soon after 1970. A prayer group was started in Ludwigshafen at a Franciscan convent and another one in Bonn run by Fr Lothar Janek. A third one was led by Prof Heribert Mühlen in Paderborn. Among those who were influential at this time were Fr Rainer Koltermann SJ (Frankfurt), Fr Christof Wrembek SJ (Berlin), Fr Nor­bert Baumert SJ (Berlin) and Fr Hubertus Tommek SJ (Berlin). They worked on spreading charismatic spirituality while inviting for retreats, giving theological advice and networking. Fr Rainer Koltermann SJ became the chairperson of the first NSC. In other words, the CCR in West Germany was well supported by highly trained clerics.


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Besides Berlin (Jesuits and Mrs. Ursula Kurth) Würzburg was one of the first cities with a larger group run by Fr Barnabas and Fr John Wenning, both members of the ‘Missionaries of Marianhill’. They were accompanied by Luitgard Hubert and Elisabeth Weippert who started a prayer group in the crypt of Marianhill-Church in Würzburg. Fr August Sparrer, who established a prayergroup in Weiden (Oberpfalz) and Fr Benedikt Hilgefort OP worked at the AFJ (Arbeitsstelle für Jugendseel­ sorge), the official youth-department of the German Bishops’ Conference, based in Düsseldorf. Dr Hansmartin Lochner, who did a major job in bringing together all the people in touch with the charismatic experience as well as Fr Eugen Mederlet OFM, was one of the founders of the community at the Craheim-Castle. The West German CCR leaders were effective in organising a series of national conferences, the first of which took place in Würzburg in 1974 attended by 80 people. Gradually the numbers climbed until in 1991 a conference in Augsburg attracted 4,000. Numbers then fell back but continued to have an impact, especially with youth conferences. Austria In 1970–71 the CCR began in Austria via Fr Herbert Schneider SJ who was influenced by contacts with US soldiers in Germany. Two years later in 1972–73 Benedictine Fathers in Upper Austria (Fr Zacherl OSB, Fr Haidinger OSB) and Ernst and Johanna Winter at Eichbuechel near Vienna were also involved and the first prayer group was set up in 1973 in Vienna (F. Valentin, E. Brachetka). In 1974, the Vienna-Speising group (H. and S. Eisenhardt) was started and in 1975 a fast growing prayer group with the Dominicans in Postgasse/Vienna (Ch. Schön­ born, J. Fichtenbauer) also began. 1976 saw the first public Conference at Puchberg near Linz with the theme ‘I am making everything new!’ (Rev. 21:5) and the final homily was given by Cardinal P. Christoph Schoenborn OP. The first meeting of priests with Fr Heribert Mühlen from Paderborn (33 participants) took place in 1977 and later the first National Conference was held in Linz and at this point the NSC was also founded. We can say that the 1970s were the Hallelujah period with joy and enthusiasm and this continued in the 1980s with Life in the Spirit seminars, but there were some tensions because of conservative influences in the CCR, and questions arose about the identity and position of the church and theologically about Spirit baptism. By the end of the 1980s, there were 4,000 in attendance at

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national meetings but, in the 1990s, there was a crisis as the leadership of the NSC shifted from clergy to lay people, and a growing number of ecumenical covenant communities were formed. In the first decade of the 21st century the CCR ran Alpha courses and a gap opened up between newcomers and the older CCR. This was also the time of the start of an Austrian form of a summer conference at Schladming/Styria, a copy of the English ‘Celebrate’ which takes place every second year. CCR becomes a vital part of the so-called Round Table1 (Weg der Versöhnung), as ecumenical leaders gather working for reconciliation between the ‘old’ churches and the newer Free Churches. The Austrian Catholic Church is facing a phase of major changes. It has up to now not developed a vision about how to go ahead with the very high numbers of old priests, the lack of young ones and the falling number of parish priests. There is no tradition and no concept for any kind of evangelization via lay people and leadership by lay people, no tradition of spiritually-based groups except those run by the different ‘movements’ in some places. ‘Movements’ are often called a sign of hope by the Pope but none of them is supported regularly and directly in most of the dioceses in Austria. Romania The CCR in the Romanian-speaking part of Romania, is formed of two communities: Emanuel Community and Magnificat Community and began as a result of a visit by a Mexican Bishop. CCR was approved in 2003 by the Archbishop of Bucharest, Ioan Robu. The people involved in the beginnings of CCR after this approval were Agneza Timpu (in Bucharest, February 2003) and Fr Victor-Emilian Dumitrescu (in Bacau, October 2002). In Transylvania (the Hungarian-speaking part of Romania) the CCR started in the early 1980s in the priests’ seminary. The Transylvanian Service Committee was formed in 2004. By 2010 there were 14 Catholic Charismatic prayer groups and committees. The first public national meeting of CCR, Romanian- and Hungarian-speaking parts together, was in September 2006 in Brasov and 1,500 people participated.

1  Andreas Wieland, Die Rund Tisch Österreich handle/10500/1561/dissertation.pdf?


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Hungary The CCR has several roots as from 1976 onwards prayer groups all over the country spontaneously experienced the new power, the charisms and the consolation of the Holy Spirit and began to reflect on the ­experience they had received. Meetings with evangelical Pentecostal groups took place. They discovered the same experience within the Catholic Church. Some of those involved were priests (Frs Katona István, Forrai Botond OSB and Bocsa József). Moreover, during the communist era there were religious women living underground, whose spirituality was characterized by devotion to the Holy Spirit, e.g. the Society of Sisters of Social Service (founded in Hungary in 1923) and Bible study. Books arriving from German and English-speaking countries were also of great help (e.g. books by Heribert Mühlen and Cardinal Suenens). And then a secret meeting of 30 leaders of bigger rural prayer-groups in an isolated farm (somewhere in the Alföld region) took place in 1985. Starting from that time, about 25 priests who had charismatic experience met monthly. Between 1986 and 1991 several renewed priests had contacts in Medjugore; many renewed people took part in a major charismatic meeting in East Germany with Fr. N. Baumert SJ (in Berlin). For the Hungarian renewal, the visits of Rev Michael Marsch OP and Kim Kollins to Hungary were of great help. Some groups of the renewal were connected with international Charismatic Communities like the Beatitudes and Emmanuel communities. With the help of translations of the Holy Spirit Seminars, the renewal spread quickly. The renewal also started prayer movements (Jericho: three days of fasting with prayer for political freedom). After 1991 and the visit of John Paul II came a call for the new evangelization of Europe. In 1993 there was a National Meeting of the Charismatic Renewal (Margaret Island, 5,000 people). Every year there is a National Meeting and around 3,000-4,000 attend. From this time (1993) the structure of the renewal was beginning to develop. The National Council consists of delegates of the regions. The National Serving Committee was also created. Help came from Poland, from Bishop Dembowsky, who visited every year. During this period, the renewal was able to integrate into the official church at every level. There were visits from Cardinals Paskai and ErdÖ to the big charismatic meetings to celebrate Mass. The members of the renewal have begun to work for the parishes, in prison and pastorally, in hospital visits and for Caritas. In this way the renewal accepted the

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mission of the Church and joined it. Prayer schools, Schools of Evangeli­ zation and Schools of Inner Healing were created. An Evangelization Centre was built by Rev. Forrai Botond OSB in MénfÖcsanak (near Pannonhalma) with the permission of Abbott Várszegi Asztrik OSB. The renewal has several different styles in Hungary, using different styles in music, too. These range from the American to a more meditative style including adoration (like in the Beatitudes Community). Importantly new charismatic communities (e.g. Jerusalem, Emmaus) have been approved by the Bishops’ Conference and are therefore part of the Catholic mainstream. Slovakia The CCR came to Slovakia from Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary. In December 1985 some sisters and brothers met in order to consecrate themselves to the Immaculate Heart of Mary and to renew their baptismal vows. During this meeting they experienced the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. In spite of difficulties caused by the totalitarian regime, the renewal began to spread very rapidly after this experience. In 1986 it was in Middle Slovakia, and 1987–1988 in Eastern Slovakia. The renewal became visible in the church after 1989. This year was a turning point for the church, and a new epoch began. It was an opportunity for many reforms in ecclesiastical life. The church was made more visible and many activities began to be organized legally and publicly. There was an increase of Catholics who became acquainted with the CCR. In many believers the renewal evoked embarrassment but many others experienced real charismatic life, and many remained observers and friends. During the first five years of existence of the renewal, each group worked more or less independently. In 1990 the Association JAS was founded in Zvolen, and the cooperation was wider. The Association JAS, and especially Fr. Václav Kocian, accepted the role of coordinating the renewal in Slovakia. Because of internal and external problems, the Association had many difficulties in playing this role. In addition to JAS, other groups appeared, and they were also interested in cooperation at a diocesan level. But many communities and groups grew independently, some of them disappeared, others established contacts with the renewal in western countries or in the USA. Thus, some new communities appeared in Slovakia, like the Community of Beatitudes, Emmanuel, and the Community of Saint John the Baptist.


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Before the constitution of the Slovak Republic, Slovakians participated in Catholic charismatic conferences in the Czech Republic. At that time the Association JAS organized a big evangelization seminar, which in character and importance was similar to the conferences. There was a well attended seminar with Professor Tomislav Ivancic from Zagreb, held during August 28–30, 1992 in Banská Bystrica. The number of participants who came from Slovakia, Moravia and the Czech Republic, was about 1,200. During the following years, charismatic conferences were organized. By 2009, they had reached the 16th conference. These are organized by the Association JAS and the average number of participants is about 2,000 people. After the visit of Michele Moran in Slovakia in 2003, and based on her advice, the creation of a National Service Committee (NSC) and election of a coordinator occurred. The NSC, has two representatives from all Slovak dioceses and the coordinator is Fr Peter Brodek, and his vicecoordinator, Fr Imrich Degro, both of whom were elected. During the years 2003–2009 there was a process of ‘inner transformation’ in the Catholic charismatic renewal of Slovakia. As is the case in all countries, so in Slovakia the necessary structures have been created, which are important for the functioning of the movement. After six years, a new coordinator was elected in August 2009, Fr Dušan Lukáč, and Mr. Jozef Dupkala as the vice-coordinator. Albania CCR has two groups: the first started in 1993 and comprises around 100 people in Shkodra, a big city, with about 130,000 inhabitants, where 40% are Catholics. Many of them possess charismatic gifts including faith, speaking in tongues, visions, prophecy and healing. But Albania has a very high rate of emigration and so many of these renewed Catholics  have gone abroad. If the total population of Albanians is 4m, 1.5m have left to look for a better life outside the country of their birth. The second group is near the city of Lezha. The group begun in 2008 and now has about 70-80 persons, who gather in the weekly meetings. In terms of its total population only 10% of Albanians are Catholics, principally spread in the mountains, because of early Turkish occupation and the population had no way to survive, except by leaving the cities and going to the mountain regions. Many sought refuge in Italy, Croatia, Greece and Venice.

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Portugal The CCR came into Portugal in 1974 through Fr José da Lapa. The second International Leaders Conference (1975) attracted 16 Portuguese and before their departure from Portugal, they were received by the Cardinal Patriarch of Lisbon. The grace of the CCR spread quickly and soon reached the Dioceses of Leiria-Fatima, Santarem, Coimbra, Braga, Lisbon, Setubal, Porto, Portalegre, Algarve and in October 1975, one of the Auxiliary Bishops of Lisbon, D. Maurilio Gouveia, was designated to take care of the CCR. National conferences were held from 1977 until 1989, the first was in Fatima bringing with it a crowd of about 2,000 and the final Eucharistic Celebration in the Sanctuary of Fatima was presided by D. Maurilio Gouveia. Each years a separate theme was chosen and in 1989 this was ‘Woe to me if I do not evangelize’ (1Cor 9. 16), an indication of the outward looking attitude of the movement. In the last 20 years the CCR has spread to most dioceses of Portugal. Several Charismatic Communities approved by the church, either born in Portugal (Cristo de Betânia) or arriving from other countries (Emmanuel Community, Canção Nova, etc) have sprung up. Every year the National Conference is organized by the National Service Team, in collaboration with Diocesan Teams and Charismatic Communities, and there are also meetings and activities organized by the Charismatic Communities. Rome A regular charismatic prayer group which gave itself the name ‘Lumen Christi’ and drew academics from the Pontifical University and elsewhere ran weekly from at least 1971. The Netherlands2 The CCR in the Netherlands had a modest beginning in the early 1960’s when individual Roman Catholics experienced the Spirit baptism  through contacts with the renewal in other churches. Several

2   The chapter in this book on The Netherlands by prof. dr. Cornelis van der Laan (pentcostal) gives further information about Catholic charismatics. The whole of this paragraph was also written by him.


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small groups for prayer and Bible study started. In 1964 the first Catholic (J.H. Horsthuis) joined the editorial board of the charismatic periodical Vuur. In the 1970’s the CCR started to grow rapidly. Fr. André Beijersbergen became the main evangelist of the renewal. The periodical Bouwen aan de nieuwe aarde (Building the New Earth), that he already edited, became the courier of the new movement. Beijersbergen received help from Ed and Karin Arons, who had been in touch with the renewal in New Zealand. In January 1974 the Charismatic Work Fellowship (CWN) organized a meeting for Roman Catholics and Old Catholics from the Netherlands and Flanders in Breda. Late in 1974 there were 40 Catholic charismatic prayer groups. In Eindhoven a service centre for the CCR was established in 1974 that also functioned as a community. In 1976 the CCR became organized in the foundation ‘Bouwen aan de nieuwe aarde’. In 2001 the name would change to ‘Katholieke Charismatische Vernieuwing’ (Catholic Charismatic Renewal). More communities were established. In the 1980’s the CCR became more and  more accepted and integrated in the official church structures. In 1988 the ‘Episcopal declaration on the Roman-Catholic Charismatic Renewal in the Netherlands’ was issued in which the charismatic renewal was seen as an enrichment and as a source of inspiration. The service centre moved from Eindhoven to Helmond in 1992. The bimonthly Bouwen aan de nieuwe aarde, edited by Kees Slijkerman, is the official organ of the CCR in the Netherlands. On the initiative of the CCR a dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and the Brotherhood of Pentecostal Churches (now VPE) started in 1999 and continues until today. The CCR participates with the CWN in the professorial chair for the Theology of the Charismatic Renewal at the Free University in Amsterdam. As there is no membership it is difficult to speak of numbers of those influenced by the renewal. A few thousand are involved in the more or less organized activities of the CCR. There are 120 charismatic prayer groups and communities spread over the country (this number is in decline compared to 15 years ago). Some prayer groups are especially for Antilleans, others for Indonesians, Africans and Philippines. National activities are the annual Open Days, Holiday Conferences for families and singles and Youth Festivals. Key figure Kees Slijkerman, also the secretary of CCR in Europe, runs a website ( that hosts a vast number of documents supporting the renewal.

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Flemish Belgium The Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR) in Flanders started in the 1970’s. Father Jos Biesbrouck had already received the Spirit baptism through the prayer of David du Plessis at a Full Gospel Business Men meeting in Utrecht, Holland, in May 1965. Gradually Biesbrouck would become one of the initiators of the CCR in Flanders. In December 1971 Biesbrouck started the first charismatic prayer group in Harelbeke. Biesbrouck promoted the CCR further by organizing lectures about the charismatic renewal and by publishing the first charismatic periodical Pinksternieuws (1973) together with Ludo van Galoen from Bruges. Meanwhile, independent of Biesbrouck, more charismatic groups emerged, often through individual contact with the CCR in other countries (USA, Canada and France). Of great importance for the CCR was the contribution of Cardinal Leon-Joseph Suenens, Catholic Primate of Belgium (1961–1979). During a trip through the USA in 1972 Suenens had become personally involved in the CCR. In 1975 he received a commission from Pope Paul VI to see to the integration of the renewal into the heart of the Catholic Church. At Suenens’ invitation the International Catholic Renewal Office was established in Brussels (it has now moved to Rome). Suenens organized theological consultations at Mechelen (Malines) which resulted in a series – Documents of Mechelen. The Jesuit Walter Smet, personally touched by the CCR, published two books on the CCR and started a charismatic prayer group at Antwerp in 1973. As more and more prayer groups emerged, Smet and his fellow Jesuit Paul Vrancken helped to provide a structure by establishing a service center for the CCR in Antwerp in 1977, which publishes the monthly Goed Nieuws, later renamed Jezus Leeft. At present the center is situated in Huize Tabor in Tiersel. Weekly several thousands of believers gather in over 100 charismatic prayer groups, the group attendance varies from 15 to 80. Every diocese has a Diocese Team responsible for to promote unity among the charismatic groups. An interdiocesan team, since 2004 led by Marc Meisman, is responsible for the annual conventions and training courses. Due to the limited size of the Protestant churches in Belgium, the charismatic renewal in these churches is small, especially in Flemish Belgium. In total, we estimate the number of those involved in or influenced by


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the charismatic renewal in one way or another at 25,000, of which two thirds belong to the Catholic renewal. France and French-speaking areas3 The statistics published by Barrett and Johnson in 20024 suggest that the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR) in Europe is extremely ­significant, as it could represent about 85% of Pentecostalism in the francophone countries.5 Its reality has often been ignored or underestimated by most Protestant observers of Christianity in Europe, while it is clearly much stronger than all the Protestant Pentecostal and Charismatic churches put together. The CCR could not have developed within the Roman Catholic Church, without the impact of the Vatican II Council (1962–65) and Pope John XXIII’s call for a ‘new Pentecost’. The date of its French origins may be traced to 1971 when two Catholics among two hundred Protestants attended the first interconfessional Charismatic convention sponsored by the Union de Prière de Charmes, a Charismatic expression within the Reformed Church. In 1973, the pendulum was swinging as ‘Charismatic ecumenism’ reached new peaks: Catholics grew from one third (200 Catholics alongside 400 Protestants in July at La Porte Ouverte), to over half of the participants (in November at Viviers, Ardèche).6 After that, Catholics became dominant, with a movement and momentum of their own,7 as witnessed by the Charis­matic convention at Lyon (1977), with only 100 Protestants and 10,000 Catholics.8 A few years earlier (1967), as Catholic students and professors at Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, experienced a baptism in the Holy Spirit and prayed in tongues, they were initially referred to as ‘Catholic Pentecostal movement’ (or Catholic Neo-Pentecostal   This section about Catholic charismatics was originally written by Raymond Pfister as integral part of his chapter on Pentecostalism in francophone Europe. 4   The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002), s.v. ‘France’, ‘Belgium’, ‘Luxembourg’ and ‘Switzerland’. 5  Altogether 1.4m. 6  Evert Veldhuizen, ‘A Survey of the Charismatic Renewal in Protestant and Evangelical Churches in France 1968–1988’ (paper presented at the Conference on Pentecostal and Charismatic Research in Europe: Experiences of the Spirit, Utrecht, The Netherlands, June 28, 1989) pp. 114–126 7   Thomas J. Csordas, Language, Charisma, and Creativity: The Ritual Life of a Religious Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 25–27. 8  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles: pp. 202. 3

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movement).9 In the second issue of the French Pentecostal periodical Documents ‘Expériences’ (1971) published by the Centre Missionnaire at Carhaix, Brittany (founded in 1966), the front cover was asking the question: ‘What ought one to think… about Pentecostal Catholics?’ Two of the editors, French Pentecostal pastors, Clément Le Cossec and Yvon Charles, were reporting their investigation and visit to the United States and Canada the year before (1970), where they met David du Plessis, Charles ‘Chuck’ Smith (Pastor of Calvary Chapel and leading figure of the Jesus People Movement on the US West Coast), David Wilkerson (Assemblies of God pastor and author of the best-seller The Cross and the Switchblade)10, Kevin Ranaghan (US Catholic leader in the CCR), and Jean-Paul Régimbal (Canadian Catholic priest and leader in the CCR).11 Protestant Pentecostals were caught by surprise and reacted at first with mixed feelings of caution and confidence. As they kept observing developments within the CCR, they shared what they saw as the ‘hopes and limitations of the Charismatic movement’ (cover page of Documents ‘Expériences’, No. 8, 1972). As articulated by Le Cossec in that issue, there was real hope in ‘an ecumenism of the Spirit’ that would lead to the creation of ‘an ecumenical Pentecostal movement’ with new structures between churches with different confessions. But there was also concern that the Charismatic experience might not, as anticipated, promote a return to biblical teaching.12 Protestant Pentecostals became referred to as the ‘classical’ or ‘historical’ expression of Pentecostalism, and they expressed hope that the Holy Spirit would transform Charismatic Catholics into some kind of ‘Protestant’ Catholics who would turn their back on Catholic dogma and tradition. Two important publications followed in 1974: 1) the ‘Theological and Pastoral Orientations on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal’ (prepared at Malines, Belgium),13 and 2) the book A New     9  René Laurentin, Catholic Pentecostalism (London: The Catholic Book Club, 1978), 16–17. 10   First published in French in 1968, by the Belgium Assemblies of God, it soon became a classic of French-speaking Christian literature, widely read by both Protestant and Catholic Charismatics. 11  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles pp.194–95. Cf. Veldhuizen, ‘A Survey of the Charismatic Renewal in Protestant and Evangelical Churches in France 1968–1988’, pp.52–60. 12  Clément Le Cossec, ‘Une indispensable mise au point’ in Document ‘Expériences’ (No. 8, 1972), pp.64–73. 13   The first draft was written by Kilian McDonnell, who also had the responsibility of writing the final text. Among the theological consultants were Yves Congar and René


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Pentecost? (1974),* authored by Cardinal Suenens (1904–1996), were refocusing on the ecclesial context of the renewal. It became clear that the Catholic Church was taking the position of welcoming the ­charismatic work of the Holy Spirit by taking the road of integration, a situation which Protestant Pentecostals and Charismatics interpreted as repossession (‘récupération’). Particularly disturbed by Suenens’ chapter on the Holy Spirit and Mary, Le Cossec and Charles reacted strongly that same year in an issue of Documents ‘Expériences’ entitled ‘Catholic Charismatics at a time for choosing’, in which they respond with a clear ‘Non! Monsieur le Cardinal’.14 Veldhuizen several times uses the expression ‘cri d’alarme’ (outcry) to describe a number of reactions of protest and great disappointment by Protestant Pentecostal and Charismatic leaders. In short, they were ‘blowing the whistle’. From now on, it will become increasingly difficult to deal with differences between Catholic and Protestant theological perspectives. While Catholic Pentecostals are encouraged to see the charismatic structure of the Church in the context of a ‘Catholic theological culture’, Protestant Pentecostals have adopted biblical fundamentalism (adopting dispensational hermeneutics) and a revivalist framework for their theology and praxis. Reformed pastor Georges Appia observes how a promising ecumenical dialogue is being endangered, as severe tensions lead to confessional conflicts, and initial enthusiasm gives way to increasing estrangement.15 It is no secret that the Catholic Charismatic movement is indebted to Protestantism, but it could not merely be an uncritical ‘import from Protestantism’. Catholics had a theology; Pentecostals had none… up until now, except for the parts borrowed from Evangelical fundamentalism. In the light of Church history, Catholic Charismatics were reminded that sources of renewal are found within the Catholic Church16. In 1969, Kevin and Dorothy Ranaghan published a book Catholic

Laurentin (France), as well as Walter Kasper and Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI (Germany). 0236 fr, 0236 UK and 0236 on (French, English and Dutch) 20On%20The%20Catholic%20Cha.pdf (accessed April 2, 2010). *  This whole book is on 14  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles, p.201. 15   Veldhuizen, ‘A Survey of the Charismatic Renewal in Protestant and Evangelical Churches in France 1968–1988’ pp.144–48. 16   Theological and Pastoral Orientations on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, pp.44–45.

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Pentecostals,17 in which they told the story of the renewal movement and articulated its theological implications for Catholic Charismatics. When in 1974, French Catholic theologian René Laurentin wrote his own introduction about the CCR, it was noticeably entitled: Pentecôtisme chez les Catholiques, which would be translated in its English edition by Catholic Pentecostalism (1977). French Protestant Pentecostals – Evangelicals with a difference – continue to major on a pragmatic approach to mission and manifest a distinct lack of interest in theological reflexion and analysis,18 while Catholic Pentecostals’ interest in the life of the Spirit benefits from major Catholic theological contributions in the field of Pneumatology. Years before it became a prominent topic in Roman Catholic theology, French Dominican Yves Congar (1904–1995) wrote a magnum opus I Believe in the Holy Spirit (published in three volumes between 1979 and 1980). More recently, René Laurentin made another significant contribution with This Unknown Holy Spirit: Discovering His Experience and Person (1997).19 By the 1980s, as French Catholic Charismatics were finding their own identity to be national and ecclesial, they needed a new language that would reflect adequately such developments, which they saw as both, different and distinct from Protestantism. Therefore, the designation ‘Pentecostal’ will be peu à peu left to the Protestant Pentecostals, who first introduced the term before taking full ownership of its usage. In due  time, to be ‘Pentecostal’ in francophone Europe would often become synonymous with ‘Assemblies of God’. When adopting a nonreductionist view of Pentecostalism, one can see however that plural forms must be acknowledged beyond the mere use of labels. While all French quasi Pentecostals and Charismatics would agree that the baptism of the Holy Spirit is foundational to the presentday Revival, and examine biblical texts to support their claims, their Catholic counterparts are more likely to pay attention also to the early post-biblical evidence. The research done by Kilian McDonnell and 17   The book Catholic Pentecostals (1969) is translated into French as Le Retour de l’Esprit: Le mouvement pentecôtiste catholique (1972), the Spirit’s Comeback: the Catholic Pentecostal movement. 18  Still today, there is not much evidence of a real quest for a Pentecostal theology among French (Protestant) Pentecostals. 19  Title translated by the author from the original French: L’Esprit Saint, cet inconnu: Découvrir son expérience et sa personne; this book has not yet been published in English.


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George T. Montague on Christian Initiation and Baptism in the Holy Spirit: Evidence from the First Eight Centuries (1991), has also been translated into French (1993).20 By 1974, the spread of the Catholic Charismatic movement in France had already produced a great variety of covenant communities with phenomenal growth, established in (mostly) university towns and ­cities, like Paris, Lyon, Bordeaux, Grenoble, Montpellier, Strasbourg and Cordessur-Ciel (near Albi, Tarn).21 For example, the Emmanuel community (1972) in Paris, with its evangelistic orientation, had grown from five to five hundred within a year, and by 1986 had expanded to six other European countries and four African countries, reaching altogether three thousand members, while the Community of the Beatitudes in Cordes (first named ‘Community of the Lion of Judah and the Sacrificed Lamb’ from 1975 to 1991), was now present on five continents (including nine other European countries), and became particularly renowned for its healing ministry.22 Many of the new communities share a threefold renewed interest in Judaism and Israel, in Greek patristic and Orthodox theology/spirituality, and in an ecumenical vision for unity and reconciliation.23Jeunesse Lumière (Youth Light) is founded in 1984 by Fr. Daniel-Ange as an International Catholic School of Prayer and Evangelism in Europe. Despite a certain reluctance at first by the French episcopacy, the formal canonical recognition of many French Charismatic communities by the Vatican will allow their founders to integrate with the ecclesial hierarchy by becoming either deacons (if married) or priests (if single).24 With well over 1,000 Charismatic prayer groups (1996) in France alone25, CCR has had undeniably a real impact on Catholic parish life, with one third of its priests now belonging to the Charismatic Renewal legacy.26 It is difficult to understand why Veldhuizen concludes in 1989 that ‘the Charismatic Renewal has been of greater benefit to the Protestant 20   Kilian McDonnell and George T. Montague, Baptême dans l’Esprit et initiation chrétienne: Témoignage des huit premiers siècles, (Paris : Desclée de Brouwer, 1993). 21   Monique Hébrard, Les nouveaux disciples dix ans après: Voyage à travers les communautés charismatiques. Réflexions sur le renouveau spirituel. (Paris: Editions Le Centurion, 1987), 245, 283. 22  Hébrard, 71–91. 23  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles pp.15–47. 24  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles pp.255, 458. 25  Annuaire des Groupes de Prières Charismatiques France, 1996, Communauté de la Pierre d’Angle, Neuilly-sur-Seine, France, June 1996. 26  Landron, Les Communautés nouvelles p.461.

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and Evangelical Churches than to the Roman Catholic Church’, considering the fact that – at the time of his research – the Catholic Charismatics kept getting stronger, while the Protestant Charismatic reality was giving way to the fragmentation of Pentecostalism.27 United Kingdom CCR in Britain grew in the 1970s and was influenced by a circle associated with the young Dominican, Simon Tugwell, and others who had direct contact with classical British Pentecostals.28 The first Catholic prayer groups had already been in operation since 1970 and the National Service Committee was formed in 1973. The Committee worked with  the  interdenominational support agency, the Fountain Trust founded by Michael Harper (1931-2010), a charismatic Anglican, and interpreted the outpouring of the Spirit as being given for personal renewal rather than reform. Many prayer groups came into existence and these were diffused among parishes; the hierarchy were less influenced. Similar developments took place in Scotland and Ireland, both in Ulster and in the Republic. Charles Whitehead, a Catholic layman, became chairman of the National Service Committee and has been at the forefront of the CCR’s continued influence. In the 1990s he was ICCRS-president too. Poland The CCR in Poland began in 1975. Fr Marian Piatkowski was a participant in the Mariology Congress in Rome and was brought into the Charismatic Congress which took place at the same time in Rome. Then he started the first prayer group in Posnan. The CCR was developing quickly and in 1977 the first meeting of the future of the National Service Committee was held. The first National Conference took place in Czestochowa in 1983 (3,500 participants). The annual conference started in 1992. During the open day between 70,000 and 220,000 people take part but the biggest Catholic charismatic event was in Lodz in

27   Veldhuizen, ‘A Survey of the Charismatic Renewal in Protestant and Evangelical Churches in France 1968–1988’. 28  S. Tugwell, Did you receive the Spirit? (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1975).


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1995, with 250,000 people in attendance to hear Fr Emiliano Tardif. Around 800 prayer groups meet regularly.29 Other parts of Europe It has not been possible to provide an account of CCR in every country in Europe. There were certainly charismatics in Belgium, Italy, Malta, the Czech republic, and Croatia but, inevitably, where the Catholic Church itself was in a minority, as in Scandinavia, the charismatic movement among Catholics only made a minor impact, as we saw in the case of Iceland. Where traditional Catholicism was associated with national identity, the CCR met often internal religious opposition because it was seen as a progressive movement on the side of lay leadership and in favour of clerical reform. By contrast, in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the general widening of religious freedom made room for charismatic growth of all kinds. The first CCR meeting on a European level was organised by ICCRS in 1983. Kim Kollins from Germany was one of the main pioneers. In 2000 a European meeting of national representatives in Rimini decided to make the European Commitee part of the official structure of the ICCRS: the European subcommittee of ICCRS (ESCI) was born. ESCI realised European meetings on a regular basis with a newsletter Eucril.30 Reflection and conclusion Theologically, the main effect of the educated leaders was to help integrate the CCR into existing ecclesial structures and to argue that baptism in the Spirit was a ‘release’ of the Spirit or, at any rate, functioned in a way that was compatible with a sacramental theology of Christian initiation. The argument was that the Holy Spirit is first given at infant baptism but subsequently released at the time of Spirit baptism. At the beginning of the 21st century the CCR looked back on 40 years of activity and attempted to assess the progress that had been made and  the challenges lying ahead. In essence a series of possibilities opened up before the CCR including further theological reflection on 29   Thanks to Dr Darius Jeziorny chairman of the European subcommittee of ICCRS for this information. 30 (=

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the relationship between the charismatic and institutional dimensions of church life. Realising that there is a perpetual need for renewal, CCR members prepared themselves for long-term struggles both against institutional pressures within the church, against spiritual pride and the erosion of traditional Catholic doctrine, and the attacks of secularism in a post-modern age. Bibliography Burgess, S. M. & E. M vand der Maas, The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal Charismatic Movements, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002). Csordas, Thomas J., Language, Charisma, and Creativity: The Ritual Life of a Religious Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 25-27. Hébrard, Monique, Les nouveaux disciples dix ans après: Voyage à travers les com­ munautés charismatiques. Réflexions sur le renouveau spirituel. (Paris: Editions Le Centurion, 1987). Landron, Olivier Les Communautés nouvelles (Paris : Les Edition du Cerf, 2004). Laurentin, René Catholic Pentecostalism (London: The Catholic Book Club, 1978). Le Cossec, Clément, ‘Une indispensable mise au point’ in Document ‘Expériences’ (No. 8, 1972), pp.64-73. McDonnell, Kilian and George T. Montague, Baptême dans l’Esprit et initiation chrétienne: Témoignage des huit premiers siècles, (Paris : Desclée de Brouwer, 1993). Tugwell, S., Did you receive the Spirit? (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1975) Veldhuizen, Evert, ‘A Survey of the Charismatic Renewal in Protestant and Evangelical Churches in France 1968-1988’ (paper presented at the Conference on Pentecostal and Charismatic Research in Europe: Experiences of the Spirit, Utrecht, The Netherlands, June 28, 1989) pp. 114-126

Websites http : / / w w w. j c u. e du / su e ne ns / A % 2 0 T he ol o g i c a l % 2 0 and % 2 0 Pastor a l % 2 0 Orientations%20On%20The%20Catholic%20Cha.pdf (accessed April 2, 2010). (French, English and Dutch)

chapter thirteen pentecostal Theology and Communist Europe: Pentecostal Power under Political Pressure Peter Kuzmič William Fletcher, a noted authority on religion in former Soviet Union, concluded his 1985 study, Soviet Charismatics: The Pentecostals in the USSR with following observations: ‘The Pentecostals in the USSR can look to the future with some confidence. Should the state revert to unrestrained severity in its policy against them, the past history of the movement has demonstrated that Pentecostalism can endure whatever measures the state can apply […] Pentecostals have demonstrated ability to survive handily and even to grow […] (I)n the massively unequal struggle against the hostility and the concerted might of the state the Pentecostals… have been winning handily.’1 The secret of survival and growth under repression and violent antagonism is well summarized by Roman Lunkin: ‘Even in the difficult Soviet period Pente­costals continued to champion energetic missionary activity and social outreach.’2 A similar conclusion can be reached, with some contextual variations, about Pentecostals in most of the former Soviet satellite nations in Central and Eastern Europe. The same as Fletcher observed in former Soviet Union others have stated at the same time of the church in China which has miraculously survived the fiery furnace of the Cultural Revolution. ‘One thing is certain: the sheer power and momentum of the present movement of God’s Spirit in China are beyond the power of man to halt. […] In spite of the dark days of trial the true church has not only survived but flourished, emerging from virtual invisibility to be seen clearly by all.’3

1   William C. Fletcher, Soviet Charismatics: The Pentecostals in the USSR (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1985), pp. 161–162. 2   Roman Lunkin, ‘Traditional Pentecostals in Russia’, East-West Church-Ministry Report, Vol.12, No.3 (Summer 2004), p. 1. 3   Leslie Lyall, God Reigns in China (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1985), pp. 217, 179. See also David H. Adeney, China: The Church’s Long March (Ventura, CA: Regal


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The massive collapse of communism in Eastern Europe at the end of 1989 and in the Soviet Union in August 1991 has removed from the European scene the most impressive competitor to the Christian faith and its most powerful modern-day opponent. It is providentially orchestrated irony of history that rise and spread of communist rule is almost coterminous with the birth and growth of the Pentecostal movement. Both have significantly marked the twentieth century, one by the power of an all-encompassing atheistic ideology and use of violent means to impose it in creating new societies and the other by the message of the power of the Spirit of God who liberates and empowers for new life. The dramatic changes at the turn of the last decade of the twentieth century have vindicated Christian belief in the Lord of history who rules over the nations and most Pentecostals interpreted them as divine intervention, ending their sufferings and fulfilling their longing for freedom and as, to borrow the title of a book by Michael Bordeaux, The Gospel’s Triumph Over communism.4 It is a well known fact that wherever communists came to power their long-term goal was not only a classless but also a religionless society. Christian faith was viewed and treated as superstitious, obscurantist, obsolete, pre-scientific and thus a totally irrelevant way of thinking and living. Christian institutions were treated as a reactionary remnant of the old order and a hindrance to the progress of the new society and full human liberation of their citizens. Since communists had a mon­opoly on both power (which they abused) and truth (which they distorted) they developed comprehensive strategies and powerful instruments for eventual elimination of religion. This included restrictive legislation, total atheization of educational institutions and media, control of selection and activity of church leaderships, etc. The policies and methods have differed from country to country and in different periods even within the same countries, depending on what was considered to be politically expedient during various historical periods and in different regions. Generalizations are impossible, for Eastern Europe has never been totally monolithic when it came to the ­treatment of religion, due to

Books, 1985); Tony Lambert, China’s Christian Millions: The Costly Revival (Grand Rapids, MI: Monarch Books, 1999); David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China And Changing the Global Balance of Power (Washington: Regnery Publishing, 2006). 4   Michael Bordeaux, The Gospel’s Triumph Over communism (Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers, 1991).

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the complexity of the national, cultural, and religious history of different nations, and depending on international relationships and considerations. At best, however, Christian faith was barely tolerated and Christians marginalized and discriminated against as ‘second class citizens’ and at worst they were brutally persecuted. In Albania, for example, all visible expressions of religion were, since 1967, totally eradicated as that small and hermetically closed country (similar to today’s North Korea) fanatically prided itself on becoming the ‘first atheistic state in the world.’ The story of brutal Christian persecution under Stalin in the Soviet Union and the massive anti-Christian campaigns during the Khrushchev era is well known.5 Under communism Pentecostals were among the most fiercely persecuted Christian groups, especially in Soviet Union, Bulgaria and Romania. In several countries they were forced into state organized unions with other neo-Protestant ecclesiastical associations which were openly opposed to the practice of specific Pentecostal phenomena like glossolalia, prophecy and healing. Governmental control and restrictions often led to the establishment of dissident independent Pente­costal churches and unofficial associations known for their separatist and legalistic lifestyles. They were especially targeted and brutally treated by the communist authorities, which led to many prisoners and some martyrs. Further research into motives and methods of persecution of believers is needed and increasingly possible in several post-communist nations since formerly secret archives are becoming incrementally available. A full-fledged study of the theology of suffering in light of the experience of Spirit-filled believers also waits to be written.6 Except for some moving testimonials, anecdotal accounts and personal biographies of 5   See Walter Kolarz, Religion in the Soviet Union (New York: Macmillan, 1961); Michael Bourdeaux, Opium of the People: The Christian Religion in the USSR (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merill Co., 1966) and Faith on Trial in Russia (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971); Michael Bourdeaux and Michael Rowe, eds., May One Believe in Russia? Violations of Religious Liberty in the Soviet Union (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1980). 6   The closest to such a study from an East European perspective is the study of Romanian Baptist theologian Josef Tson, Suffering, Martyrdom and Rewards in Heaven (Lanham: University of America Press, 1998, republished in Wheaton, IL: Romanian Missionary Society, 2000). Evangelical Review of Theology, January 1996 (Vol. 20, No. 1) deals with the Prosperity Theology and Theology of Suffering. See also Herbert Schloss­ berg, A Fragrance of Oppression: The Church and Its Persecutors (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books 18991); Paul Marshall, Their Blood Cries Out: The Untold Story of Persecution Against Christians in the Modern World (Dallas: Word, 1997); Nina Shea, In the Lion’s Den: Persecuted Church and What the Western World Can Do About It (Nashville, TN:


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Christian leaders who suffered under communism there are very few scholarly reflections written on this for world missions and for understanding of the nature of Christian faith crucial and, unfortunately, in most Western Pentecostal and Charismatic circles unwelcome topic and undesirable field of inquiry. Party, Power, Policies and Propaganda The Pentecostal message of Spirit-filled experiential Christianity fell on receptive religious soil among Russians and several other peoples of Eastern Europe. The movement reached Northeastern Russia before the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, and the Baltic States, through Finnish Pentecostal missionaries and the ministry of Norwegian T. B. Barratt, who began publishing his magazine in Russian language in 1913. At first Pentecostals were resisted and occasionally persecuted by the forces of the tsarist state-supported Russian Orthodox church. It is an irony of history that the movement experienced its most rapid pioneering expansion in the first decade of the communist rule. Expatriates who had become Pentecostal in the USA played a very strategic role upon return to their countries as Spirit-baptized missionaries. Most successful among them was Ivan Voronaev, a Baptist minister who left Russia before the revolution because of the persecution of Protestants by the state church, and had a Pentecostal experience in New York where he founded the first Russian Pentecostal church. He returned to Eastern Europe as a missionary of Assemblies of God in 1920, first to Bulgaria where he rapidly laid solid foundations to the Pentecostal movement in that country. He then moved to Lenin-ruled Soviet Union in 1921 where he became a very successful Pentecostal pioneer who by the time of Lenin’s death in 1924 organized the Union of Christians of Evangelical Faith, which in another four years grew to 350 local assemblies with 17,000 members, mostly in Ukraine. At about the same time the Pentecostal movement pioneered and led by Georgi Smith, another US supported evangelist, numbered around 500 congregations and 18,000 believers.7 Broadman & Homan, 1997); Peter Kuzmič, ‘To suffer with our Lord: Christian Responses to Religious Persecution,’ The Brandywine Review of Faith and International Affairs. Vol.2, No. 3 (Winter 2004–2005), pp. 35–42. 7   Lunkin, ‘Traditional Pentecostals in Russia’, East-West Church-Ministry Report, Vol.12, No.3 (Summer 2004), p. 1.

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This rapid growth of Pentecostalism was initially tolerated and occasionally even favored by the ruling authorities as it seemed to weaken the religious monopoly of the resistant Orthodox Church and pluralize  the social scene in a temporarily expedient way. Pentecostal and other ‘free churches’ are in contrast to Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches essentially voluntary religious associations, significant, sociologists argue, for widening and promoting a space of freedom between the ecclesiastical and state controls and mobilizing resources for the growth of civil society. As summarized by David Martin in a reflection about the interplay of politics and religion in Romania: ‘[T]he emergence of voluntary religion in any society is a major event, however insignificant the beginning, because it presages the fragmentation of the dominant majority faith and may also signal in the symbolic and cultural realm the advent of political pluralism and of a rich culture of intermediate organization between State and individual.’8 An in-depth study of Soviet archives would be necessary to provide evidence for our conjecture that explosive growth of Pentecostalism in Soviet Union in the 1920s contributed to the consternation and concern among the party elites that begun a wave of persecutions in the late twenties and eventually resulted in the 1929 repressive Law on Religious Associations. This Law later became a model for similar legislation in other Soviet bloc socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The Law contained some sixty articles which articulated what religious organizations could or could not do and what the rights and duties of believers were. The Law underwent several revealing revisions indicating the preoccupation and focus of the Party strategists in their attempts to stop the activities that led to the growth of Pentecostal movement and Baptist movements. During the Stalinist period, especially up to 1941, restrictive articles were vigorously applied and almost regularly overenforced by the abuse of political power during several waves of intense persecutions throughout the 1930s. From 1941–1959 the law was in effect but was largely disregarded. This period is considered by historians to have been marked by an unwritten ‘concordat’ between the church and the state in order to first mobilize all patriotic forces to fight against   David A. Martin, Does Christianity Cause War? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 69. Martin has first explored the liberating and democratizing potential of Pentecostals in his major study Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1990), and later updating and expanding this thesis in Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002). 8


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German occupation and then to rebuild a seriously wounded post-war homeland. During the Nikita Khrushchev era, however, especially from 1959 on, a period marked by vigorous anti-religious campaigns, the 1929 Law on Religious Associations was again rigidly applied. The following statements from the law were particularly relevant to the topic of Christian education and social work. Religious associations may not organize for children, young people and women, special prayer or other meetings, circles, groups, departments for biblical or literary study, sewing, working, or the teaching of religion, etc., excursions, children’s playgrounds, libraries, reading rooms, sanatoria or medical care. Only books necessary to the cult may be kept in the prayer buildings and premises.

In order to curb the activities of itinerant preachers and planting of new churches the Law imposed the following geographical limitations: “The activities of the clergymen, preachers, preceptors and the like shall be restricted to the area in which the members of the religious association reside and in the area where the prayer building or premises are situated.” After the removal of Khrushchev from power religious persecution and atheistic campaigns continued although some forms of treatment became less severe. Numbers of religious prisoners were reduced and mental treatment of persisting believers and ministers became a less frequent practice. All the other ways of promoting atheism and restricting religious activities remained intact since nothing had changed in the official view of religion as harmful superstition in general, and especially of Pentecostals as irrational fanatics, and the ultimate goal of communist controlled societies to eventually eliminate faith altogether remained the same. For example, the famous and authoritative Pravda published the following statement January 12, 1967: The struggle against religion is not a campaign, not an isolated phenomenon, not a self-contained entity; it is an inseparable component part of the entire ideological activity of Party Organizations, an essential link and necessary element in the complex of communist education.

Soviet government, through educational agencies and youth organizations, pursued a comprehensive campaign of militant atheization of children and youth. On Easter Day of 1925, the ‘League of Militant Godless’ was founded. It was led by a group of communist intellectuals and under the patronage of the government. Its main goal was to be the spreading of atheism and the destruction of all religion. By 1935 it had

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approximately five million members organized in about fifty thousand local groups. ‘Godless Youth’ and ‘Societies for the Dissemination of Scientific and Political Knowledge’ were two additional associations established with a similar purpose – to spread atheism and develop mass membership throughout the nation. The group called ‘Octoberists’ specialized in training children aged seven to nine years old and had 14.5 million members. Twenty million children aged ten to fifteen years old were involved in the systematic training program of the old Union of Pioneers established already by Lenin. The ‘Komsomol’(communist Youth League) involved young people aged fourteen to eighteen years old and had 28 million members. One of its main goals was to prepare candidates for adult membership in the communist Party. The educational nature and role of Soviet museums of atheism are well known. Also, within the university system, twelve specialized departments existed for the main purpose of promoting ‘scientific atheism.’ Some 160 newspapers were dedicated to the spread of atheism and a great variety of antireligious literature was produced on a large scale and disseminated widely. For example in 1961 alone 355 titles, with a circulation of 5,422,000 were published. This is three times the amount in 1954, when there were 119 titles, circulation 1,944,000, and twice that in 1930 when anti-religious propaganda was most intense under Stalin’s massive attempt to eliminate religion.9 During this whole time a seriously wounded Christian movement had no means of either printing or importing any literature, including the Bible which had an enormous value on the Soviet black market. There were no trained ministers and no opportunity to publicly refute the arguments of the university trained and ideologically sanctioned ‘apostles of scientific atheism.’ In contrast to the organizations training children and young people in atheism, Christian organizations for youth and children were outlawed. Sunday schools, at least officially, were non-existent, and youth under the age of eighteen years old were forbidden to attend church services. As late as 1980s the Soviet gov­ ernment proudly claimed that one of the successes of its educational 9   For comprehensive and well documented study of various Soviet means and methods to fight religion see David E. Powell, Antireligious Propaganda in the Soviet Union (Cambridge and London: The MIT Press, 1975). For Marx’s original views on religion see Saul K. Padover, ed., Karl Marx on Religion (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974) and the most helpful study by David McLellan, Marxism and Religion (New York: Harper and Row, 1987).


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system was evident in the fact that around ninety percent of the young people, ages sixteen to nineteen, adhered to atheism as their world view. Modes of Survival for Church Under Pressure In 1996 as a member of an international and interdisciplinary team of scholars I spent a month on an educational mission in communist-ruled China, by now enjoying a somewhat greater degree of religious liberty. I was repeatedly surprised to observe how similar their situation was to the East European world of communism only a few decades ago. In several places and in different context I was asked what lessons we as Christians have learned in living under communist restrictions. How did Christians from Warsaw to Moscow react to communist pressures? What temptations did they face because of their specific socio-political context and how did they respond? My Chinese conversation partners in both the officially recognized Three-Self Patriotic movement and in semi-clandestine but rapidly growing house churches were eager to learn from our experiences, attitudes, actions and modes of survival. Christians who live under repressive political systems which are antagonistic to their faith face serious trials and severe temptations. Valuable lessons have been learned in observing and comparing how believers and churches in their vulnerable existence responded to the challenges of a totalitarian society. I shall briefly outline the experiences of the Pentecostal and related evangelical churches under communism through three different kinds of responses – resignation, resistance and accommodation – fully aware that there were occasional overlaps and circumstantial inconsistencies in all of them. Resignation: The first defensive reaction of many minority Christian communities who have suddenly found themselves surrounded by a powerful enemy and ruled over by an aggressive atheistic system is to withdraw from the society, literally to ‘flee the world.’ This posture of resignation in order to avoid open confrontation or be contaminated by the prevailing godless ideology can take place either by internal or external emigration. Both are caused by fear of engaging the new system which is conceived as evil, powerful and bent on the total destruction of those who would dare to oppose it. It is a well known fact that most of the communist countries refused to allow their citizens to emigrate to

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other lands, although many believers risked their lives by breaking the ‘closed borders’ policies and escaped into Western nations where proximity and knowledge of terrain permitted it. History, however, records several examples of large exodus movements of evangelicals, in particular ‘Soviet Pentecostals: Movement for Emigration.’10 Their desire to leave their homeland has been motivated by two factors – severe persecution and warnings of even greater calamities. According to some estimates, up to 70,000 Pentecostals wanted to leave the USSR once the Gorbachev’s ‘glasnost’ policy allowed it. In 1988 alone, some 3,500 Pentecostals left the Soviet Union with some 10,000 Pentecostal emigrants waiting for passports 1989.11 This was an unfortunate trend as it weakened the evangelical witness in their own spiritually needy land at a time of greater freedom and increased opportunities for evangelism. Many left because of the fear spread by some Pentecostal prophecies announcing greater persecution after a supposedly misleading lull of freedom. The exodus, especially to the USA, accelerated after the dismantling of communism, though the motives were now more materialistic than freedom-seeking. It should be noted that many Pentecostals who have emigrated from the Soviet Union to the United States were dramatically disillusioned by the realization that the so-called ‘Christian West’ is also deeply permeated by humanistic atheism and that while in the East, Christian truth and values were officially opposed, in the West, they are often only verbally honored while practically ignored or even totally rejected. As a result of the emigration moves, especially to the USA, there are estimates of some 300,000 Pentecostals from former Soviet Union, the largest among them being Ukrainians. Most of them meet in congregations that are either independent or loosely associated with one of

10   Michael Rowe: ‘Soviet Pentecostals: Movement for Emigration,’ Religion in communist Lands, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Autumn 1977), pp. 170–179 and ‘Soviet Pentecostal emigration Movement,’ ibid., Vol. 11. No.3 (Winter 1983), pp. 337–339. See also Walter J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals: The Charismatic Movement in the Churches (London: SCM Press, 1972), p. 274; Kent R. Hill, The Puzzle of the Soviet Church: An Inside Look at Christianity and Glasnost (Portland, OR: Multnomah Press, 1989), pp. 292–296. 11   K. R. Hill, Puzzle, pp. 292–293. The Pentecostal attempts to emigrate have been unknown or largely ignored by both ecumenical and secular world until the dramatic events of the The Siberian Seven (see the book under that title by John Pollock (Waco, TX: Word, Inc., 1979), who stormed the American Embassy in 1978 causing a major and prolonged diplomatic embarrassment to both the USSR and USA.


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s­ everal Slavic Pentecostal unions. A considerable number of them have recently organized the National Slavic District associated with the American Assemblies of God.12 Those who opted for the more easy internal withdrawal by isolating themselves from the surrounding secular society, though spiritually motivated like the earlier monastic communities, were by and large also lost for social impact and effective evangelism. They very often developed a sectarian ghetto mentality with a passive if not reactionary lifestyle and were conspicuously marked by a high degree of legalism and insulation that made them incapable of a Gospel-prescribed positive ‘salt and light’ influence on their society. They often developed their own pietistic subcultures with their own patterns of behavior, language, dress code, and even hymnology and modes of prayer. In their spirituality of withdrawal older Pentecostals with their time conditioned forms of piety, traditional ways of worship coupled with legalism as the norm of Christian life, and a lack of concern for larger human and social issues, have often alienated the more enthusiastic and better educated young people who were facing the challenges of modern life and new society and were attracted to a more innovative, lively and reflective presentation of the Gospel. The Pentecostal establishment in several socialist nations was too long marked by a retreat from the world forcing them into the undesired position of a merely tolerated and a largely irrelevant minority. In earlier years under communism, such internal withdrawal was very often reinforced by apocalyptic, escapist eschatologies which in turn appeared to have validated certain aspects of Marxist criticism of religion as offering only a ‘pie in the sky.’ Extreme examples of such isolated groups of conservative Christians (Baptists, Pentecostals, and Mennonites) have unfortunately at times been highlighted in the Soviet and allied anti-Christian propaganda to prove the socially and mentally harmful effects of Christian faith. This internal withdrawal universally tends to lead to a loss of relevance, handicaps the mission of the church and undermines the Christian impact on culture. It is tempted to deal with outdated issues, answers questions that are no longer asked and has very little to say to its

12   See Anton Goroshko, The Pentecostal Heritage of Slavic-Americans [English and Russian language version both in one volume] (Renton, WA: National Slavic District Council, 2009.

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contemporaries society. Although many conservative Christians have succumbed to this temptation, others, especially young and better educated, have realized it is not an option for the authentic expression of biblical faith. Withdrawal is preoccupied with survival; Spirit-filled Pentecostals were always, regardless of external circumstances, concerned with revival. Resistance: A second temptation for followers of Christ who have suddenly found themselves surrounded by an aggressive enemy and ruled over by a ruthless atheistic system is to react by fighting, taking a posture of active opposition to the government and its policies. This was usually the first impulse of the strong majority churches, especially Orthodox in the early years of Soviet Union. The simple reasoning behind this crusader mentality was that the new system is ungodly and evil, inspired by the devil and should neither be obeyed nor tolerated, but rather actively opposed in the name of Christ. At times it was, however, simply the fight for church property and social privileges and resistance to revolutionary overthrow of the established order. There were obvious dangers in this posture of unrelieved hostility based on spirituality that is nourished by ideological enmities. In much of Eastern Europe (especially in USSR), but also among conservative Christians in the West (especially in USA) such a view was recurrently based on an oversimplified political and correspondingly spiritual division of the world with the accompanying character of an eschatological struggle between the children of light against the children of darkness. During the times of the ‘Cold War’ when the political antagonism between the Western and Eastern bloc countries came to a very critical and dangerous climax, there was much over-generalized and simplistic fashionable speaking of the ‘Christian West’ and ‘atheistic East’ and mutual denunciation in almost mythological terms. The widely spread perception of conservative churches (and militant political forces) on both sides of the bipolar world that Christianity and Marxism were irreconcilable enemies which could meet only on a battleground had enormous destructive potential (especially in light of nuclear threats) for the international community and the future of humanity. History records that in most countries the first years of the communist takeover were marked by bitter antagonism and at times violent confrontations, eventually leading religious groups into isolation and siege mentality. In most cases the state resorted to the most brutal repressive measures that produced (especially in Soviet Union under Stalin)


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countless Christian martyrs and caused devastation of church property and institutions. It is difficult to ascertain to what extent such crusader mentality energized militant atheism and reinforced the official suspicions that Christians were ideological enemies in the service of the ‘imperialist nations’ and thus unpatriotic political traitors, among other charges. It is however, reasonable to think and even empirically observable that wherever Christians were trapped into the assumption that their major task was to fight communism they handicapped themselves by becoming incapable of practicing forgiveness and being living (or dying) witnesses to their communist enemies and to more neutral if not sympathetic observers. It is always a betrayal of the Gospel when Christian faith is reduced, in reality or by perception, to a politico-ideological force. Most Pentecostal Christians who lived and evangelized in com­munist dominated areas ultimately learned that exclusively reac­tionary attitudes and practices were counter-productive for they ended up in unfruitful negativism and caused the Marxist authorities to treat the believing community as a ‘fifth column’ representing foreign ‘imperialistic interests’ rather than Christ and His Gospel of redemptive love. Accommodation: The third mode of survival in the new ideological environment was the temptation to conform or compromise, to tailor the message and the method to the new situation and to accommodate to the prevailing ideology. Some Christian leaders in Eastern Europe (and China, Cuba and elsewhere) were accused by others for yielding ground theologically and otherwise to establish rapport with the new rulers and gain some concessions if not privileges in the areas of religious freedom, social status, international travel, etc. Serious charges of opportunisms and selfish careerisms by the suffering believers and religious dissidents were not uncommon and some persist even today. In all Christian churches, but especially within the neo-Protestant camp, different degrees of accommodation and resistance often caused splits between those denominations that registered with the government and agreed to observe the restrictions of the letter of the law and those who rejected any compromises with the authorities and refused the observance of legal restrictions thus choosing to operate in a clandestine ways as ‘underground churches.’ Though the compromisingly accommodating approach may at times appear naive and motives questionable, in many cases it provided evidence of diplomatic skills of church leaders who were able to negotiate

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settlements that led to a temporarily beneficial (but to critics – a morally and theologically dubious) modus vivendi between church and state. In China it found expression in the Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM) and in Eastern Europe in the minority approach known as ‘religion for socialism’ movement. The unregistered and persecuted evangelicals of the Soviet Union used to accuse the All-Union Council of Evangelical Christians and Baptists (under communism the only recognized evangelical body, composed of Evangelical Christians, Baptists, Pentecostals and Mennonites) of having made serious compromises with the atheistic authorities.13 In several other East European countries from the 1960s a few Pentecostal leaders were under suspicion of compromise because of the ease with which they received travel documents and downplayed the degree of persecution in their nations when speaking in international context. As we have already shown, although in all the socialist/communist countries there was a formal and constitutionally defined separation of church and state, religious activities were controlled through special legislation and government apparatus. Illegal activities such as non-registered ‘underground,’ and house-churches, itinerant evangelism and religious instruction of children were especially abhorred by the government and severely punishable by law. In Soviet Union and in varying degrees in other East European nations the government used the recognized church bodies to implement its restrictive policies. In the Peoples’ Republic of China the government’s apparatus of control involves the United Front Work Department of the communist Party, the Religious Affairs Bureau operating under the State Council and local governments who partner with China’s police system, and the patriotic organizations, including those that are under government’s supervision organized as religious bodies. The organized church ­bodies are obliged to commit to ‘patriotic covenants’ which include ­prohibitions against proselytizing or baptizing those under 18 years of age; forbidding prayer for the sick or exorcisms of demons. They also oblige Christians to abide by all the laws and policies of the State and to resolutely resist all infiltration from individuals and donations from abroad, including Bibles, literature and economic assistance. It is remarkable how much of the restrictive legislation 13   See Walter Sawatsky, Soviet Evangelicals Since World War II (Kitchener, Ont: Herald Press, 1981); K.R. Hill, Puzzle; Steve Durasoff, Pentecost Behind the Iron Curtain (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1972) and The Russian Protestants: Evangelicals in the Soviet Union, 1944–1964 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses Inc., 1969).


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and practices of control go back to the 1929 Stalin’s Soviet Law on Religious Associations. The Chinese have obviously learned from the Soviets! The only specific difference is the additional regulation demanding that churches practice the three-designates policy: designated place, personnel, and areas.14 The obedient attitude to the government of some leaders who were sincerely motivated was justified by their patriotism and by appeals to the apostle Paul’s admonition to ‘submit to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established’ (Romans 13:1). The submission, however, has at times led to idolatrous adulation  expressed in extravagant praise that had no justification whatsoever. To name only one example, on August 1, 1989, an ‘Interconfessional Conference of Homage’ (including leading Pentecostals of the country) sent the Romanian dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu, a telegram congratulating him as ‘the most beloved son of the Romanian nation, a hero among the heroes of our country, a brilliant founder of socialist Romania, a man whose mind and soul have realized the interests of the people.’15 No wonder that some of these and other churchmen went into hiding or were swept away by their believing communities only a few months later with the downfall of the tyrant. A brief theological observation about the principled posture and the most important lesson Pentecostal and other Christians have (or should have) learned while under pressure is that the church of Jesus Christ is a pilgrim community – communio viatorum – ‘in the world but not of the world’ (John 17), still on the journey to the eternal city and, therefore, never comfortably at home in any society. As Jan Milic Lochman, the exiled Czech theologian and builder of international and ecumenical bridges, reminded us at the time, ‘any attempt to relate the gospel too closely to an ideology is dangerous for its integrity and its identity.’16 An uncritical identification with the world inevitably leads to critical loss of both identity and spiritual authority and thereby undermines the credibility of the Gospel and discredits the preserving and transforming mission of the Church as God’s messianic community in the world.

14   Chau, Jonathan, ed. The China Mission Handbook: A Portrait of China and Its Church (Hong Kong: Chinese Church Research Center, 1989), p. 38. 15   Newsweek, January 29, 1990, p.20. 16   Jan Milic Lochman, Encountering Marx: Bonds and Barriers between Christians and Marxists (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977), p.15. Lochman, an active Czech participant in the Chritian-Marxist dialogue of the sixties and following 1968 a ‘Czech

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Perspectives of Pentecostal Persistence Pentecostals in communist dominated areas were a small but growing  minority that faced many problems. They lived in societies where Marxist dialectical materialism imposed itself as an all-encompassing world-view and atheism was given the privileged status of a new ‘state religion.’ Various state policies, administrative measures and educational methods were systematically employed to speed up the process of the ‘withering away of religion.’ As shown above, Christians were at a great disadvantage in combating Marxist atheism due to no or limited (different from country to country) opportunities for providing Christian education for their children and young people, lack of solid Christian literature, and no access to public means of communication. By special restrictive legislation their faith was confined to the privacy of their inner piety and to the walls of scarcely available church buildings. As a result, the chances of evangelical Christians making a significant impact on their societies and influencing current affairs were minimal. They lacked trained leadership, were usually marked by a weak organizational apparatus and had no public platforms to articulate their convictions and were isolated from broader international networks. Pentecostal believers in Marxist dominated lands were marked by a theology of the cross. The words of Jesus – ‘If anyone would come after me, he must deny himself and take up his cross and follow me’ (Mark 8:34) – had a deep experiential meaning for them. Their contextual reading of Scriptures convinced them that suffering was an essential mark of true discipleship. They were not adherents of popular religion offering ready-made answers to all of the problems and needs of their vulnerable existence. Their Christian life had a depth of commitment and a spirit of sacrifice going far beyond anything known as a superficial and self-centered response to the ‘cheap grace’ and its pseudo-Pentecostal variables such a ‘health and wealth,’ ‘name it and claim it’ or the ‘prosperity gospel,’ all popular in some segments of Western culture dominated charismatic Christianity. They were critical of all sensationalism and triumphalism, and especially in search of miracles without accompanying humility and holiness. Their faith and suffering have taught them that external pressures, legal restrictions, social discrimination

‘theologian in exile,’ has given us a very helpful case study of Christian-Marxist relations in Czechoslovakia in Church in a Marxist Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1970.)


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and even physical persecutions serve the noble purpose of purifying and strengthening the church. They have empirically learned the truth of the prophetic assurance that it is ‘Not by might, not by power, but by my Spirit,’ says the Lord Almighty (Zechariah 4:6). Relying totally on the Lord, they have not only survived but also grown under adverse circumstances. In most cases they were deprived of all power: political, educational, economic and social. Driven to their knees in total dependence on God, they discovered the power of prayer which for them became a most holy engagement, the most vital part of Christian life and the supernaturally efficient weapon in everyday struggles and spiritual battles. Emphasis on prayer was evident in both individual spirituality and congregational worship. Many lay pastors were known to rise daily at 4am to spend a couple of hours in prayer before their secular job requirements. Very frequently the first hour of the Sunday morning service the entire congregations would spend on their knees in fervent prayer. Week-day congregational prayer meetings were a regular feature of the church life and were taken as seriously as Sunday worship services. Ivan Efimovich Voronaev, the well known Assemblies of God missionary-pioneer first in Bulgaria and then in the Soviet Union (where he later after many years of prison became a martyr) wrote of the significance of the individual’s private prayer life. ‘Our daily, private conversations with the Lord, by some unique and inexplicable means, concentrates the divine presence. If only we consciously personify, embody the truth of Christ in ourselves, His presence immediately begins to act within us in every direction, and after such conversation and inspiration we can perform the most excellent actions.’17 The Soviet Marxist expert on religion and atheism, Aleksei Trofi­ movich Moskalenko, in his book Piatidesiatnik (Pentecostals) discusses the role of glossolalia and fervent prayer and concludes: Such is the influence of the prayer meetings of the Pentecostals on the consciousness and feelings of believers. It is one of the most powerful means of religion’s influence. Very often only two or three visits to these meetings are quite sufficient for the leaders of the congregation to turn a novice into a religious fanatic, a zealous adherent of the Pentecostal sect.18

Quoted by W.C. Fletcher, Soviet Charismatics, p.72.   Aleksei Trofimovich Moskalenko, Piatidesiatniki [The Pentecostals] (Moscow: Publishing House for Political Literature, 1966), 190. 17 18

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Pentecostals under communism did not have an elaborate ecclesiology but church membership was taken with utmost seriousness, for the cost of publicly identifying with the believing community had been counted in advance and fostered unwavering commitment. The faith of those who were baptized – usually after prolonged waiting periods of testing and preparation to provide observable and genuine evidence of the ‘fruit of repentance’ – and thus received as church members, had already been deeply experienced and publicly attested. Conversion meant a radical break with ‘wordly behaviour’ and therefore an observable social and cultural transition into a new community in which the teachings of the Scriptures were obeyed and combined with the obedience to the leading of the Spirit was considered sufficient for growth in Christlikeness. In that sense Pentecostals under communist rule were, like the early Pentecostals in other parts of the world, defined by ‘primitivist impulses’. For them “the Bible contained all the information one needed to know in order to navigate life’s decisions […] It needed only to be read, believed, and obeyed.”19 There was a deep solidarity of love, mutual support and protective confidentiality between those who were bona fide members of the new spiritual household. Every church member was expected to live a life of holiness, have a good public reputation, contribute sacrificially to the church, care for the poor, widows and needy, attend all services and prayer meetings and witness for Christ to unbelievers. If a member was caught in sin or his behavior was not deemed in accordance with biblical standards, church discipline was practiced. In milder cases it meant temporary prohibitions to participate in the Lord’s Supper while more serious failures resulted in public excommunication from church membership. Pentecostals in most Marxist dominated lands have practiced the biblical priesthood of all believers. Church leadership was both plural and pluriform and the clergy-laity divide was practically non-existent. Due to persecutions and legal restrictions in the Soviet Union and some of their satellite countries there was no professionalism in the ministry,  very few or no salaried and trained clergy. In most countries the professional terms like ‘clergy’ and ‘reverend’ were abhorred by the Pentecostals as they smacked of the religious functionaries of the traditional churches and have no biblical foundations. Personal involvement

19  Grant Wacker, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), p. 70.


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of every member was encouraged and the ministry of proclamation was shared by a number of ‘preachers’ or ‘elders’ rather than controlled by a professional pastor. For example, one of the largest Pentecostal churches in Europe, Elim Pentecostal Church in Timisoara, Romania, grew under communism to about 5,000 members without any full time pastors or professional clergy. Pentecostals under pressure discovered the biblical patterns of shared ministry under the lordship of Christ who by His Spirit gives gifts and ministries to all members of the body for the common good of edification. A similar lesson can be learned from the persecuted church in China. The Marxist-Maoist revolution used two steps to weaken and finally destroy the church. Firstly, all the pastors and church leaders were separated from their congregations and sent to labour camps in far off places. Secondly, most of the church buildings were destroyed or appropriated by the government and transformed for state or other public purposes. The intent was to destroy the congregation by taking away from it the two basic pillars of organized church life – leadership and buildings. This, however is similar to Eastern European experience, and has not weakened but rather strengthened the church which was forced to discover New Testament principles of congregational life and growth and thus started on the pathway of an unprecedented revival in the history of the church universal. By separating the pastors from their congregations, the communists have forced the Chinese Church to seek leadership from within the congregation. These leaders are laymen or laywomen who, for the most part, were not indoctrinated with the Western concepts of leadership. The result has been that the Chinese Church has sought its own level, a level in which it could function most effectively. Thus the church in mainland China has formed itself into family units where leadership would already exist. The present form of the Chinese Church is both the ideal form in the Chinese culture and the closest to the New Testament pattern.20 Evangelism, although often discreet in proclamation, was amazingly effective because of the attractive quality of new life evident in believers and their families. In the persecuted church in China the explosive

20   Paul E. Kaufman, China Tomorrow: China’s Coming Revolution (Hong Kong: Asian Outreach Ltd., 1977).

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growth in the house churches is in many cases ascribed to ‘power evangelism,’ the Holy Spirit confirming the Word of God by extraordinary phenomena, the biblical signs and wonders. Eastern European Pentecostals were known for taking evangelism very seriously and for using a variety of approaches to reach their friends and neighbours for Christ. Weddings and funerals are two totally different public occasions at which present non-believers were regularly challenged to receive Christ as their Saviour. Personal evangelism is thorough and most effective. A book published by Moscow University on Certain Peculiarities of Contemporary Religious Ideology contains the following interesting note: In one of the Moscow Districts the notebook of one Pentecostal was found. There she had transcribed the names and addresses of those she intended to entice into the sect. No prayers were written in the book. In it, with thorough practicality, several biographical data were written: Opposite each name what disturbs the person in his life and what difficulties stand in his way were noted.21

Under more doctrinaire communist regimes Pentecostals along with other believers have suffered when caught openly evangelizing. Soviet courts, for example, have interpreted article 52 of their Constitution to allow only worship (confined to the walls of the registered church building) while forbidding ‘religious propaganda.’ Still Fletcher concluded: ‘Pentecostals in the USSR seem thoroughly committed to reaching out to others in Soviet society with their faith.’22 This was true of most evangelicals across other lands of Eastern Europe as well as it is still true of Spirit-filled believers in China and other nations controlled by totalitarian governments based on Marxist ideology. Concluding Observations In the midst of their contextually conditioned weaknesses and limitations Pentecostals in Eastern Europe have experientially discovered the incomparable beauty, invincible truth and transformative power of the full-fledged biblical Gospel. They believed that when this Gospel is faithfully proclaimed, consistently lived, lovingly exemplified and powerfully

Quoted in Fletcher, Soviet Charismatics, 112.   Fletcher, Soviet Charismatics, 113.

21 22


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demonstrated it would be in position to restore credibility to the message of Christ in Marxist dominated regions. They recognized that Christian religion in their nations had long and heavy historical ballast which presented a serious hindrance to the evangelization of their own people. Although reluctantly, they have nevertheless learned that Marxist criticism of religion – with all of its stereotypes, abuses of science and false propaganda – was not completely wrong. Thus they came to humbly acknowledge that rise and spread of European atheism (Western in its pluralist space and Marxist as ideologically imposed) was somehow proportionately related to the shrinking credibility of the previously powerful institutional Christian churches. Their historical experience and ecclesiological self-understanding would lead them to agreement with Joseph Hromadka, the best known Protestant theologian of the region who was attempting to come to grips with the challenges of Marxism: ‘The real Church is always being born anew, always in tension with tradition and its official labels.’23 Many of them claimed that communist rule with its atheism was at least partially a reaction against ‘backslidden Christianity’ and God’s judgment on the historical unfaithfulness of organized churches and their political patrons. This is why when going out to evangelize this author used to tell his theological students in former Yugoslavia that their preliminary task may be to ‘wash the face of Jesus,’ for it has been dirtied, distorted and made unrecognizable by both the compromises of the politically privileged institutionalized churches through the past centuries and the antagonistic propaganda of atheistic communism in the twentieth century. Twentieth century Pentecostalism claims to be a recovery of the full-fledged apostolic Christianity, of the Whole Gospel. The experience and faithful service of the Pentecostals under communism seems to teach us that fullness of the message of the Gospel means total ­commitment to all the demands of Jesus, including the whole spectrum of ethical (personal and social) requirements that are inherent in the biblical kerygma. The Pentecostal Gospel implies joyful celebration of God’s gift of salvation and continuous openness to the Holy Spirit to confirm the Word by resultant growth of spiritual fruit and manifestation of the gifts of the Spirit. The Whole Gospel covers proclamation of truth and exhibition of love, manifestation of power and integrity of

Joseph Hromadka, Thoughts of a Czech Pastor (London: SCM Press, 1970), p. 100.


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life, joy in suffering and generosity amidst scarcity. To be believable in a hostile environment, this Gospel must be expressed in word, deed, and sign. They have also learned that freedom is more than a political category for it goes to the very heart of spirituality shaped by the liberating Spirit of God. Their experience confirms the summarization of the nature of liberty by Helmut Golwitzer, a prominent opponent of the Nazi regime and of communist repression. He states: The form of freedom is this: to be able to decide for one’s self. The secret of freedom is this: to be without anxiety for one’s self. And the meaning of freedom is this: Love. This is the exact meaning of the beautiful old saying, upon which we cannot meditate too often: Deo servire summa libertas.‘To serve God is the highest freedom.24

One would hope and pray that the experiences and lessons learned and wisdom received through the decades of living under pressures would not be lost but would rather enrich the new generations of Pentecostals and Charismatics who in post-communist Eastern Europe enjoy political freedom and growing economic prosperity while learning how to deal with a plethora of new temptations and trials which inevitably come with power, success, and cultures marked by moral laxity and consumerist orientation. Bibliography Adeney, David H. China: The Church’s Long March (Ventura, CA: Regal Books, 1985). Aikman, David Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China And Changing the Global Balance of Power (Washington: Regnery Publishing, 2006). Bordeaux, Michael, The Gospel’s Triumph Over communism (Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers, 1991). Bourdeaux Michael, and Michael Rowe, eds., May One Believe in Russia? Violations of Religious Liberty in the Soviet Union (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1980). Bourdeaux, Michael, Faith on Trial in Russia (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971); Bourdeaux, Michael, Opium of the People: The Christian Religion in the USSR (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merill Co., 1966) Chau, Jonathan, ed. The China Mission Handbook: A Portrait of China and Its Church (Hong Kong: Chinese Church Research Center, 1989). Durasoff, Steve Pentecost Behind the Iron Curtain (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1972) Durasoff, Steve The Russian Protestants: Evangelicals in the Soviet Union, 1944–1964, (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses Inc., 1969).

24   Translated in Franklin H. Littell, ed., Sermons to Intellectuals (New York: Macmillan, 1963), pp. 84–85


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Fletcher, William C., Soviet Charismatics: The Pentecostals in the USSR (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1985). Goroshko, Anton, The Pentecostal Heritage of Slavic-Americans [English and Russian language version both in one volume] (Renton, WA: National Slavic District Council, 2009. Hill, K. R., The Puzzle of the Soviet Church: An Inside Look at Christianity and Glasnost (Portland, OR: Multnomah Press, 1989). Hollenweger, Walter J. The Pentecostals: The Charismatic Movement in the Churches (London: SCM Press, 1972). Hromadka, Joseph Thoughts of a Czech Pastor (London: SCM Press, 1970). Kaufman, Paul E. China Tomorrow: China’s Coming Revolution (Hong Kong: Asian Outreach Ltd., 1977). Kolarz, Walter, Religion in the Soviet Union (New York: Macmillan, 1961). Kuzmič, Peter ‘To suffer with our Lord: Christian Responses to Religious Persecution,’ The Brandywine Review of Faith and International Affairs. Vol.2, No. 3 (Winter 2004– 2005), pp. 35 – 42. Lambert, Tony China’s Christian Millions: The Costly Revival (Grand Rapids, MI: Monarch Books, 1999). Lochman, Jan Milic, Church in a Marxist Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1970.) —— , Encountering Marx: Bonds and Barriers between Christians and Marxists (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977). Lunkin, Roman, ‘Traditional Pentecostals in Russia’, East-West Church-Ministry Report, Vol.12, No.3 (Summer 2004). Lyall, Leslie, God Reigns in China (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1985). Marshall Paul, Their Blood Cries Out: The Untold Story of Persecution Against Christians in the Modern World (Dallas: Word, 1997); Martin, David A., Does Christianity Cause War? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). —— , Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002). McLellan, David, Marxism and Religion (New York: Harper and Row, 1987). Padover, Saul K. ed., Karl Marx on Religion (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974) Powell, David E., Antireligious Propaganda in the Soviet Union (Cambridge and London: The MIT Press, 1975). Rowe Michael, ‘Soviet Pentecostals: Movement for Emigration,’ Religion in communist Lands, Vol. 5, No. 3 (Autumn 1977), pp. 170–179 —— , ‘Soviet Pentecostal emigration Movement,’ Religion in communist Lands, Vol. 11. No.3 (Winter 1983), pp. 337–339. Sawatsky, Walter Soviet Evangelicals Since World War II, (Kitchener, Ont: Herald Press, 1981). Schlossberg, Herbert A Fragrance of Oppression: The Church and Its Persecutors (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books 1991). Shea, Nina In the Lion’s Den: Persecuted Church and What the Western World Can Do About It (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Homan, 1997). Trofimovich Moskalenko, Aleksei, Piatidesiatniki [The Pentecostals] (Moscow: Publishing House for Political Literature, 1966). Tson, Josef Suffering, Martyrdom and Rewards in Heaven (Lanham: University of America Press, 1998, republished in Wheaton, IL: Romanian Missionary Society, 2000). Wacker, Grant, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).

Part Three

Sociological Perspectives of Pentecostalism in Europe

chapter fourteen The Future(s) of Pentecostalism in Europe Raymond Pfister1 When it comes to the future, there are three kinds of people: those who let it happen, those who make it happen, and those who wonder what happened. John M. Richardson Jr.2 As witnessed by most of the chapters in this book, Pentecostalism in Europe has a rich and multi-facetted history to tell. So what future is it going to be? Suggesting the use of the plural form for ‘future’ in the title of this chapter indicates that more than one scenario is possible and that the future is not written in stone. It also reminds us that Pentecostalism is not a uniform movement today and that it is not likely to become one in the future. Between ‘no future’ and ‘any future’, Pentecostalism in Europe will need to establish a meaningful presence, beyond a mere still being around on the old continent. For it to be relevant tomorrow, Pentecostalism in Europe needs to become European Pentecostalism today. In other words, Pentecostalism in Europe needs to be Pentecostalism in context, thus more than a Pentecostalism that just happens to be in Europe (as it could have been anywhere else on the globe). It needs to acquire a true European identity and define a real European agenda for its constituency?

1  An earlier version of this chapter appeared under the title ‘Does Europe matter? Toward a European agenda for the Church’ in Evangelical Review of Society and Politics, Vol. 3 No.1, 2009, 37–56. 2   Prof. John M Richardson Jr. is past Director of the International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES) and author of Making it Happen: a Positive Guide to the Future. (ed.) Washington: U.S. Association for the Club of Rome, 1982. ICES functions as an international centre of excellence located in the global south to conduct research and develop policies and mechanisms to address issues of ethnicity, pluralism, and the prevention and management of conflict.


raymond pfister A European agenda: A biographical note

The average European (Christian) has probably given little thought to the nature of the society to which he or she belongs. One’s personal experience with Europe (or lack of it) in a concrete local setting, in a particular village, town or city is likely to enable or disable someone’s assessment of the European situation.3 In the 1950s and 1960s My childhood years were spent during the decades following World War II in the French province of Alsace (less than 20 km from the German border), at a time when the way one thought about Europe was shaped by a series of wars (going back to the Franco-Prussian of 1870) between the traditional enemies France and Germany. Ill feelings, if not hatred, towards the German neighbour were prominent and omnipresent and the wounds of history had yet to heal. My life was not affected by the political climate that favoured the unification of Europe. Little did I realise that the European Coal and Steel Community (established in 1951) had become its first most significant expression. Since the focus was on being French again, realizing that I was indeed a French citizen was important and so ‘Europe’ did not really matter. In the 1970s and 1980s As a young Christian, my faith had been nurtured within European Pentecostalism4 amid an eschatology of despair characterised by negativism and pessimism embedded in a very detailed end-time scenario. It was rooted in the popular literature produced by conservative Evangelicalism and its prolific dispensational school of thought. Widely read books like Hal Lindsey’s million best-seller Late Planet Earth argued that the prophetic puzzle and the ‘ten nations’ filter believed to be found   Jeff Fountain, Living as people of hope: Faith, hope & vision for 21st century Europe (Rotterdam: Initialmedia, 2004), p.7 4  Unless otherwise indicated, I am using the single term ‘Pentecostalism’ as a generic word referring to Classical Pentecostal churches (mostly founded during the first half of the 20th c.), Charismatic Renewal movements (within already established church traditions), Neo- Pentecostal and Neo-Charismatic denominations, organisations and networks (mostly founded during the second half of the 20th c.), as well as African and Asian independent churches. 3

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in Scripture (in particular in the books of Daniel and Revelation) when applied to Europe could only see in a negative light  – or at least with great suspicion! – any effort towards unity on the old continent.5 The European Economic Community (founded in 1957), also known as Common Market, was even considered as being possibly one of “20 reasons why this present earth may not last another 20 years”.6 Modern European history was interpreted through the hermeneutical grid of a revived Babylon (or restored Roman Empire) and other perceived “demonic happenings” derived from an acute apprehension of Greek mythology.7 Political, economical and social changes in Europe could not possibly be welcomed or even critically assessed in a constructive way. That I was a born-again, Spirit-filled Christian who “spoke in tongues” was important and Europe still did not really matter. In the 1990s Even though in 1993, the Maastricht Treaty made me – along with every citizen of a member state of the European Union – a “Citizen of the Union”, there was not at first any obvious conscious engaging with this newly acquired identity. I had moved to Hamburg during the summer of 1990 in the middle of Germany’s life-changing re-unification process. I witnessed what is undoubtedly one of the most significant changes in the political geography of Europe in the second half of the 20th century. A new single German nation was being created at a surprising speed, bringing together two ideologically opposite states, i.e. the Federal Republic of Germany (the West) and the German Democratic Republic (the East).8 One might expect that such issues of cultural identity and social adaptation were greatly affecting the German population, both inside and outside the various ecclesial contexts. But it was not limited

5  Hal Lindsey, and C. Carlson, L’agonie de notre vieille planète [French translation of The Late Planet Earth]. (Braine-L’Alleud, Belgium: Editeurs de Littérature Biblique. 1974) pp.116–120 6   Salem Kirban, 20 Reasons Why This Present Earth May Not Last Another 20 Years, (Huntingdon Valley, Penn.: Salem Kirban Publishing, 1973), p.139. 7   David Hathaway, Prophetic Vision: Special Re-issue Europe in Prophecy, (Dewsbury, UK: Eurovision Publications, no date) p.4. 8   Wolfgang Becker’s Goodbye Lenin (2002) is one of several German movies that attempt to portray the dynamic between the old world order and the new era, the tensions between the memory of the past and the uncertainties and challenges of the future in 21st century Germany.


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to them. My involvement in theological training for African community leaders9 provided ample evidence that (mostly Pentecostal-type) migrant churches in Germany had been raising similar questions as they relocated in a new social context and attempted to provide stability to their own people (shared background of a defined ethnic group). They established through local, national and transnational networks a new framework for their incorporation and adaptation.10 At this point, I was informed by my life’s journey that my own French citizenship and Pentecostal spirituality were only telling part of the story, but not the whole story. I had to come to grips with the fact that my European experience had most certainly shaped  – whether consciously or not – my European identity. I could no longer pretend that Europe does not really matter. The European project as an opportunity for the Christian Church The present chapter will attempt to disclose why Pentecostal-charismatic spirituality is believed to have a remarkable potential to help the Christian Church in Europe develop a distinct European agenda for the 21st century.11 One might find ample reasons to be sceptical about the outcome of such an assignment. Pentecostalism as a global phenomenon is often introduced as the fastest growing segment of the Christian Church, but not only does Europe have a very different Pentecostalism from the rest of the world, there is also little evidence that ‘Europe’ really matters for most of European Pentecostalism. There are obviously various Pentecostal organisations in Europe. There is the Pentecostal European Fellowship (PEF)12, the Pentecostal Europe Conference     9   The ATTiG-Programm (African Theological Training in Germany) was set up in September 2001 in partnership with the Academy of Mission in Hamburg, the Association of Protestant Churches and Missions in Germany (EMW), the North-Elbian Centre for World Mission (Hamburg), the Bremen Mission, the theological faculty at Hamburg University, the ecumenical desk of the North-Elbian Lutheran Church and the Council of African Churches in Hamburg. 10  Evangelos Karagiannis, and Nina Glick Schiller, ‘Contesting claims to the land: Pentecostalism as a challenge to migration theory and policy’, Sociologus 56/2 (2006), pp.137–171. 11  No claims made about Pentecostalism are meant to be exclusive and it is nowhere suggested that what is said about Europe cannot apply to other parts of the world. 12   The head office of the Pentecostal European Fellowship is in Rhode-St-Genèse near Brussels (Belgium). According to its mission statement, it is a network of Pentecostal movements throughout Europe whose purpose is – in general terms – to promote unity

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(PEC),13 the European Pentecostal Theological Association (EPTA), and even a European Pentecostal-Charismatic Research Association (EPCRA). There is however, no clearly defined European agenda for most Pentecostal congregations in Europe. The vast majority of them are more likely to be committed to a mere ‘introverted’ national agenda with little concern for a broader European, transnational and intercultural picture. A reluctance to be involved in political affairs coupled with an antipathy towards political affiliations have privileged an apolitical sense of mission which is defined as a soul-winning venture rather than as a socio-political course of action. Because of its close association with Spirit-baptism,14 it has become customary to view ‘speaking in tongues’ as the hallmark of Pentecostal movements. Such a reductionist view of Pentecostalism is likely to underestimate the real significance of its soteriology and missiology. The Gospel witness itself points to the fact that “healing and saving, healing and mission are intimately and integrally related”.15 The healing ministry of Jesus has always been an integral part of the Pentecostal message, as witnessed by one of the pillars of its classical ‘five-fold Gospel’ motif: Jesus proclaimed as Healer of the body.16 A closer look at Pentecostal churches will show – as has been the case in the French Assemblies of God during the most part of its history – a consistent link between salvation and healing.17 During his 2009 Cadbury Lectures on ‘Pentecostalism

and fellowship within, and help fulfil the Great Commission without [beyond],( i.e. its evangelistic vision). 13   The 2008 Pentecostal Europe Conference was held in November in Madrid (Spain). The chosen theme did focus on ‘a new outpouring for a new Europe’, yet the discourse pointed solely to the need of divine visitation and Europe’s need to turn back to Jesus (Juan Carlos Escobar, chair of the Spanish Assemblies of God). None of the speakers addressed socio-political issues which are affecting today’s European society nor suggested ethical and responsible solutions Christians might contribute to in light of its unresolved problems. 14   The doctrine of initial physical evidence developed by Charles Parham has become a guiding rule in Pentecostal experience for those classical Pentecostals who see in glossolalia the objective evidence par excellence of the baptism in the Holy Spirit. 15  Frederic J. Gaiser, ‘Your Faith Has Made You Well’: Healing and Salvation in Luke 17:12–19´, Word & World 16/3 (1996), p. 299. 16   Daniel Brandt-Bessire, Aux sources de la spiritualité pentecôtiste (Paris: Labor et Fides, 1986). 17   The Assemblées de Dieu de France (French Assemblies of God) had developed during the 20th century an evangelistic strategy called ‘missions salut et guérison’ (salvation and healing missions) which focused on the message that Jesus saves and Jesus heals. Prayer for the sick with laying on of hands and anointing of oil was mostly addressing physical illnesses.


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and Political Theology’, Amos Yong18 pointed out that healing (rather than glossolalia!) may well define the heart of Pentecostalism as an embodied experience.19 A rediscovery of the trilogy of the Holy Spirit, healing and (its counterpart) reconciliation lies at the heart of today’s ecumenical mission theology and strategy.20 It must have significant implications for one’s understanding of Pentecostal spirituality and its ecumenical relevance in the future.21 As further evidence of the fact that it is a timely subject, 2009 was proclaimed International Year of Reconciliation according to the resolution calendar of the United Nations (UN).22 This was also an invitation to the Christian Church to promote the concept of reconciliation in word and deeds. As this will obviously apply to many different contexts around the world, it is the purpose of this chapter to consider the immediate context of the making of Europe in the 21st century. The European puzzle is more than a constellation of various different cultural entities trying to create one new European identity; it is the heritage of divided societies that have suffered for centuries to various degrees from various situations of conflicts. It is therefore particularly necessary and urgent that the Christian Church in Europe sees itself as an agent of healing in a fragmented Europe through reconciliation processes. Facing critical identity issues of its own, the Church should be in a position to demonstrate both significant expertise and particular motivation to get actively involved in the exploration of “the complex and multifaceted nature of identity in Europe”.23 Throughout history, Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Prot­ estant traditions have described peace as a dynamic force of ­holistic 18  Amos Yong is Professor of Systematic Theology at the Regent University School of Divinity in Virginia Beach (USA). 19  Amos Yong, ‘Pentecostalism and Political Theology’, Papers presented at the University of Birmingham for the Cadbury Lectures, March 9-19 2009, in Birmingham, UK. 20  Hugh McCullum, ‘Healing and reconciliation theme’: a first for WCC. World Council of Churches press release, 31 March 2005. leasesen.nsf/index/Feat-05-10.html. 21  It is beyond the scope of this chapter focusing on Europe to actually engage arguments used by views opposing ecumenical dialogue and/or cooperation. My own views on the ecumenical challenge of Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality are developed in my article: ‘An urgent plea for a real Ecumenism of the Spirit’. 22  On 20 November 2006, the General Assembly of the United Nations decided to proclaim 2009 as the International Year of Reconciliation (resolution 61/17). 23  Marion Demossier, ‘Introduction’, in The European Puzzle: The Political Structuring of Cultural Identities at a Time of Transition, ed. Marion Demossier, (Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2007), pp.3–4.

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flourishing that inaugurates and sustains harmonious relationships between individuals, communities, and creation… The Church needs a new paradigm to help focus public discussion on proactive practices that work for justice and peacemaking. (Brown)24 Reconciliation, the new paradigm for mission Over the past years, reconciliation has become the emerging new paradigm that defines the mission of the Christian Church in today’s Global Village. Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant and Pentecostal voices from all over the world are increasingly speaking the same language.25 As witnessed by various international conferences during the last five years,26 a spirituality of reconciliation is called for in order to face the challenges brought about by damaging effects of cultural and religious clashes, of economical and political boundaries. Particularly significant has been the 2005 Conference on World Mission and Evangelism (CWME) which met in Athens, Greece, for bringing together participants ranging from Roman Catholics to Pentecostal and evangelical churches. The resulting report contains a statement on mission as reconciliation ‘in the power of the Spirit’ in the context of a broken world. Truth, memory, justice and forgiveness are understood as four essential aspects, needed both within the Church and in society at large, in the dynamics of the reconciliation and healing process.27 CMS28 mission partner Joanna Udal is therefore no lonely voice when she articulates the Christian Gospel as a significant contributing force to

24  Nicholas R. Brown, ‘Peace and Peacemaking’, Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity. Gen. Ed. Daniel Patte. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 25   Petros Vassiliadis, ‘Reconciliation as a pneumatological mission paradigm: Some Preliminary Reflections by an Orthodox’, International Review of Mission 94/372, (2005), 30–42. 26  As for example both the 2004 International Conference of the International Association of Mission Studies (IAMS) in Malaysia that convened under the theme ‘The integrity of mission in the light of the Gospel: Bearing the Witness of the Spirit’, and the 2008 IAMS Conference in Hungary around the theme ‘Human Identity and the Gospel of Reconciliation. Agenda for Mission Studies and Praxis in the 21st Century.’ 27   J. Matthey, ed. ‘Come Holy Spirit, heal and reconcile! Called in Christ to be Reconciling and Healing Communities.’ Report of the WCC Conference on World Mission and Evangelism, Athens, Greece, May 9–16, 2006, (Geneva: WCC Publications 2008). 28   The Church Missionary Society (CMS) is an evangelistic mission founded in 1799 within the Church of England, but which today is not confined to just Anglicanism.


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the quest for justice, peace and reconciliation in general and among nations in particular.29 Its basic thrust is to experience a Spirit-empowered work of recreation that replaces hostility with proximity, thus enabling a new kind of relationship both with the Creator and creation. Put in a biblical framework, one can say that from the initial promise to see ‘all the nations of the earth’ blessed in Abraham (Genesis 18:18; cf. Romans 4:18) to its ultimate fulfilment when “the nations will walk by its light”, referring to Christ Jesus (Revelation 21:24), the eschatological hope of the believer is indeed carried by the quest for healing and forgiveness, i.e. for fully restored relationships. The book of Revelation is painting the vision of a renewed creation described in terms of “new heaven and new earth” (21:1). This does not however justify a theology of escapism which really expects only a new heaven, leaving consequently no room for a restored new earth.30 Just as the Spirit is the distinctive characteristic of the Christian community, says Kirsteen Kim, the reconciling Spirit enables a reconciling community, thus defining the ministry of the Spirit as a ministry of reconciliation.31 The fact that the pneumatological dimension has become an essential component of a renewed ecclesiology that sees the Church as a healing and reconciling community leads to the question: What contributions does Pentecostal-Charismatic thinking and experience have to make to a theology of reconciliation? In what ways can the theology of the Holy Spirit further aid the practice of and reflection on reconciliation in particular in the European context?32 Has Pentecostalism ever articulated a theology of reconciliation among the nations that could be helpful in defining a European perspective for today’s construction of Europe?

29   Joanna Udal, ‘Reconciliation among Nations: the Role of the Church’ The Ecumenical Review 49/1 (2007), pp.61–77. 30  I am indebted to Pastor David Carr, Renewal Christian Centre, Solihull, West Midlands, UK, for this insight mentioned in his Sermon on Sunday 15 March 2009. 31   Kirsteen Kim, ‘Reconciliation, Integrity and the Holy Spirit: Ethic and Ethos of Mission’. Paper presented at the 11th International Conference of the International Association of Mission Studies (IAMS), 31 July – 7 August, 2004, in Port Dickson, Malaysia. 32   Those are among the questions for further study and discussion found in the Preparatory Paper No 4, Statement on mission as reconciliation, Conference on World Mission and Evangelism, Athens 2005 documents. http://www.oikoumene .org/en/resources/documents/wcc-commissions/mission-and-evangelism/ cwme-world-conference-athens-2005/preparatory-paper-n-4-statement-on-missionas-­reconciliation.html

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north-American and European Pentecostalism on reconciliation issues About twenty years ago, when Pentecostal scholar Russ Spittler first described some of the main characteristics of Pentecostal spirituality as implicitly found in the Pentecostal understanding of missions, he mentioned ‘other-worldliness’ – as sustained by a futuristic eschatology and a sense of missionary urgency anchored in the belief in Jesus’ imminent return – as one of them.33 This was because North American Pentecostalism (and its sphere of influence which also includes Europe) cultivated the notion that experiencing God was mostly concerned with eternity and the afterlife while remaining largely inattentive to the challenges of the present world. In short, the message was, There is hope now… for the life to come. The ministry of reconciliation as understood from Scripture (cf. 2 Corinthians 5:18) was mostly an individualistic concern, translated in terms of restored relationships primarily between humankind and God, and secondarily between individuals who become separated from others by reason of dispute. This relational dimension was rarely perceived as between groups and communities, and even less between nations. However, maybe too little attention has been paid to evidence that would show that God’s reconciling initiative in Christ has not been limited to individual reconciliation, but that serious attention has indeed been given to the social meaning of reconciliation?34 In the North American context, the Azusa Street mission has become identified as a symbol of ethnic reconciliation (“racial reconciliation” would be a more common designation in that context).35 Church of God in Christ Bishop George D. McKinney speaks about such Pentecostal legacy as “the tragedy of the missed opportunities”. He refers to America’s unresolved segregation problems and the untapped ‘potential for the demonstration of God’s power for forgiveness and reconciliation’.36 In the early days of European Pentecostalism, one can find (most likely isolated!) examples of major political and social contribution with 33  Russel P. Spittler, ‘Implicit Values in Pentecostal Missions, Missiology: An International Review16/ 4 (1988), pp. 409–424. 34  Cristian G. Romocea, ‘A Strategy for Social Reconciliation in the Ethnic Conflict in Transylvania’, Religion in Eastern Europe 23/ 5: (2003) pp.1–31. 35   Byron Klaus (ed.), We’ve Come This Far: Reflections on the Pentecostal Tradition and Racial Reconciliation (Springfield, MO: Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, 2007). 36  George D. McKinney, ‘The Azusa Street Revival’. Lecture presented at Beeson Divinity School, Sanford University, 3 October, 2001, in Birmingham, Alabama.


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leaders like Lewi Pethrus (1884–1974), a most influential figure of the Swedish Pentecostal Movement.37 Does preoccupation with spiritual matters still preclude Pentecostals from correcting social injustices?38 Today one can observe a definitive shift of emphasis in the Pentecostal orientation toward the world i.e. society. Albrecht has pointed out that Pentecostal spirituality seems to produce a new and often keen sense of community, while providing a renewed context for both individual and social experience: experiencing God as ‘empowering Spirit and commissioning Lord’ in this world.39 In the summer of 1998, the Pentecostal/Charismatic Churches of North America (PCCNA) publish the inaugural (and only) issue of what was meant to become their official journal. Co-editor Harold Hunter’s editorial was entitled ‘Reconciliation-Pentecostal Style’, and is best understood against the background of racial and class divisions which have deeply marked the history of North American Pente­costalism. Facing such colossal challenge demanded a fresh approach to spiritual gifts, made possible within the context of a new mindset: ‘We are empowered to be agents of healing’.40 It is also worth noticing  that the name given to the new publication was simply Recon­ciliation. It is in Europe (Leuven, Belgium) that The Pentecostal Charismatic Peace Fellowship began in July 2001 when Paul Alexander presented a paper, ‘Spirit Empowered Peacemaking: Toward a Pentecostal Char­ ismatic Peace Fellowship’ to the European Pentecostal Charismatic Research Association (EPCRA). Its purpose statement acknowledged that ‘the life and teachings of Jesus and his disciples exemplified reconciliation, forgiveness, and nonviolence as integral to the Good News’ (Pentecostal Charismatic Peace Fellowship). Alexander challenged Pentecostal theology to take seriously the biblical witness that supports “Spirit led peacemaking and reconciliation”.41  Lewi Pethrus established the Lewi Pethrus Trust for Philanthropic Endeavour in 1959. In 1964, he spearheaded the founding of Sweden’s Christian Democratic Party. 38   Darrin J. Rodgers, Review of We’ve Come This Far: Reflections on the Pentecostal Tradition and Racial Reconciliation, edited by Byron Klaus. Springfield, MO: Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, 2007. pentecostals-and-racial-reconciliation/. (Accessed Jan2010) 39   Daniel E Albrecht, ‘Pentecostal Spirituality: Ecumenical Potential and Challenge’, Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-Charismatic Research 2 (2 July 1996), cyberj/cyberj2/albrecht.html. 40  Harold D. Hunter, ‘Reconciliation-Pentecostal Style’, Reconciliation 1: 3. (1998) 41   Paul N. Alexander, ‘Spirit Empowered Peacemaking: Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowship’. Paper presented at the 10th EPCRA Conference, 17–21 July 2001 in Leuven, Belgium. 37

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At the same EPCRA conference, Glen Stassen promoted the recovery of the “Way of Jesus” as the kingdom ethics rooted in the Sermon on the Mount. He wondered if the Pentecostal claim to restore New Testament faith and practice, has not been lacking a constructive ethic of peacemaking and reconciliation, greatly needed however in order to follow Jesus in a relevant way within the complexities of our contemporary context.42 In his short survey on reconciliation initiatives within the charismatic movements, Peter Hocken suggests that ‘charismatic Catholics have been led more towards reconciliation between divided churches and faith communities, while charismatic Protestants have become involved in reconciliation between divided nations and races’.43 It is however the Catholic Charismatic Renewal which in 2006 published a booklet called Hope for a New Europe: An aid to reflection on the papal document ‘Ecclesia in Europa’. It remains a unique source of meditation and daily prayer for Catholic believers in particular, helping them to think strategically and act responsibly in light of the opportunities and challenges of Europe in the making. Its pathway moves from historical-cultural reflections to a Christ-centred philosophical-theological vision: “Jesus Christ alive in His Church, the source of hope for Europe”.44 A similar position has also been advocated by Allan Anderson, Professor of Global Pentecostal Studies at the University of Birmingham (United Kingdom) in his discussion on Pentecostalism in relationship with Christian mission in Europe. Pentecostalism emphasizes the freedom, equality, community and dignity of each person in the sight of God. The experience of the power of the Spirit can be a unifying factor in a global society that is still deeply divided. It can also be the catalyst for the emergence of a new society where there is justice for all and hope for a desperately violent world.45

42  Glen H. Stassen, and David P. Gushee, Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context, (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press 2003). 43   Peter Hocken, ‘The Call to Reconciliation’, Goodnews 157 (January-February, 2002.), 44   Barbara Mason, and Kees, Slijkerman, comp. 2006. Hope for a New Europe: An aid to reflection on the papal document ‘Ecclesia in Europa’, (London: Goodnews Special Publications, 2006). 45  Allan Anderson, ‘Pentecostalism, the enlightenment and Christian mission in Europe’, International Review of Mission, 95/378-9: (2006), pp. 276–281.


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A divided Church for a divided Europe? Historical developments within Europe have divided Europe along religious lines, as there are countries which are predominantly Catholic (Southern and Central Europe), countries that are predominantly Protestant (Northern Europe) and countries that are predominantly Orthodox (Central, Eastern as well as Southern Europe). Brent Nelson and James Guth think that the confessional culture of Roman Catho­ licism and its centralized transnational organizational structure have made it supportive of European integration.46 On the other hand, Protestantism is suspected to be an important cause of euro­scepticism.47 Even though it also shared the catholic belief in a universal, invisible community of faith, Protestant theology had to make room for a visible divided church, thus legitimating separation and fragmentation.48 European history has been in many ways a history of discord and rivalry, a history of divided nations. Europe’s geopolitical fragmentation is demonstrated by internal borders – about 38,000 km in length – for the member-states of the Council of Europe, 72% of which have been produced during the 20th century and early 21st century. Furthermore and because of the extremely regionalist nature of European society, ‘the same diversity which characterizes Europe as a whole is also characteristic of its parts’.49 Does the Christian Church in Europe see (1) the challenging situation of a continent in need of healing, peace and unity, and (2) its own responsibility for bringing faith, hope and vision for Europe in the 21st century?50 In the past, various nationalist and patriotic ideologies have torn

46   Brent F. Nelson and James L. Guth, ‘Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities’. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 28–31August, 2003, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 47  Initially a distinctively English phenomenon, euroscepticism refers since the 1990s to different, and occasionally contradictory, oppositions to the process of European integration but also to EU institutions and policies. Robert Harmsen and Memo Spiering, Introduction: Euroscepticism and the evolution of European political debate in Euroscepticism: Party Politics, National Identity and European Integration, eds Robert Harmsen and Menno Spiering, (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005). 48   Brent F. Nelsen, ‘The Reluctant Europeans: Protestantism, Nationalism and European Integration’. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 2–5 September 2004, in Chicago, Illinois. 49  Christopher Dawson, Understanding Europe, (London: Sheed and Ward, 1952), p.49. 50   Pascal Fontaine, Europe in 12 Lessons, (Brussels: European Commission, 2006).

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apart our continent. Today, forging a new European identity for freedom, dignity, and solidarity will need the “grace of reconciliation”, to use Joseph Ratzinger’s expression (now Pope Benedict XVI).51 After two devastating world wars within a century, it became increasingly important to bring the European nations to a more peaceful relationship and to prevent another world war from taking place. By establishing a European Coal and Steel Community in 1951 (Treaty of Paris),52 as Pascal Fontaine (former assistant to Jean Monnet and Professor at the Institut d’Etudes Politiques in Paris) puts it, ‘the raw materials of war were being turned into instruments of reconciliation and peace’.53 Are Christians able to appreciate differences which plural community presents? Are they being equipped to live in a plural society?54 the European Church in need of a philosophy of Christian education A vast majority of congregations within European Pentecostalism (and no doubt many others as well) have no articulated philosophy of education and no intergenerational strategy for faith formation. As part of the answers to all the questions that have been raised so far, the European Church is in need of a European Christian education advocating a reconciliation model of Christian maturity.55 What kind of a model should it be? Will it be ecumenical reconciliation, church-state reconciliation, socio-political reconciliation, cultural reconciliation, spiritual reconciliation and/or personal reconciliation? Will it be brought about by the churches as transformed communities of faith or by renewed individual Christians? Since reconciliation needs to be a multi-facetted answer to a multi-facetted problem, a holistic approach (not an either/or) needs to be favoured. First, we need to look for a better theological understanding of the nature, function and task of a Spirit-led Church. One cannot affirm that 51   Joseph Ratzinger, Europe Today and Tomorrow: Addressing the Fundamental Issues, 2nd ed. (San Francisco: Ignatius Press. 2005), pp.114–117. 52   The Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community was signed in Paris on 18 April 1951 and entered into force on 24 July 1952, with a validity period limited to 50 years. The Treaty expired on 23 July 2002. 53  Fontaine, Europe in 12 lessons, p. 5. 54  Cf. Charles Grant, ‘La Grande-Bretagne est-elle européenne ?’ In Notre Europe, eds. Michel Rocard and Nicole Gnesotto, (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2008), p.183. 55  Ronald Habermas and Klaus Issler, Teaching for Reconciliation: Foundations and Practice of Christian Educational Ministry, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1992), pp.47–57.


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‘in Christ God was reconciling the world to himself ’ (2 Corinthians 5:19), yet not take seriously the challenge of the church-as-beneficiaryof-reconciliation to become a witness in the larger European community. It is only by empowering and helping its members to become agents of reconciliation, and to be peacemakers and peace-builders among the peoples of the European community of fellow-nations that the “Europe of frustrations”56 and conflicts will become the Europe that provides “freedom, security and justice”57 for the peoples of its many nations (27 countries are now members of the European Union; 47 countries are members of the Council of Europe). The Church has an important role to play in helping the success of movements of people in Europe. This is only possible as one gets involved with the broader picture and is allowed to be empowered to be agents of God’s reign in order to see and understand what one has not seen and understood before… beyond one’s own margins.58 Secondly, the church needs to raise awareness on issues of peace and reconciliation. As a first step, the church, through its educational programs, can teach members of the congregation not only the traditional Bible stories, but also “the art of forgiveness”59 and education about reconciliation. The educational ministry of the church should focus on teaching for Christ-centred reconciliation.60 It should be given to children starting from early childhood until they become mature members of the congregation and the community. Young people as well as adults need to be guided and empowered to deal with their own conflicts.

56   [Avec] “La propension des Etats à communautariser les échecs nationaux et à nationaliser les succès européens, on comprend mieux la frustration qu’engendre la construction communautaire : elle semble être partout alors qu’elle n’est souvent nulle part.” (my translation: With ‘the inclination of the States to see national failures as Community related and European successes as Nation related, one understands better the frustration generated by the construction of the [European] Community: it seems to be everywhere whereas it is often nowhere’). Jean Quatremer, ‘Est-ce Bruxelles qui nous gouverne?’ in Notre Europe, eds. Michel Rocard and Nicole Gnesotto, (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2008), p. 76) 57  Fontaine, Europe in 12 lessons, pp. 44–47. 58  Miroslav Volf, Exclusion & Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996), p.228. 59  Geiko Muller-Fahrenholz, The Art of Forgiveness: Theological Reflections on Healing and Reconciliation (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1997), pp. 2–8; John W. De Gruchy, Reconciliation: Restoring Justice (Minneapolis: Fortress Press 2002), pp. 147–180. 60  Habermas and Issler, Teaching for Reconciliation: Foundations and Practice of Christian Educational Ministry, pp.33–57.

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The  whole congregation needs to understand the significance of this peace education.61 Thirdly, Europe in the 21st century needs the Christian Church in Europe as a strong ally, i.e. critically supportive with constructive proactivities. The European Church needs to be Europhile and not Eurosceptic. With its de facto multicultural identity its priorities should be modelling integration instead of fighting it, promoting unity in diversity among the peoples of Europe and not linguistic exclusion and ethnic segregation. This means embracing rather than rejecting the stranger. Europe necessitates an ecumenical-minded Christian community that is enabled to contribute actively, by the power of the Spirit, to the answers that Europe needs in its quest for peace, justice and solidarity. Thus Europe needs Christians who are willing to talk to each other even when they are separated by nationality, language, culture, tradition and doctrine.62 Europe and the Church, from a shared history to a shared destiny In many ways Europe and the Church face similar issues of credibility: it is believed that Europe’s voice will only be heard as it is one, so will the voice of the Church. However, only intercultural and ecumenical education will equip the Church to experience unity in diversity. Vive la différence (as the French say) may then echo one’s generosity of heart when facing the reality all around us, locally and globally, diversity of individuals and/or diversity of groups of people. Just as Christians from various theological and spiritual traditions can learn to live together while sharing Kingdom of God citizenship, Europeans from various cultural and national backgrounds can learn to live together while sharing a European identity. The fall of the Berlin wall (1961-1989) did remove dreadful physical borders: a sign of division became over night an emblem of freedom. Quo Vadis Europe? If one acknowledges that Europeans must learn to live together in diversity and so do Christians, then Europe and the 61   Judo Poerwowidagdo, Ministry of Reconciliation and Peace. CTC Bulletin, Bulletin of the Program Area on Faith Mission and Unity [Theological Concerns] Christian Conference of Asia VOL. XVIII, No. 2 -Vol. XIX, No. 2 (December 2002 -August 2003), 62   The present author is here concerned about vital and essential people encounter very much aware of real differences and not about trying to harmonize such (possibly irreconcilable) doctrinal differences.


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Christian Church are facing similar challenges. Parallels can be found between the Christian Community and the European Community: just as we need to move beyond looking at the Church as an optical illusion, we need to look beyond Europe as a mere visual deception. The Church as an optical illusion (The trompe l’œil effect)

Europe as a visual deception (The trompe l’œil effect)

Territorial thinking  Ecclesiastical status quo   Denominational preserva­tionism   Denominational autonomy  Monocultural dominance  Institutionalized separation   Pseudo-theocracy   Doctrinal wars  Lack of empowering ­leadership   Dangers of spiritual ostracism  Myth of Christian unity  Hostility to the Church and its institutions

National borders  National status quo  National protectionism  National sovereignty  Ethnocentric monopoly  Geopolitical fragmentation   Pseudo-democracy  Ideological wars  Lack of political cohesion   Dangers of social exclusion  Myth of a united Europe  Hostility to the EU and its institutions

Europe is in need of citizens who are aware of the issues facing Europe, such as for example integrating East and West, environmental problems, nationalism and racism, justice and solidarity.63 Do we hear the voice of the witness say, “for me personally, you have opened the door to Europe in a way that for many of us was not comfortable but which I know feel is a necessary challenge we cannot ignore”?64 The Church needs to create a safe space for an intercultural experience which is truly transformative. For this reason it needs to develop a concept of interculturality that allows for an active engagement among the various European cultures. If we want to live a more sustainable shared life, we need to explore possibilities “to broaden our perspectives and change our own particular ways of thinking and living”.65

63  Michael I. Bochenski, Theology from Three Worlds: Liberation and Evangelization for the New Europe (Oxford: Regent’s Park College, 1997), pp. 149–172. 64  Letter from Charles Bonsall to the author, December 2008. 65   José R. Irizarry, ‘Toward an Intercultural Approach to Theological Education for Ministry’, In Shaping Beloved Community: Multicultural Theological Education, eds. David V. Esterline and Ogbu U. Kalu, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2006), pp. 28–42

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The ICHTHUS 21 Project Believing or just affirming that Europe matters does not in itself define or guarantee a European agenda for the Church. In order to support such developments, the present author is founding a European Institute for Conciliation and Reconciliation Studies66 called ICHTHUS 21. The choice of the name has both a historical and a present significance. The fish is an ancient Christian symbol that serves as a visual representation of a shared faith in Jesus.67 It refers to the core confession of the early church and of present generations of Christian believers (‘21’ simply being the present century). As a Christian (non-profit, non-denominational) organisation it will be devoted to the development (or construction project) of Europe in the 21st century within and through the various expressions and traditions of the Christian Church in Europe by means of teaching, consulting, research and related activities. Its mission shall be to contribute to the processes of conciliation and reconciliation68 needed to foster the understanding and practice of peace, justice and solidarity within and between communities in Europe. General objectives ICHTHUS 21 aims at promoting within Great Britain and the other European countries (as defined by the Council of Europe) conciliation and reconciliation based on Christian values and beliefs, with a special reference to the formation of European identity and a special focus on the transformation of modern European societies in a threefold manner:   - Conciliation and Reconciliation through Personal and Family Life Development   - Conciliation and Reconciliation through Cultural and Community Development   - Conciliation and Reconciliation through Unity and Diversity Development  In short form referred to as European Institute for Re/conciliation Studies.   The Greek word for fish is an acronym – Iesous Christos Theou Uiou Soter – which translated means Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour. 68   While conciliation (Latin conciliare, to bring together) refers more generally to the process of bringing into relationships of mutual benefit and enrichment various different parties in order to live in a model of unity in diversity, reconciliation refers more specifically to the healing of broken relationships, the resolving of conflicts and wrongs of the past in order to re-establish restored relationships, in both cases promoting peace, justice and solidarity. 66 67


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It will seek to equip a new generation of leaders from preparing to be or already engaged in European churches and communities with vision, resources, skills and virtues in order to pursue reconciliation, hope and healing in areas of brokenness, including the family, the city, the poor, the disabled, Christianity and Judaism69, Christianity and Islam, cultural and ethnic divisions, crises and conflicts, and the environment. It will seek to develop a multidisciplinary approach to re/conciliation studies drawing on a broad range of fields of study, including (but not limited to) arts and communication, anthropology and ethics, social and political science, and Judeo-Christian Scripture and theology. It will also work towards casting a vision for conciliation and reconciliation as spirituality and life-long journey for the Christian Church in Europe that is biblical, transformative and holistic, helping Christians to live as bridge-builders and agents of God’s reconciling love in the fragmented world of 21st century Europe, in real places, at home and at work, at school or as a jobseeker, from congregations to communities. It will endeavour to bring solid, interdisciplinary reflection in European theological education which is rooted in God’s gift of restored relationships as a new creation in Jesus to bear on the work of reconciling individuals, groups, communities and societies within today’s multicultural European context. Last, it shall identify intercultural education opportunities and promote such activities (e.g. citizenship education, language, music, arts) and exchanges that will foster a shared European identity (unity in diversity) and fundamental values such as mutual respect, stewardship, empathy, justice, truthfulness, accountability, integrity and excellence. Specific audience-related objectives Bible schools, Theological Colleges, Seminaries and Theology Depar­ tments The aim is to   - help develop the school’s curriculum and extra-curricular activities with new and meaningful learning opportunities to implement intercultural theological education that will help understand past European history, present European developments and future 69   Jewish-Christian dialogue needs to re-examine carefully the vital relationship of Jewish believers in Jesus and Gentile (non-Jewish) believers in Jesus, and its implications in terms of synergy and mutual complementarity.

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European challenges (with a special reference to European institutions) in order to develop leadership that is enabled to support people in building bridges, i.e. dealing with diversity while learning to live together both within the Christian congregation and the community at large (locally, regionally, nationally and globally).   - Encourage inside and outside the classroom, on- and off-campus, intercultural experiences to promote unity in diversity, inclusion and participation, with a special focus on interaction between students living in Europe and coming from various cultural backgrounds and European nations – North and South, East and West. Special attention will be given to issues raised by the (so-called) newer Europeans from African, American or Asian backgrounds who have made Europe their home during this past century.   - Develop critical thinking and equip with appropriate knowledge, experience and skills in the areas of cultural and religious diversity, sociology, conflict resolution, spiritual disciplines, social and economic justice issues, and related topics.   - Offer students through reconciliation studies an opportunity to become more proficient in recognizing injustice, addressing conflict, and engaging diversity. Local churches, congregations, denominations and (Christian) organisations   - Interpret the ministry of Reconciliation to individuals, congregations and organisations in Europe so as to awaken them to the needs and problems of structural or institutional and interpersonal relationships with persons of other backgrounds; and to work toward the changing of basic attitudes of racism, unconcern and implanted or developed hatreds, prejudices and systemic procedure of discri­mination.   - Stimulate congregations within a particular town, city or region to welcome the stranger and engage in Reconciliation ministries to help live in a world where differences (related to ethnicity, culture, gender, social status and/or religion) increasingly cause tensions between people, groups and nations.   - Encourage congregations to initiate and/or become involved in significant programs of Conciliation and Reconciliation by providing them with interpretative and promotional materials, suggested local Reconciliation projects.


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- Enable congregations to become contextually more relevant by responding to clearly defined community needs.   - Establish policies, guidelines and priorities under which cultural integration can be experienced positively rather than being perceived as a threat. Secondary Schools (Sixth form colleges or equivalent: Lycée – Liceo – Gymnasium – et al)   - Encourage schools to develop among students an understanding of European citizenship and a positive attitude toward the construction of Europe by developing critical attitudes able to move beyond stereotypes, biased information, and propaganda (in particular as found in the media).   - Encourage schools to promote understanding cultural differences as well as learning from differences.   - Encourage schools to create situations in which students can experience the meaning of democracy, the importance of dialogue, and the value of different abilities, perspectives and legacies. Specific programme activities carrying out the outlined objectives   - Develop and implement (preferably university validated) undergraduate and/or postgraduate degrees in European Re/conciliation Studies.   - Develop and help implement Church educational ministries through workshops and seminars.   - Develop opportunities for intercultural encounters and experiential learning through exchanges, visits, web-based communication and projects.   - Develop a Church-Twinning network across Europe based on a concept whereby congregations in geographically and confessional distinct areas are paired, with the goal of fostering human contact, holistic personal growth and cultural links between their members (at all age level).   - Develop an e-learning platform.   - Develop and organise in-service teacher education and training programmes in secondary schools.   - Develop and organise workshops and/or activities for students in secondary schools.

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- Develop, organise and/or support intercultural educational activities for children, youth and/or families such as European Citizen Clubs, European music schools, European language and/or art clubs.   - Develop a coaching/mentoring programme for identified key influencers together with a peer leadership development approach.   - Develop the hosting of conferences, workshops and seminars addressing the development of the concept and vision of conciliation and reconciliation in Europe.   - Develop the writing and publishing of supporting materials. Concluding remarks Europe is an increasing mobile, living society of peoples and there is an urgent need for a better understanding of Europe.70 In years to come it will become important for Europeans to address questions related to identity and mission, such as “Why Europe?”71 or related to orientation and purpose, such as “Where is Europe heading?”.72 Gordon ShowellRogers, former General Secretary of the European Evangelical Alliance, raises another fundamental question, “Where is the Church in Europe going?”73 One might add, “Where is Pentecostalism in Europe going?” Depending in which direction one looks for answers, the question may lead to very different positions. The persistent myth of a monocultural, homogeneous and ethnocentric view of Europe in the 21st century74 needs to be replaced by a noncomplacent view that will do justice to Europe’s own inter- and multicultural agenda. Such reality will not overlook the challenges of the global South, but it will not see its legitimacy anchored in a dialogue – however important it may be – with geographically distant cultures and

70   British Catholic historian Christopher Dawson made already in 1952 a very lucid plea for the study of the European question in his preface to the first edition of his now classic work on Understanding Europe, v. 71   Thomas Ferenczi, Pourquoi l’Europe? (Bruxelles: André Versaille, 2008), pp.251–260. 72   Kjell M. Torbiörn, Destination Europe: The political and economic growth of a ­ continent (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003) pp. 236–290) 73  Gordon Showell-Rogers, ‘Where is the Church in Europe going?’ Lausanne Reports, April 2008, 74   The present author would argue that Eurocentrism is neither synonymous with Western cultural predominance nor a variant of ethnocentrism.


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theologies. The future task of European theology should not be limited to redefining its relationship with the rest of the world (i.e. African, Asian and/or Latin American theology).75 The European Church in general and European Pentecostalism in particular need to learn how to refocus on Europe in a local and a global perspective. In 2009 the Conference of European Churches (CEC) celebrated the 50th anniversary of its founding, while the newly integrated Churches’ Commission for Migrants in Europe (CCME) commemorated its 45th anniversary.76 Its member churches consist of representatives of the Orthodox, Protestant, Anglican and Old Catholic Churches in Europe. The declared aims of that particular Assembly were “to offer hope and vision for ecumenism in Europe, to contribute to a just, sustainable and participatory Europe, to give account of the hope which is in us in the Europe of today” (Conference of European Churches). Even though a vast majority of European States are represented in the CEC77, its aspiration to develop a common voice for European churches in the European society may well suffer from a yet limited – therefore partial – representation of European church traditions (the Roman Catholic Church, various church fellowships within Evangelicalism, as well as most Pentecostal-Charismatic churches and movements remain absent from that platform). A reconciled Europe will not be a mere development of institutions and organisations whose primary purposes and chief objectives to start with should be to help people live together in a meaningful way while entering a life-transforming journey – ultimately – for the glory of God Almighty. A reconciled Europe is a new Europe78 in which transformed

75  Rolf Hille, ‘European Theology’ in Global Dictionary of Theology, eds. William A. Dyrness and Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, (Nottingham: Inter-Varsity Press. 2008) pp.285–294. 76  After having signed a Memorandum of Agreement in 2007, the integration of the CCME within CEC was completed at the 13th CEC Assembly in Lyon (15–21 July 2009). 77   The CEC member churches represent presently the following 38 States: Albania, Armenia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and Ukraine. 78  For a good introduction to various contemporary missiological approaches to Europe, see Friedemann Walldorf, Die Neu-Evangelisierung Europas: Missionstheo­ logien im europäischen Kontext, (Giessen: Brunnen, 2002).

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men and women who follow Jesus demonstrate in real life – as meaningful neighbours – that in him they have become the righteousness of God (cf. 2 Corinthians 5:21, NRSV). A reconciled Europe is a society in which European Pentecostalism is part of the solution (contributing answers) rather than part of the problem (only raising questions): there is hope when the promise of difference is displayed more than the problem of difference.79 Bibliography Albrecht, Daniel E. ‘Pentecostal Spirituality: Ecumenical Potential and Challenge’, Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-Charismatic Research 2 (2 July 1997.), http://www.pctii .org/ cyberj/cyberj2/albrecht.html. Alexander, Paul N., ‘Spirit Empowered Peacemaking: Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowship’. Paper presented at the 10th EPCRA Conference, 17-21 July 2001, in Leuven, Belgium. Anderson, Allan, ‘Pentecostalism, the enlightenment and Christian mission in Europe’, International Review of Mission, 95/378-9 (2006), pp. 276-281. Bochenski, Michael I., Theology from Three Worlds: Liberation and Evangelization for the New Europe (Oxford: Regent’s Park College, 1997). Brandt-Bessire, Daniel, Aux sources de la spiritualité pentecôtiste, (Paris: Labor et Fides, 1986). Brown, Nicholas R. Peace and Peacemaking. Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity. Gen. Ed. Daniel Patte. (New York: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press – 2010). Conference of European Churches. Dawson, Christopher, Understanding Europe, (London: Sheed and Ward, 1952). De Gruchy, John W., Reconciliation: Restoring Justice, (Minneapolis: Fortress Press 2002). Demossier, Marion, Introduction, in The European Puzzle: The Political Structuring of Cultural Identities at a Time of Transition, ed. Marion Demossier, (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007). Ferenczi, Thomas, Pourquoi l’Europe? (Bruxelles: André Versaille, 2008). Fontaine, Pascal, Europe in 12 Lessons, (Brussels: European Commission, 2006). Gaiser, Frederick J., ‘Your Faith Has Made You Well’: Healing and Salvation in Luke 17:12-19´, Word & World 16/3, (1996), p.299. Grant, Charles, ‘La Grande-Bretagne est-elle européenne ?’ in Notre Europe, eds. Michel Rocard and Nicole Gnesotto, (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2008). A revised version of this chapter has been published online in December 2008 by the Centre for European Studies, under the title: “Why is Britain eurosceptic?” .uk/pdf/essay_ eurosceptic_19dec08.pdf. Habermas, Ronald and Klaus Issler. Teaching for Reconciliation: Foundations and Practice of Christian Educational Ministry, (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1992).

79  I am indebted to Kenneth Sawyer for this formulation. K. Sawyer, ‘Libraries and Multicultural Theological Education: Beyond Nostalgia’ in Shaping Beloved Community: Multicultural Theological Education, eds. David V. Esterline and Ogbu U. Kalu, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press. 2006), p.73.


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Harmsen, Robert, and Memo Spiering. ‘Introduction: Euroscepticism and the evolution of European political debate’, in Euroscepticism: Party Politics, National Identity and European Integration, eds Robert Harmsen and Menno Spiering, (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005). Hathaway, David. N.d. Prophetic Vision: Special Re-issue Europe in Prophecy, (Dewsbury: Eurovision Publications). Hille, Rolf, ‘European Theology’ in Global Dictionary of Theology, eds. William A. Dyrness and Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, ( Nottingham: Inter-Varsity Press, 2008) pp.285-294. Hocken, Peter, The Call to Reconciliation Goodnews 157 (January-February 2002), Hunter, Harold D. Reconciliation-Pentecostal Style. Reconciliation 1: 3. (1998) Irizarry, José R. ‘Toward an Intercultural Approach to Theological Education for Ministry’, in Shaping Beloved Community: Multicultural Theological Education, eds. David V. Esterline and Ogbu U. Kalu, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2006), pp. 28-42 Karagiannis, Evangelos, and Nina Glick Schiller, ‘Contesting claims to the land: Pentecostalism as a challenge to migration theory and policy’ Sociologus 56/2, (2006), pp.137-171. Kim, Kirsteen, ‘Reconciliation, Integrity and the Holy Spirit: Ethic and Ethos of Mission’. Paper presented at the 11th International Conference of the International Association of Mission Studies (IAMS), 31 July – 7 August, 2004 in Port Dickson, Malaysia. Kirban, Salem, 20 Reasons Why This Present Earth May Not Last Another 20 Years, (Huntingdon Valley: Salem Kirban, 1973). Klaus, Byron, ed., We’ve Come This Far: Reflections on the Pentecostal Tradition and Racial Reconciliation, (Springfield, Miss.: Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, 2007). Lindsey, Hal, and C. Carlson, L’agonie de notre vieille planète [French translation of The Late Planet Earth]. Braine-L’Alleud, (Belgium: Editeurs de Littérature Biblique, 1974). Matthey, Jacques, ed. Come Holy Spirit, heal and reconcile! Called in Christ to be Reconciling and Healing Communities. Report of the WCC Conference on World Mission and Evangelism, Athens, Greece, May 9-16, 2006. (Geneva: WCC Publications, 2008). McCullum, Hugh, Healing and reconciliation theme: a first for WCC. World Council of Churches press release, March 31. pressreleasesen.nsf/ index/Feat-05-10.html. 2005. McKinney, George D., ‘The Azusa Street Revival’. Lecture presented at Beeson Divinity School, Sanford University, 3 October 2001, in Birmingham, Alabama. Mason, Barbara, and Slijkerman, Kees, comp. Hope for a New Europe: An aid to reflection on the papal document ‘Ecclesia in Europa, (London: Goodnews Special Publications, 2006). Muller-Fahrenholz, Geiko, The Art of Forgiveness: Theological Reflections on Healing and Reconciliation (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1997). Nelsen, Brent F., ‘The Reluctant Europeans: Protestantism, Nationalism and European Integration.’ Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 2-5 September 2004 in Chicago, Illinois. Nelson, Brent F. and James L. Guth, ‘Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities’. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28-31, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 2003. Pentecostal Charismatic Peace Fellowship. com_content&task=view&id=116&Itemid=46.

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Pfister, Raymond, ‘An urgent plea for a real Ecumenism of the Spirit’, The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 19/1, (2009) pp.8-25. Poerwowidagdo, Judo, Ministry of Reconciliation and Peace. CTC Bulletin, Bulletin of the Program Area on Faith Mission and Unity [Theological Concerns] Christian Conference of Asia VOL. XVIII, No. 2 -Vol. XIX, No. 2 (December 2002 -August 2003), Quatremer, Jean, ‘Est-ce Bruxelles qui nous gouverne?’ in Notre Europe, eds. Michel Rocard and Nicole Gnesotto, (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2008) Ratzinger, Joseph, Europe Today and Tomorrow: Addressing the Fundamental Issues, 2nd ed. (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2005). Rodgers, Darrin J., Review of We’ve Come This Far: Reflections on the Pentecostal Tradition and Racial Reconciliation, edited by Byron Klaus. Springfield, MO: Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, 2007. pentecostals-and-racial-reconciliation/ Romocea, Cristian G., ‘A Strategy for Social Reconciliation in the Ethnic Conflict in Transylvania’ Religion in Eastern Europe 23/ 5, (2003), pp.1-31. Sawyer, Kenneth, ‘Libraries and Multicultural Theological Education: Beyond Nostalgia’ in Shaping Beloved Community: Multicultural Theological Education, eds. David V. Esterline and Ogbu U. Kalu, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2006) pp.71-82. Showell-Rogers, Gordon, “Where is the Church in Europe going?” Lausanne Reports, April 2008, Spittler, Russell P. ‘Implicit Values in Pentecostal Missions’, Missiology: An International Review16/ 4 (1988), pp.409-424. Stassen, Glen H., ‘Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount’. Paper presented at the 10th EPCRA Conference, 17-21 July, 2001 in Leuven, Belgium. Stassen, Glen H. and David P. Gushee, Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context, (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2003). Torbiörn, Kjell M., Destination Europe: The political and economic growth of a continent, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003). Udal, Joanna, ‘Reconciliation among Nations: the Role of the Church’ The Ecumenical Review 49/1 (2007), pp. 61-77. Vassiliadis, Petros, ‘Reconciliation as a pneumatological mission paradigm: Some Preliminary Reflections by an Orthodox’, International Review of Mission 94/372: (2005), pp. 30-42. Volf, Miroslav, Exclusion & Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996). Yong, Amos, ‘Pentecostalism and Political Theology’, Papers presented at the University of Birmingham for the Cadbury Lectures, 9-19 March, 2009 in Birmingham.

chapter fifteen A Sociological Perspective on Pentecostalism in Europe William K. Kay In writing a sociology of Pentecostalism in Europe, it has to be recognised that all three terms – sociology, Pentecostalism and Europe – have changed enormously in the 100 years since Pentecostalism broke into existence. Consequently, this chapter will consider the three terms individually before more detailed comment on individual countries and themes. Sociology Sociology is a body of theories and concepts that can be traced back to the 19th century. The word was first coined in 1838 by the Frenchman Auguste Comte (1798–1857) who applied scientific methods to the study of society. Science already addressed the natural and physical world and so it was only a short step for it to turn its attention to the institutions and values of human social life. Reviewing previous history Comte discerned three successive phases. The first phase was theological in that social causes and frameworks were attributed to God, and government was by kings or priests. The second phase was metaphysical where abstract forces explained social change and where human rights were justified without reference to any supernatural being. The final phase was scientific (or ‘positive’) and social change was explained by theoretical positions derived from evidence that was usually based upon empirical enquiry. Power in the new form of society was allocated according to elections and merit rather than birth and privilege. Later, more subtle thinkers like Weber (1864–1920) and Troeltsch (1865–1923) offered a different account of the relationship between religion and society.1 Weber examined a vast array of historical data to write 1   See for instance, Max Weber The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, (Mineola: New York, 2003), Dover Publications [first published in German in 1904–5


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his stunning account of the interaction between Protestantism and the rise of capitalism. Although the key idea is hedged around with several caveats, Weber argued that capitalism arose in Europe after the Protestant Reformation because of two main changes. First, the evaluation of interest payments was revised. Whereas previously Catholicism had seen usury, or the lending of money for interest, as an essentially sinful activity taking advantage of the poor and putting them in the debt of the rich, Protestantism saw nothing wrong with the lending of money and the charging of interest. Second, Luther rethought the notion of vocation. He understood the ploughmen and the blacksmith to be called to their work just as much as a priest or monk was called to his. Vocation to secular work became possible because everybody might be called to fulfil his or her role for the larger good of society. The result of this double change was that ordinary people, farmers and merchants, saw their work as a kind of calling and performed it for the glory of God and then put their savings into the new banks. Since work was a calling, it became a sacred duty and the so-called Protestant ‘work ethic’ emerged. The surplus money saved in banks could then be lent to those in need of capital who would start up new businesses, and capitalism was born. The point about Weber’s analysis was that religious values influenced  social values. It was not that religion was left behind by social evolution but rather that religion through its own internal reforms spilled over into commerce and the marketplace and transformed these activities. Religion was not peripheral but rather a partner in the process of change. Weber also made a distinction between different kinds of religious authority. He understood charismatic authority to be vested in gifted individuals who began religious movements. You might think of John Wesley or Francis of Assisi. These are individuals who broke the mould, and their authority derived from their own personal character and gifting. Once the charismatic individual died, bureaucratic and legalrational individuals took over the organisational legacy and began to run it. This explained why religious movements began in a blaze of glory and after a generation ossified into predictable routine and empty ritual. Such a trajectory within religious movements is particularly pertinent to an analysis of Pentecostalism.

as Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik]; Robin Gill (ed), Theology and Sociology: a reader, (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1987).

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Troeltsch, writing at the same time as Weber, made a distinction between the sect, the church and the denomination. The sect comprises individuals who look for personal fellowship with God and who are prepared to draw aside into like-minded groups of individuals who shelter themselves against the ungodly majority making up the greater part of society. For the sect, only its members have found salvation and consequently they are exclusive in their attitudes and exist on the margins of society. The church is a very different organisation historically because it encompasses the whole of society. It offers religious meaning and purpose to individuals by supplying religious rites of passage like christenings, weddings or funerals and also to society itself by legitimating the structures of power as, for instance, in the Anglican Church’s crowning of the monarch. Between the inclusive church and the exclusive sect is the denomination. Its claims are more moderate than those of the church and it is quite prepared to accept that salvation is obtainable through other variants of Christianity; Baptists will accept Methodists, for instance. In this way denominations are a kind of halfway house between sects and churches and it is possible to see the historical development of sects as they pass through a denominational orientation into a church orientation. Again, this trajectory is helpful in understanding how Pentecostal groups alter as time passes. These different concepts and theories can be brought together into a coherent account. In recent years sociologists have argued that the 20th century has seen pervasive secularisation sweep across Europe: church membership has fallen, public displays of religion have reduced, personal religious beliefs have become less orthodox, belief in God has dropped several percentage points, religious marriages and funerals have started to be replaced by secular versions, and public discourse in the mass media has adopted an increasingly cynical and irreligious tone.2 This secularisation has been explained by the rise of modern technology and urbanisation. The world has been demystified and science has driven religion to the private sphere – so it is said. Religious groups have been forced into sect-like defensive positions and civil authorities have felt less need to shelter under religious legitimation.

2  In addition to Steve Bruce (see footnote below), a case for secularisation has been outlined by Callum G. Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, (London: Routledge, 2001); Alan Aldridge, Religion in the Contemporary World: a sociological introduction, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000).


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Even ­previously absolutist churches have been forced to classify themselves as relativised denominations. In a division of sociological opinion one side has pressed hard the case for secularisation and been answered by the other side which has suggested that religion in Europe may have ‘shifted sideways’ in the sense that it is moved into the personal and private sphere and away from the public sphere. It is argued by those who are unconvinced by the secularisation thesis that religion is still present in society but does not continue in the traditional forms and symbols.3 In this way religion has metamorphosed into spirituality. The debate has thrown up several fresh explanations for the differences between the United States and Europe.4 One proposes that Europe has been populated by churches that have had a close relationship with the state (e.g. Lutherans in Norway or Catholics in Italy) whereas the United States has never had an established church. It is arguable that the decline of religion in Europe is connected with the state-church configurations and that in the United States a ‘free market’ of religion has operated in the sense that churches have always competed equally against each other for members. Indeed, this phenomenon has given rise to ‘rational choice theory’ which contends that people adopt their religious faith in much the same way as they make any other choice in a commercial market.5 Choices are based upon cost and satisfaction. It is argued that the higher personal commitment or cost of sectarian religion is compensated for by higher satisfaction, and conversely in the case of the lower cost of church religion. Consequently the vitality of religious life in the United States stems from the vitality of the religious market where every kind of religious belief and practice is socially supported. Thus, counter intuitively, the supply of religious institutions is responsible for creating a demand for religious beliefs, rather than the other way round.

3   The best known proponent of the secularisation thesis is Steve Bruce. See for example Steve Bruce, God is Dead: secularization in the West, (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002). On the other side are those like David Martin, On Secularization: towards a revised general theory, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005) and Grace Davie, Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead, Predicting Religion: Christian, secular and alternative futures, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003). 4  Grace Davie, Europe: the exceptional case, (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 2002). 5  Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge, A Theory of Religion, (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1987).

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Pentecostalism Pentecostalism in Europe developed from one main centre. T. B. Barratt in Oslo, Norway, was responsible for taking Pentecostalism to Britain and then helping it reach Germany. Once the fire had been lit in Britain, British Pentecostals like Alexander Boddy added their own impetus to the excited spread of spiritual activity. However, we know that Barratt preached in Denmark (1907), England (1907), Switzerland (1908), Finland (1911), Russia (1911), and Iceland (1920). He also preached in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Switzerland, Latvia, Poland and perhaps France and maintained contact with Spain.6 It is also true that the oftenoverlooked Andrew Johnson, who had been present in W. J. Seymour’s earliest Los Angeles meetings, helped spread Pente­costalism in Sweden and other Nordic countries after 1907. The point, though, is that unlike the worldwide stage, it is difficult to argue that there were multiple simultaneous points of origin on the European continent itself. Barratt and Boddy symbolise divergent approaches to the early Pentecostal revival. Boddy was unwavering in his belief that Pente­ costalism belonged within the existing denominations, and particularly within his beloved Anglicanism, and should not be seen as the seedbed of a series of new religious denominational organisations. Barratt, by contrast, originally took the view that Pentecostalism existed as a spiritual or renewal movement within existing denominations but, once he accepted the validity of adult baptism by immersion, he found himself on a collision course with Lutheranism and eventually committed to the founding of specifically Pentecostal denom­inations. In this respect, Barratt was the pioneer of Pentecostal denominationalism. But what sort of denominations? The conversation between the Swedish Lewi Pethrus and the Norwegian T. B. Barratt influenced both men.7 Pethrus came to accept the Baptist view that local congregations were paramount and, indeed, that in the early church no organisation existed outside of or independent of the local congregation. This gave Scandinavian Pentecostalism its distinctive form and quality. The big local church with a cluster of daughter churches was the focus of organisational growth and the basis for mission, humanitarian aid and broadcasting. Critics have suggested that the Scandinavian model produced 6   David Bundy, Visions of Apostolic Mission: Scandinavian Pentecostal Mission to 1935, (Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University Library, 2009), p 219, 226. 7   Bundy, Visions of Apostolic Mission.


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miniature denominations centred around powerful senior pastors of large congregations. Pethrus promoted his model and Barratt was willing to accept it while, at the same time, being content with the development of a wider association of ministers and congregations that went beyond the merely local.8 In other parts of Europe the dynamics were different. In Britain the centralised denominational structure of Elim under the inspiring leadership of George Jeffreys began without any obvious designs beyond being evangelistic. Elim’s first formal steps towards denominationalism can be said to have been taken in 1918 after a financial legacy prompted the need to construct a legal identity. Such considerations also became important when buildings were purchased. Legal arrangements for ownership had to be made and it became easy in the early days for denominational offices to acquire trust deeds and, in this way, to strengthen centralising tendencies.9 The Assemblies of God was called together in Britain in 1924 and its system ensured that local congregations were selfgoverning and owned their own buildings and that an annual conference of representatives of these congregations (usually the ministers) met together to make decisions relevant to joint activities.10 Thus, once Pentecostal denominations were established, they could be governed by giving power to superintendents and officials or by ensuring that power remained firmly in the hands of local pastors. What happened in the UK was paralleled elsewhere. Pentecostal denominations came into being in several countries after 1918. The war itself had an unforeseen impact. In Britain many early Pentecostals were pacifist and this caused them to distance themselves from the established church. We could say that, in general, the war drove Pentecostals away from the established church since in every country the established church was unable to take a pacifist stance. Had it done so, it would have surrendered its connections with the state. Meanwhile, alongside the free-standing Pentecostal denominations there was still a remnant of

Lewi Pethrus, A Spiritual Memoir, (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1973).   B. R. Wilson, Sects and Society, (London: Heinemann, 1961). See also B. R. Wilson, Religion in a Secular Society: a sociological comment, (London: C. A. Watts & Co., 1966). 10   The story about how Donald Gee nearly joined Elim is told by Richard Massey, ‘A flirtation with Elim’ – Donald Gee’s negotiations to join the Elim Pentecostal Alli­ ance in 1923, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association VIII.1, (1989) pp.3–13. The man who convened the meeting which led to the formation of British Assemblies of God was John Nelson Parr.  8  9

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Boddy’s inclusive renewalist vision, especially within the German Mülheim Association (formed 1913) and the French Union de Prière (Union of Prayer) founded by Louis Dallière in 1946. If we accept the sect/denomination distinction, it is evident that in those countries where there was a large Free Church sector (i.e. separate from the state), it was much easier for Pentecostals to become socially and religiously accepted. Here they might aspire to the denominational acceptance which Baptists and Methodists had eventually gained. Where there were established churches, or churches which were closely linked with national identity, it was much more difficult for Pentecostals to gain a foothold. The Orthodox in Russia or Greece, the Catholics in Belgium, Italy and Spain and the Lutherans in parts of Germany were hostile to Pentecostalism. In each of these cases the main churches had favoured positions in the national consciousness and resisted any religious challenger with a mixture of disdain and polemic. As a result Pentecostals were forced into sectarian stances and became anti-social and antiecumenical, glorying in the contempt that was heaped upon them. In the next section we identify the two world wars and statesponsored communism as the major factors which disrupted European Pentecostalism in the 20th century. Both of these in different ways drove forward secularisation. Europe When we compare Europe in 1900 with Europe in 2000 huge differences are visible.11 The differences which interest us are those that have a bearing on Pentecostalism. In 1900 Europe was monarchical, Christian by tradition and practice, technologically more advanced that the rest of the world (apart from the USA), in possession of colonies in Africa and Asia, wealthy, more urbanised, educated and industrialised than anywhere else and the epicentre of missionary outreach. In 1900 Europe contributed 24% to the world’s population and was itself largely Cau­ casian. By 2000 many of Europe’s monarchs had been marginalised and its established churches had been reduced to a shadow of their former selves. Church attendance had plummeted and religious practice had been eroded. A smaller proportion of people prayed and wanted religious marriages or burial services, and belief in a personal God had 11  T. C. W. Blanning (ed), The Oxford History of Modern Europe, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).


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diminished. At the same time non-Christian religions grew significantly by reaching up to 25% of the population in parts of some cities. Though still technologically advanced, Europe’s global advantage had been drastically cut and even, in some cases, lost. Its colonies had been stripped from it and many new nations had been created in a wave of independence movements after 1945. Europe’s wealth as compared with other continents was now challengeable; the Asian tiger was beginning to eat its erstwhile masters. Missionary outreach continued through to 2000 although in the non-Pentecostal denominations much of the outreach was translated into humanitarian rather than evangelical activity. The underlying philosophy of religion within Europe became pluralistic rather than monopolistic. Urbanisation, and therefore literacy and industrialisation, had by the end of the century spread worldwide with the result that European cultural advantages diminished and, by 2000, Europeans only amounted to 11% of the world’s population and were now drawn from many ethnicities. Among the drastic drivers of religious change in Europe was war. The two wars of 1914–18 and 1939–45 were fought on European soil and destroyed many of its cities, millions of lives and much wealth. Beyond this, the sight of Christian nations engaged in bloody conflict, each with their chaplains and prayers, made a mockery of New Testament teaching. How could it be right that young men who had been baptised as children and who were theoretically followers of the ‘Prince of Peace’ should enthusiastically use poisonous gas and machine guns to kill each other? When the wars ended, Christianity had lost much of its moral authority and it is hardly surprising that the intellectual elites in the 1930s and the 1950s looked for answers elsewhere. The 1930s offered the red solutions of communism and the black solutions of fascism.12 Communistic states were atheistic and therefore anti-Pentecostal; fascist states (Germany, Spain and Italy) were theistic but regarded Pentecostals as cultic and verminous.13 In both places Pentecostals suffered a loss of liberty and status and many were imprisoned. Denominational organisations were broken up; records and documents were burnt; bibles were destroyed; public preaching was forbidden; travel was restricted; denominational publication was suppressed; the upbringing of children within  C. S. Lewis, The Pilgrim’s Regress, (London: J M Dent and Sons, 1933).   For an unwavering reflection on the cruelty of State-sponsored terrorism see, John Gray, Black Mass: apocalyptic religion and the death of Utopia, (Harmondsworth: Allan Lane, 2007). 12 13

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the faith of their parents was prevented; pacifism was illegal. Only in the United Kingdom and in neutral countries like Switzerland was religious freedom maintained throughout the 20th century. The scars of war were noticeable during periods of peace. In Britain, the Sunderland Conventions ran from 1908–14 but were forced to stop once war had been declared. As a result early Pentecostalism lost its international dimension and its forum for discussing common concerns and, even after peace returned, the friendships and cooperation which first marked European Pentecostalism were strained.14 Equally, the 1914–18 war led to an upsurge in spiritism as many bereaved survivors attempted to contact the young men who had died.15 In England and in Germany spiritism was sometimes confused with Pentecostalism, especially as both advertised miracles of healing.16 The effect of this confusion was to isolate Pentecostals from mainline churches and to provoke occasional misguided journalistic criticism. This made it easier to classify Pentecostalism as cultic, as was the case in Italy where legislation introduced during the fascist regime continued to provide the basis for discrimination right through until the 1950s. Communism also scarred Pentecostals. The years of repression in eastern Europe created defensive mindsets. Leaders resisted communism by resisting change and any outside influences. Doctrinal points were frozen in time and ecumenical initiatives were prevented. Perhaps most sad was the fact that, when freedom arrived after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many church leaders were incapable of grasping the evangelistic and missionary opportunities that faced them.17 As a result the churches that survived the period of repression found it difficult to adapt and to retain their young people once the lures of commercialism and consumerism were unleashed by western business. In addition, suspicion was deeply embedded within some congregations. This was 14   Donald Gee, Wind and Flame, (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing House, 1967), p. 121. 15   W. R. Inge, Lay Thoughts of a Dean, (London: Puttenham’s Sons, 1926); see also the first issue of Redemption Tidings, 1, 1, p 18. The same thing happened in the 1940s: Redemption Tidings carried reports of an increase in spiritism. The report of a committee appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury noted ‘the growing strength of Spiritualism in the Church of England, the increasing number of its adherents both among clergy and laymen, and the claims of mediums’ (22 March, 1940, p.14). See also Christopher Isherwood, Goodbye to Berlin, (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1939, Re-published in 1945). 16   W. K. Kay, A History of British Assemblies of God, PhD dissertation, (University of Nottingham, 1989) (chapter 3). 17   This is a personal impression.


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especially the case where secret police had infiltrated their membership lists or where the Orthodox churches were given privileges denied to other Christians (as when Stalin mobilised his population for the ‘Great Patriotic War’ from 1941–45 and used Orthodox clergy to this end). Albania and the Czechoslovakia suffered especially badly. If, during the 20th century, Europe lost its position of leadership in the world, it also changed its values. Becoming more secular, it was also the home of post-modernism. As the European Values Survey indicated, there were generational shifts in values.18 The generation born before 1939 tended to be conformist and willing to save its money. The generation born after 1945, and especially after 1965, values self-expression more than financial security. Self-expression is demonstrated in graphic art and above all in music which, becoming ubiquitous on the Sony Walkman and then the iPod, filled the minds of a global subculture with sexual images and assertions of freedom based on a philosophy of loudly claimed rights. Pentecostalism competed and adapted by changing worship styles and worship music and, in its charismatic forms, by insisting on relational networks instead of modernistic denominational hierarchies.19 Local themes We can carry out an imaginary experiment by asking what European Pentecostalism would look like if it had not suffered from the depredations of war and communism. Would it resemble Pentecostalism in the United States? The answer this question must surely be ‘no’, if only because Europe is divided by its many languages while the United States is united by a common tongue. Additionally, as had been pointed out, the United States from its earliest days separated church and state: there never was an established church built into the American Constitution and there are no special legal rights ensuring that representatives of one religion or another sit in Congress. Throughout the 20th century United States has been free from fighting on its soil or the bombing of its cities and, despite the depression of the 1930s, North Americans have experienced higher standards of living than anywhere else in the world. This

18   David Barker, Loek Halman and Astrid Vloet, The European Values Study 1981– 1990, (London: Gordon Cook Foundation, 1992); see their discussion of materialist and post-materialist ages. 19   W. K. Kay, Apostolic Networks in Britain, (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007).

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combination of wealth and religious freedom has benefited Pentecostal churches in the USA. In Europe, even without war and communism, Pentecostalism would have struggled to find a foothold once religious monopolies had been built: in Catholic Spain or Orthodox Russia, for instance. What Pentecostalism needed was sufficient social space to allow it to grow, and such social space had historically and primarily been created by off-shoots of the Protestant reformation in the shape of a cluster of nonconformist groups: Anabaptist, Moravian, Baptist, Presbyterian, Congregational, Methodist, Salvationist, and so on. With this in mind we consider sociological themes in the context of several European countries. In the United Kingdom Pentecostals had the benefit of beginning in an Anglican context in Sunderland and therefore enjoyed the sense of belonging to the established church (as Neil Hudson shows in chapter 2). After 1915 Pentecostals began to move away from their position as a renewal movement straddling a segment of Angli­ canism and a segment of the Free Churches: they set up organisations that rapidly evolved into denominations. Their attitudes were essentially sectarian and exclusive and, though they attempted to interact with wider aspects of popular culture (especially in their choice of music hall tunes and their crusade advertising), they were largely isolated from other Christian streams until the 1960s. Their holiness teaching was anti-worldly to the extent that novel reading, cricket and jewellery were disapproved of and criticised.20 In the 1960s they were forced to re-think their orientation. Spirit-filled Baptists, Methodists and others showed that the Pentecostal life-style was arbitrary and might alienate Pentecostal congregations from the post-1945 generation. With little debate Pentecostals revised their practices and quietly dropped the cultural demands of their holiness codes. Young women could wear trousers, jewellery was acceptable, head coverings stopped being obligatory and cinema attendance was no longer sinful. In short, Pentecostals moved from a sectarian orientation towards a denominational orientation and thereby followed a classic sociological trajectory. By the end of the century we may say that the most successful Pentecostals had ab­sorbed elements of popular culture and sacralised it. Worship began to share elements of the high decibel stroboscopically-lit rock concert. 20   B. R. Wilson, Sects and Society, (London: Heinemann, 1961); W. K. Kay, A History of British Assemblies of God, PhD dissertation, (University of Nottingham, 1989) published as, Inside Story, (Stourport-on-Seven: Mattersey Hall Publications, 1991).


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Church helped people succeed in the secular market place; Pentecostals had moved from avoiding the world to succeeding in it. In Germany Pentecostalism got off to a disastrous start after the police were called to meetings at Kassel (as Carl Simpson shows in chapter 3). Following this the infamous Berlin Declaration of 1909 poisoned relationships between renewalist evangelicals and Pentecostals for at least fifty years. It became wise for Pentecostal-style groups to dampen down their spiritual ardour so as to distance themselves from the excesses of Kassel. The sinless perfectionism of Jonathan Paul – a position he renounced in 1919 – only added to the complex difficulties Pentecostals faced. The result of this was that Pentecostalism, despite some early success, found its progress blocked and it was forced into a sectarian position that may, paradoxically, have protected it after 1933 when Hitler came to power. The Volksmission survived the war and emerged on the other side of it intact, and other groups were more or less badly affected. The immediate post-war period provided opportunities for humanitarian work and church-planting that forced Pentecostalism into a more socially engaged role. The charismatic movement possibly had a greater impact on German Pentecostalism than was the case in the UK and by the end of the century the arrival of migrant African Pentecostals further significantly diversified the profile of the whole movement.21 In many respects the sociological trajectory was similar to that followed in the UK though without the important phase of growth and consolidation in the 1920s and 1930s. It is possible that the historic division of Germany into Protestant and Catholic zones, and the tax revenues that flowed to these churches, made Pentecostalism less threatening to established religious organisations than was the case in the smaller Scandinavian countries. France, as a legacy of its revolutionary past, was the most secular of Euro­pean countries. It had no established church and, though French Catholi­cism continued to be influential in education and in rural areas, the default position of French intellectuals was secular and left-wing. In France as a whole (as Raymond Pfister has shown in chapter 5), 21  Richard Burgess, ‘African Pentecostal spirituality and civic engagement: the case of the Redeemed Christian Church of God in Britain’, Journal of Beliefs and Values, 30, 3, (2009) pp.255–273. See also Claudia Währisch-Oblau, The Missionary Self-Perception of Pentecostal/Charismatic Church Leaders from the Global South in Europe, (Leiden: Brill, 2009).

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despite early forays into Pentecostal Christianity before 1914, the most significant flowering occurred through Douglas Scott, an Englishman whose evangelistic and healing ministry in the 1930s resulted in the formation of French Assemblies of God, a group of autonomous congregations all subscribing to the same foundational truths. The ecclesiology of Assem­blies of God in France, as in other European countries, allowed each congregation to be autonomous in what it did but required it to maintain formalised Pentecostal beliefs. Scott’s energetic labours transplanted British Pentecostalism in its sectarian phase and to this were added contextual elements of French Reformed Protestantism which was, of course, anti-Catholic. Unsurprisingly therefore French Pentecos­ talism was not known for its ecumenical attitudes, a tendency reinforced by its ­linguistic isolation from the wider currents of Pentecostalism that flowed through the English language. Only in recent years has the diversification of French Pentecostalism become evident. As Pfister shows, there are now ethnic churches and a range of small but denominationally-linked congregations. In this way there are both sectarian and non-sectarian representations of Pentecostalism, each with matching doctrinal emphases. Former Soviet countries present a varied picture. In some of these, like Romania, Pentecostalism was partially encouraged by the Communists as a way of weakening the Orthodox Church. In others, like Russia, Pentecostal churches were neither favoured in Czarist nor Communist times and now find themselves in a marginal cultural position but sustained by wider international connections, preachers and, sometimes, funds. In Slovakia there is church growth, but starting from a low base. In the Ukraine, a young democracy, Protestant versions of Christianity are growing. However, an interest in Christianity after 1988 may prove ‘at a deeper level to be just replacement of an atheist ideology with a confessional or ethno-cultural one’.22 Overall and against the background of a declining population, Christians constitute 84% of the population of the old USSR, a figure about 6% lower than it was in 1910. The drop in Christian percentages can be largely accounted for by the rise in atheists and agnostics, who are a legacy of the enforced Communist era, and by a decline in the number of Jews and an increase in Islamic numbers.23 22  Vladimir Federov, ‘Christianity in Eastern Europe 1910–2010’, in Todd M. Johnson and Kenneth R. Ross (eds), Atlas of Global Christianity 1910–2010, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009), p. 158. 23   Johnson and Ross (eds), Atlas of Global Christianity 1910–2010, p 160.


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At the risk of simplification we might say that Orthodoxy after communism is seeking to regain some of its confiscated institutional base and property and in this way again secure cultural and political leverage; the field where this struggle is most sharp lies in all forms of education. In this respect, Orthodoxy is re-sacralising a secularized social zone, but this does not necessarily benefit Pentecostal churches. Pentecostalism is divided, and some of this division reflects changes foisted upon the churches in the communist era. For instance, (as Pavel Mozer shows in chapter 10 and Peter Kuzmič shows in chapter 13) some groups survived by resisting involvement with the State and its apparatus while others were more cooperative. Those who resisted involvement tend to be isolated (and therefore sectarian) and, after perestroika, also refused to reach out a hand of fellowship to the new charismatics. Consequently some Pentecostals now display the characteristics of denominations while others are typically sect-like and therefore in danger of failing to grow by the addition of new converts. Scandinavia is different from other parts of Europe in being both strongly and traditionally Protestant and in containing relatively small populations spread over large areas. The great industrial cities of Germany and England are missing in Scandinavia. The effect is that a strong sense of community persisted well into the 20th century. Pentecostalism was extremely successful in this setting. It appeared as a renewal movement similar to those that had touched Lutheran and Methodist churches in the 19th century.24 At the beginning, Pentecostalism modelled itself on Baptist ecclesiology which allowed large independent Pentecostal congregations to be formed in the few major cities. The commanding influence of Lewi Pethrus led Swedish Pentecostalism to engage in social activities (for instance founding a daily newspaper) and comment on political topics. In sociological terms Pentecostalism rapidly moved out of a sectarian phase into a church phase, and was able to do so without unwieldy structures tying together large numbers of separate congregations. Although the world wars certainly impacted Scandinavian countries, fighting and bombing were restricted and casualties proportionately smaller than elsewhere. While the Lutheran Church was linked to the 24   Jouko Ruohomäki, ‘The call of charisma: charismatic phenomena during the 18th and 19th centuries in Finland’, Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, 19,1 (2009) pp.26–41.

a sociological perspective


monarchy and government, other branches Protestantism and some elements of Orthodoxy were also accepted. By the 1960s the first phase of Pentecostal revival had passed and the well-organised congregations had slowed into a comfortable rhythm, following the respectable path of majority Lutheranism. Consequently Pentecostalism was ripe for the radical Third Wave which had the effect of weakening the older congregations because the new ones reaped the benefit of transfer growth.25 Sweden is said to be the most secular of the Nordic countries and underlined this fact by disestablishing the Church of Sweden on 1 January 2000. Yet, paradoxically, Swedes continue to expect the Church to oversee the ‘rites of life’. As many as 54% of all marriages take place in the Church of Sweden and 88% of all the dead are buried by the Church. As many as 77% of the population belongs to the Church of Sweden but, despite this, belief in traditional Christian articles is low and so is attendance at regular worship.26 Pentecostalism in this context is reinventing itself either in its radical form, of which Livets Ord (Word of Life) is the best example, or in a version that enhances the postmodern themes of professional success, productive relationships and ecological impact.27 A recent dissertation by Karl Inge Tangen explored why men and women converted and worshipped in new-style Pentecostal congregations: the traditional reasons related to redemption and forgiveness of sin hardly feature. Empowerment, relationships and moral purpose are at the forefront.28 Church government The earliest Pentecostal group in Britain (after 1910) attempted to deduce a system of church government compatible with restorationist beliefs about the operation of the Holy Spirit. The group associated with W. O. Hutchinson attempted to restore apostolic government aided by prophetic insight. Such governmental forms led to abuses of authority and were soon widely avoided. Most Pentecostals   The first wave is often seen as the outbreak of classical Pentecostalism, the second wave as the charismatic movement of the 1960s and the third wave as the later antidenominational and organisationally new forms of Spirit-filled church life. 26   Per Pettersson Sweden, in H-G Ziebertz and W. K. Kay (eds), Youth in Europe II, (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2006). 27   Simon Coleman, The Globalisation of Charismatic Christianity, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 28   Karl Inge Tangen, Ecclesial Identification Beyond Transactional Individualism? A case study of life strategies in growing late modern churches, PhD dissertation, Norwegian School of Theology, University of Oslo, (2009). 25


william k. kay

adapted the government forms with which they were familiar. Barratt, as a Methodist, was familiar with episcopal government. Pethrus became familiar with government by a pastor assisted by elders, and this system of a pastor assisted by elders was also accepted by Assemblies of God. When we ask what the sociological implications of these different methods of church government are, the answer is elusive. Within the sharply stratified society of 19th-century Europe, bishops were socially superior beings who could talk and move in terms of equality with the upper classes. In this sense, episcopal government fitted societies where there were divergences between wealth and poverty. And there is a truth in the corollary that egalitarian societies preferred congregational government. The semi-episcopal government of Elim in Britain reflected a middle-class orientation whereas the congregational government of Assemblies of God reflected a more working class orientation. But this is not an invariable rule and we would probably be best to think of modes of church government as arising through historical accident and sometimes in harmony with and sometimes discordant from their societal contexts. Charisma versus bureaucracy Max Weber’s insight into the evolution of religious movements whereby they begin with charismatic founders and, after a generation, become mired in bureaucratic entanglements can be seen in several Pentecostal denominations across Europe. In Elim this classic phase occurred towards the end of the 1930s when George Jeffreys, the charismatic founder, left and the bureaucratic officials remained. Actually, the Elim story is more complex than this because it later recovered its charismatic roots. A similar pattern might be seen in many national versions of Assemblies of God where the early founding pastors were all adaptable and gifted individuals who, either when they became older or in the second generation, found themselves in movements that failed to innovate and became embroiled in damaging internal constitutional arguments. It is arguable that British Assemblies of God went through this phase in the 1970s and that French Assemblies of God has still not emerged from it. The Scandinavian groups, whose growth tailed off in the latter part of the 20th century, may also have suffered from the routinisation of charisma and this is why radical groups were attractive: they were radical in that they emphasised charisma and resisted bureaucracy. Pentecostalism at its inception was charismatic and is particularly susceptible to decline brought on by bureaucratic

a sociological perspective


machinery. It is for this reason that the periodic renewal movements which flow through Pentecostalism (the Toronto blessing, for instance) have value. Conclusion War and communism changed whole countries by destroying infrastructure and disrupting centuries-old traditions. Pentecostals like everyone else were caught up in tragic events. In countries where there was a tradition of religious freedom like the UK, Pentecostals could opt to be ‘conscientious objectors’ and avoid military service as a way of expressing their pacifism. But not all Pentecostals were pacifist and, in countries where there was no religious freedom, Pentecostals were forced to put on uniform and fight. The effect of pacifism was to drive Pentecostals away from the centres of governmental power and put them on the margins of society or, in short, to force them into a classic sectarian position. If Pentecostals did put on uniform and fight, they might find themselves divided from pacifist Pentecostals, and this could lead to prolonged inter-Pentecostal bitterness. Across the century and taking Europe as a whole, Pentecostals could be found in almost every position on the sociological spectrum. There were some who were fully engaged in societal projects and largely accepted by other churches and there were others who were isolated and, as a result of their isolation, unattractive to educated middle-class converts. As a result, Pentecostals would be found in both middle-class and lower class denominations though, at their best, healthy growth produced rounded denominations containing a wide cross-section of congregations and individuals. Both Elim and Assemblies of God in the UK were relatively well-balanced by the 1970s. In the communist countries of Eastern Europe many Pentecostals were deprived of educational opportunities and social advancement and therefore became economically poor and inadequately trained. But these factors may