Theological Roots Of Pentecostalism

Theological Roots Of Pentecostalism

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THEOLOGICAL ROOTS OF PENTECOSTALISM by Donald W. Dayton Pentecostalism has been with us now for three quarters of a century. But in spite of the scholarship of recent years, the origins and background of this movement are still unclear. This is in part due to the fact that most interpretations-whether historical, theological, psy- chological, or sociological-have focused on Pentecostalism’s most distinctive feature, the practice of “speaking in tongues” or “glosso- lalia.” This orientation not only obscures the fact that Pentecostalism asserts a distinctive gestalt of broader theological ideas, but makes difficult any effort to contextualize the movement-whether historically or theologically. lThis essay is a slightly revised version of a paper originally read in the “Free Church Studies” section of the American Academy of Religion annual meeting, October 26,1974. It is a preliminary on a dissertation of the same title in the of the Divinity School of the report theology department University of Chicago projected for completion in late 1978. For related preliminary studies see “From ‘Christian Perfection’ to the ‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost’ ” in H. Vinson Synon (editor), Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins (Plain- field, N.J.: Logos International, 1975, of the a paper presented before the 1973 meeting American Holiness, Theology,” Wesleyan Theological Journal 9 (Spring, 1974), 60-69, an Society for Pentecostal Theology: “Asa Mahan and originally the Development of abridgement of a paper read before the 1973 of the “The Evolution of Pentecostalism,” The Covenant meeting Wesleyan Theological Society; Quarterly 32 (August,1974), 28-40; “The Doctrine of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit: Its Emergence and Significance,’ and, Wesleyan Theological Journal 13 (Spring, 1978), 114-126, a revision of a paper read at the 1977 meeting of the Wesleyan Theological Society. Donald W Dayton (Ph.D., University of Chicago) is Librarian and Assistant Professor of Historical Theology at Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, Lombard, Illinois. ‘ , – 3- 1 Toward A Theological Definition: Pentecostalism has understood itself to proclaim a “full gospel.” The elements of this “full gospel” are spelled out in the “foursquare” gospel of Aimee Semple McPherson’s International Church of the Four- square Gospel: Perhaps the simplest Scriptural summary possible of Four- square faith and experience would be the testimony, “Jesus saves us according to John 3:16. He baptizes us with the Holy Spirit according to Acts 2:4. He heals our bodies according to James 5:15-15. And Jesus is coming again to receive us unto Himself according to I Thessalonians 4:16-17.”1 These “four fundamental teachings” have, in the words of Stanley Horton of the Assemblies of God, “received special emphasis and illumination by the Holy Spirit during the present-day pentecostal revivaL”2 They can be found with little variation in nearly all branches of the movement, including the more recent “charismatic movement” of the last decade or so. The situation is somewhat more complicated in the “holiness” branches of Pentecostalism which add the experience of “entire sanctification”-but the reasons for this variation will emerge in the course of this study. These four fundamental teachings are bound together by a series of sub-themes. The revivalist understanding of “conversion” or”salvation” is the presupposition of the whole movement and serves well to place it within its proper milieu. This experience of “salvation” is bound to the “Baptism of the Holy Spirit” by a distinctive hermeneutic that in- ternalizes or subjectivizes the events of the Heilsgeschichte, requiring that each be replicated in the life of the individual believer. Or, in the words of Assemblies of God historian William Menzies: . lThis is apparently the formulation of compiler Raymond L. Cox in Aimee Semple McPherson, The Four-Square Gospel (Los Angeles: Foursquare Publications, Similar 1969). expositions occur variously in Pentecostal literature. Cf. George Jeffreys, The Miraculous Four Square Gospel (London: Elim Pub. Co., 1929). ‘ 2 Cf. Into All Truth (Springfield. MO: Gospel Publishing House, which in chapters devotes two each (One on the Old Testament and one on the 1955), eight New) to these four themes. This expounding quote is on page 13, but cf. also the concluding chapter on “Our Full Gospel Heritage.” ‘ – 4- 2 The Pentecostal Movement occurrence by the belief that the an ex- enduement is believed “speaking is that group of sects within the Christian Church which is characterized mentioned in Acts 2 on the Day of Pentecost not only signalled the birth of the church, but described perience available to believers in all ages. The experience of an with power, called the “baptism to be evidenced in the Holy Spirit” by the accompanying sign of Testament Christianity. costal experience the intervening years since Pentecost “Apostolic with other tongues as the Spirit gives utterance.”I This claim leads quickly to another theme: the restoration of New The availability to the believer today sweeps away the importance of the fulness of the Pente- of and calls for the restoration of the of the place today of the Faith” (the earliest name by which the Pentecostal Move- ment was known).2 This raises the question (tongues, healing, miracles, etc.) reported in at this point flies directly in the face gave foundamentalism its basic “supernatural” occurrences the New Testament. Pentecostalism of the “Princeton theology” that theological formulation. occurrences B. B. Warfield, for example, insisted that such ceased with the close of the Apostolic era.3 Pentecostalism, lAnointed to Serve (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1971). This basic definition of Pentecostalism is endorsed as well by David W. Faupel, The American Pentecostal Movement (Wilmore, KY: B. L. Fisher Library of Asbury Theological Seminary, 1972), a eutic be traced at very least as far helpful guide to the literature of Pentecostalism. This hermen- may back as pietism. Cf. Claude Welch, Protestant in the Nineteenth Century, VoL I, 1799-1870 Thought (New Haven: Yale 28. It resurfaces in but finds its fullest University Press, 1972), p. Methodism, perhaps development in the “holiness movement” where the exodus from Egypt, the wilderness wanderings, and entry into the land are exegeted typologically in terms of the “second blessing.” Cf. for example, Martin Wells Knapp, Out of Egypt Into Cancan: Ur, Lessons in Spiritual Geography (Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe, 1887-but recently reprinted by the Book Nook of Phoenix, Arizona). promised 3Warfield’s position polemics 2Notice the prominence of this theme in Frank Bartleman’s “eyewitness account” of the Azusa Street Revival, How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles (Los Angeles: the author, 1925) where he “New Testament speaks of contact with the holiness body operating under the name of the Church” and in the early Assemblies of God account by B. F. Laurence, The Apostolic Faith Restored (SL Louis: Gospel Publishing House, 1916). is developed in Banner of Truth Counterfeit Miracles (most recently reprinted in London: Trust, 19 7 2). Tracing the objects of Warfield’s most severe is perhaps the best clue to the traditions and teachings that lie behind Pente- costalism. On the broader context and cf. Warfields’ two vols. on Perfectionism (New York: Oxford Most of the relevant figures UP, 1931). essays from this set also appear in the one volume abridgement (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1958). – 5- 3 however, looks for the renewal of these gifts today-especially the gift of healing. But this position immediately raises the difficult question of the status of the forms of Christianity during the intervening nearly two millenia. Some Pentecostals attempted to demonstrate the preservation of “Apostolic Faith” throughout the whole of church history in small esoteric subcultures, but the mere characteristic solution of classical Pentecostalism was based on the “Latter Rain Covenant.” This requires a spiritualization of the pattern of physical rainfall in Palestine. There is the “early rain” that comes at planting times and the “latter rain” that prepares the grain for harvest. When this scheme is used to interpret church history, Pentecost is the “early rain” or initial outpouring of the Pentecostal Movement is the manifestation of the “latter rain” that prepares the people of God for the final harvest at the return of Christ 1 By this solution classical Pentecostalism not only attempted to restore the New Testament expectation of the imminent return of Christ, but actually turned the newness of this theme into an apologetic argument. These, then, are the “four fundamental teachings” of Pente- costalism and something of the cement of minor themes that bond the basic teachings into a whole. This exposition indicates something of the complexity of the theological claims of Pentecostalism and provides a profounder understanding of the character of the movement than would be achieved by concentrating on the experience of glossolalia. But this exposition also permits us to sketch the history of the rise of the complex of ideas that eventuated in Pentecostalism. lThis somewhat neglected theme has with the maturation of Pentecostalism tended to fall into the background, but it dominates the early literature. Cf. the equation of the term with in a on the “Wonderful of the Latter Rain” Miss Lilian pentecostalism Thistlethwaite in The chapter History by Life of Charles F. Parham, Founder of the Apostolic Faith Moucrncnt (Joplin, MO: Tri-State Printing Co., 1930, reprinted in 1969. The classic statement of the doctrine with charts of Palestinian rainfall and a of the date of Christ’s return cf. David Wesley Myland, The Latter Rain Covenant and Pentecostal Power setting (Chicago: Evangel Publishing House, 1910. David Faupel of that Theological Seminary is working on a Asbury project will attempt to interpret the rise and development of Pentecostalism from the perspective of this theme. For antecedents of the theme in earlier movements cf. “The Latter Rain,” a PA: Christian poem by A B. Simpson reprinted in Songs of the Spirit (Harrisburg, Publications, n.d.) and a chapter on “The Latter Rain” in George D. Watson, Types of the Holy Spirit (Cincinnati: Revivalist Office, 1898-still in print in a joint volume with Watson’s The Heavenly Life). – 6- 4 The Question of Methodist Roots Of These H. Vinson Synan has suggested couple of references, Teachings: that we seek the origins of Pente- force Wesley’s eschatological costal premillenialism. costalism in Methodism. It is easy to overstate this case. Aside from a Wesley seems to have had little interest in “divine healing.” And, though the question is disputed, it is almost impossible to teachings Nor did Wesley, as W. J. Hollenweger make a “distinction between the sanctified, baptized in the Spirit, and ordinary fection” but steadfastly sanctification” firmly embedded in a process veloped along Christological into the framework of Pente- claims, or those who had been Christians,”1 though here we are of the Holy of “entire lines. that were to climax a Revival was Christianity,” empha- sized a “piety of conversion,” and other expressions important formulation translation into “Pentecostal closer to the truth. Wesley advocated a doctrine of “Christian Per- resisted any doctrine of a “baptism Spirit.”2 Wesley did, however, move toward an explication in terms of a second crisis, but this crisis was for Wesley of gradual sanctification and was de- rather than Pneumatological Yet Wesley did give major impetus to patterns century and a half later in Pentecostalism. The Evangelical concerned to recover the dynamic of “Primitive and saw examples of “motor phenomena” of intense religious experience. is that, although Wesley firmly resisted the development, of the doctrine of Christian Perfection was susceptible Language.” thinking of John Fletcher who described his difference from Wesley in the following terms: I would distinguish more baptized with the Pentecostal exactly But what is more his to This took place early on in the between the believers power of the Holy Ghost, and the yet filled with that power.3 believer who, like the Apostles after our Lord’s ascension, is not 3 lThe Pentecostals (MinneapolisP Augsburg, 1972), p. 21. 2 On this point cf. Herbert McGonigle, “Pneumatological Nomenclature in Early Methodism,” Wesleyan Theological Journal vm (Spring, 1973), 61-72. 3This is from a letter of March 7, 1778 from Fletcher to Mary Bosanquet, reprinted in Luker Tyerman, Wesley’s Designated Successor (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1882), pp. 411-12. 7 5 But this difference depended on a deeper transformation of Wesley’s categories. Fletcher divided the history of God’s revelation and dealings with men into three dispensations, Trinity. This formulation dispensation each identified with a person of the of the to an “Age of the is to be replicated sees Pentecost as the inauguration of the Holy Spirit and gives prominence Spirit.” But Fletcher went on to suggest that the Heilsgeschichte in the life of the believer as well. The Christian enters the experience of the Holy Spirit dispensation by the “baptism Spirit” in which “He is a Comforter, Such a formulation patterns of Pentecostalism. editor and biographer Joseph of the Holy not only with, but in us.”l is already well on the way to the basic thought And it appears that Fletcher and Fletcher’s Benson both moved direction. In fact, a pamphlet by Benson on the “baptism Ghost” seems to have been a major factor in fomenting the “Calvinistic Controversy” within Methodism Wesley and Whitefield’s transformation solidly in this of the Holy that resulted ‘win the split between Benson “to abstain from to this sanctification as “the phrase in that formulation because “receiving sense is not scriptural this controversy. Fletcher’s guage” receded into the background followers.2 But Wesley fought to prevent this of his teachings, warning speaking of … Mr. Fletcher’s late discovery.”3 Wesley objected it tended to speak of entire the Holy Ghost.” In Wesley’s thought and not quite proper, for they all ‘received the Holy Ghost’ when they were justified.”4 Wesley seems to have won out in “New discovery” emerge again for most of a century-and and “Pentecostal lan- in early Methodism and did not then on the American scene. lOn Fletcher’s reformulation of Wesley and the importance of the doctrine of “dispensations” cf. John Allan Knight, “John William Fletcher and the Early Methodist Tradition” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt results of this Some of the study are summarized in more popular and accessible form in University, 1966). Knight’s The Holiness Pilgrimage 68. (Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill Press, 1973): The is from this last quotation work, p. 2Letter of Fletcher dated March 22,1771, reprinted in Tyerman, Wesley’s Designated Successor, pp. 179-80. Extensive-efforts to locate the pamphlet in question have failed. 3 Letter of Wesley to Benson dated March 9, 1771, available in John Telford (ed.), The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M., Vol. V (London: Epworth Press, 1931), p. 228. Knight argues that this ‘`new discovery” of Fletcher was the baptism of the Holy Spirit. 4Letter of Wesley to Benson dated December 28, 1770, available in Telford, Vol. V, pp. 214-215. -8- 6 The American Reaffirmation Of Christian present but not prominent reasserted optimistic utopianism the circles surrounding Oberlin Evangelist and Theologian This new expression removal from the restraints subtle synthesis of Wesleyanism Palmer’s Perfection: thought and and in the early years of Asa Mahan and differed in nuance was in effect the product of a According to John Peters, the doctrine of Christian Perfection was in early American Methodist practice.1 Bu 1800 or so it had fallen into disuse. But the doctrine was in the 1820’s and 1830’s when it had a natural affinity with the and social reform movements of pre-Civil War America. This renewed emphasis on the doctrine took place primarily in the Guide to Holiness, Phoebe Palmer’s “Tues- day Meeting for the Promotion of Holiness,” College under the influence of President Charles G. Finney.2 of “Christian Perfection” from Wesley’s formulation. Its context in American revivalism and its of the Church of England and British Society contributed to a new intensity and a narrowing of focus on this particular experience. This American “perfectionism” and the revivalism of Finney. Phoebe restatement of the doctrine picked up the emphasis on “now” in Finneyite revivalism and insisted that the blessing could be received by the act of “placing all on the altar.” The result was a formulation of a “second on the gradual work of sanctification.3 1 Christian Perfection and American Methodism (New York: 188. But Peters Abingdon Press,1956), p. gives little attention to themes of interest to this study. instantaneously shift from the goal-oriented Christ in you”) to an experience drop out the emphasis of Wesley (“having the mind of blessing” that tended to 2Among the basic studies of the “holiness movement” that currents are emerged from these my bibliographic introduction, The American Holiness Movement KY: B. L. Fisher (Wilmore, Library of Asbury Theological Seminary, 1971), Melvin “Revivalism and Holiness” Dieter, and Charles E. Jones, (Unpublished PhD. dissertation, Temple University, 1972); Perfectionist Persuasion (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, For 1974). bibliography see Charles Jones, A Guide to the NJ: The Scarecrow Cf. also the Study of the Holiness Movement (Metuchen, Press, 1974). early chapters of Timothy Smith, Called Unto Holiness (Kansas City, MO: Nazarene Publishing House, 1962). 3There has been little real effort to define the shifts in nuance between Britain and _ American and between the 18th and 19th centuries in the expression of “Christian Perfection.” Cf., however, chapters III & IV in John Peters, Christian and American Methodism (New York: II in Melvin Perfection Abingdon Press, 1956); chapter Kieter, “Revivalism and Holiness” (Unpublished PhD. dissertation, and some of the material in H. Temple University, 1972) Ray Dunning, “Nazarene Ethics,” (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1969). 9- 7 Perfection, whether Wesley and Fletcher movement were dominated doctrine advocating “perfection” circles, were formulation of the relied on texts Christian Holiness.2 It is quite clear that the sources for this renewal of Christian at Oberlin or in Phoebe Palmer’s But it is equally clear that the early decades of this by a more Wesleyan that was radically Christocentric in character, (and neglecting the book of Acts), had a highly ethical and moral content, etc. The determinitive.and of the doctrine during this period was Asa Mahan’s Scripture Doctrine of 1839), published by the editor of the Guide to Perfection of Fletcher’s restatement costal” terminology typical expression theology. This shift to “Pente- 1840 the Oberlin Evangelist carries “Baptism “the plan of salvation contemplates But the shifts in nuance in the American expression of the doctrine prepared the way for the emergence of a formulation more along the lines of Wesleyan seems to have taken place first at Oberlin in the writings of the other, more obscure members of the theological faculty. In two sermons by Henry Cowles on the of the Holy Ghost.” In the second of these Cowles argued that doctrine of the “baptism as its prime object, the sanctifica- the work.”3 But in 1845 John in America of the tion of the Church; and relies on the baptism of the Holy Spirit as the great efficient power for accomplishing Morgan published two articles in the first volume of the Oberlin Quarterly Review that seem to be the first major expression of the Holy Ghost.” At the same time these two articles indicate an unresolved tension that was to plague the advocates of the doctrine for the rest of the century. The first of these, “The to God.” spells out the nature of holiness without it as a work of the Holy Spirit. But llilorgan’s second essay, “The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” argued that “the baptism Holiness Acceptable developing of the Holy lThis is indicated in a somewhat negative manner a statement that “Not Wesley, not Fletcher, not Finney, not Mahan, not Upham, but the Bible, the in Holy Bible, is the first and last, and in the midst always” George Hughes, Fragrant Memories of the and the Tuesday Meeting Guide to Holiness (New York. Palmer & Hughes, 1886, p. 4 2For more detail on this book and its relationship to what followed cf. my essay on “From ‘Christian Perfection’ to the ‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost’: a Study in the Origins of Pentecostalism,” in H. Vinson Synan (ed), NJ: Aspects of Pentecostal and Charismatic Origins (Plainfield, Logos, 19 7 5) and “Asa Mahan and the Development of American Holiness Theology,” Wesleyan Theological Journal IX (Spring, 1974), 60-69. 3The Oberlin Evangelist II 1840), p. 93. 10 8 Ghost, then in its Pentecostal Primitive fullness, was not to be confined to the Church; but is the common privilege of all believes.”l this essay the idea of perfection falls into the background of power as the result of the “baptism.” an enduement But this early Oberlin expression attention on “Pentecost” But in to give place to of the new doctrine did not take began to focus century saw an in- fire-at least right away. Other forces meanwhile as well. Mid and late-19th creasing crescendo of books on the Holy Spirit and the imagery of Pente- cost. One can trace the rise of these themes in both Britain and America for the most part the longing is for a “new This tendency was perhaps epitomized of the Spirit and not for an individual in a book by William for the rest of the century. British during the 1850’s-though Pentecost” as a general “baptism” Pentecost. Arthur that was constantly reprinted Methodist And now, adorable Spirit … Arthur concluded his The Tongue of Fire (1856) with a prayer: “demonstration historians, It “spread renew the Pentecost in this our century with a . (1) age, and baptize thy people generally-O, baptize them yet again with tongues of fire! Crown this nineteenth revival of “pure and undefiled religion” greater than that of the last century, greater than that of the first, greater than any of the Spirit” ever yet vouchsafed to men.2 Within a year or so, Arthur’s prayer was to some degree answered in the outbreak of the revival of 1857-58. Though somewhat neglected by this revival is important in this study for several reasons: abroad the ideals of the Holiness and Perfectionist Move- ments” through the efforts of Phoebe Palmer but also through of the extremely popular ?’he Higher Christian Life of 1858), Quaker Hannah Whitall Smith and her husband Robert Pearsall Smith, and others.3 (2) This revival was suffused through and through beyond, Boardman Baptist (author within Methodism and A. B. Earle, Presbyterian W. E. lThe Oberlin Quarterly Review I (August,1845),115. This essay was later published in pamphlet form with an introduction by Finney (Oberlin: Goodrich, 1875). 2 William Arthur, The Tongue of Fire: Or, the True Power of Christianity (New York: & Bros., 1856). Harper 3For more about these figures see the books in note 16. J. Edwin Orr is the only historian to have devoted major attention to this revival. His most recent effort is The Fervent Palmers and other Prayer (Chicago: holiness Moody leaders in Press, 1974). Orr has recently become more aware of the this revival, but the issue needs more work. For further clues cf. Melvin Dieter, “Revivalism and Holiness.” – 11- 9 with the imagery of Pentecost, (3) From this revival we may date the first widespread propagation of a doctrine of a “Pentecostal baptism of the Holy Ghost” as a definite second experience to be sought by all believers. This last point was the work of Phoebe Palmer who was at the height of her influence during this period. The Revival broke out under the ministry of the Palmers in Canada in 1857 and was carried by them to the British Isles. Perhaps under the influence of Arthur’s book Phoebe Palmer adopted during this period the “Pentecostal” formulation of the holiness teaching that she had been promoting for some two decades. In her letter/reports from Newcastle she indicated that “we talked about the endowment of power, the full baptism of the Holy Ghost, as the indispensable, ay, absolute necessity of all the disciples of Jesus.”2 Or again a month later, but still in Newcastle, she reported that “at our afternoon meetings, ‘holiness unto the Lord,’ or, in other words, the full baptism of the Holy Spirit, as received by the one hundred and twenty disciples on the day of Pentecost, is set forth as the absolute necessity of all believers of every name.”3 About the same time was published Phoebe Palmer’s Promise of the Father in which the “Pentecostal” orientation is full blown, but where it is bent to a defense of the right of women to preach. This argument is based on Pentecost and the Acts 2 quotation from the prophet Joel that predicts that “your sons and daughters shall prophecy.”4 Here are the seeds of the “latter rain” argu- ment Even though women have not been allowed to preach down through the ages of the church, they did in the New Testament and are being restored to that role as a “specialty of the last days.” But it was still another decade before the appearance of the ‘ 1 Illustrative of this would be Pentecost: Or, the Work of God in Philadelphia, .4.. D. 1858 (Philadelphia: Perry McMillan, 1859). 2These letters were printed in the Guide to Holiness and then collected as Four Years in the Old World (New York: Walter C. Palmer, Jr., 1870). This quotation is on p. 76 of (letter Sept. 16, 1859). 3Ibid., p. 107 (letter of October 12, 1859). 4Promise of the Father (Boston: Henry V. Degen, 1859). One of the most on the interesting sidelights development of “Pentecostal” is its close connection with an unusual argument for the of women to language right preach. For more detail about this cf. Lucille Sider Dayton and Donald W. Dayton, “Your Shall Holiness Daughters Prophesy: Feminism in the Movement,” Methodist History October, 1975. 12 10 definitive statement of this new doctrine. Oberlin’s Asa Mahan, how president of Adrian College in Michigan, began to preach on the doctrine to students in the mid-1960’s. The response encouraged him to seek to publish The Baptism of the Holy Ghost in 1870. Phoebe Palmer was at first reluctant to publish the work under the auspices of the Guide to Holiness but finally acceded to Mahan’s argument that “in this work the doctrine of entire sanctification is presented in a form old and yet new. For this reason a new interest in the whole subject will be excited.”1 1 Apparently Mahan was right. Less than a dozen years later he was able to report that “it has been very extensively circulated in America, in Great Britain. and in all missionary lands; and has been translated into the German and Dutch languages.”2 Comparison with Mahan’s earlier work on Christian Perfection 1839) indicates how radical a theological transformation has taken place with the adoption of the “Pentecostal” language. The former is radically Christocentric. The latter tends to subordinate the work of Christ to the Holy Spirit. In the earlier book the Heilsgeschichte is divided into two “covenants” separated by the Atonement of Christ. In the later book the division is into “dispensations”-and history climaxes in the Spirit whose age is inaugurated by Pentecost. There is a nearly complete shift in exegetical foundations: the first book rarely refers to the book of Acts, but the second is given its character by a series of texts from Acts. Attention is focused on Acts 1:8 (“ye shall receive power,” after than the Holy Ghost is come upon you”), bringing the idea of “power” to the fore. And so forth.3 3 lTwo interesting letters from Mahan to Phoebe Palmer about the publication of this volume may be found in Rose Memorial Library, Drew University. This quotation is from a letter dated May 4 (perhaps 7 or 9), 1870. 2 Asa Mahan Autobiography, Intellectua? Moral and Spiritual (London: T. Woolmer, 1882), p. 414. ‘ 6For a more detailed comparison of these books cf. material cited in note 2, p. 8. – 13- 11 The Wider. Impact Of This Doctrine: turn of the century. until its dominance at the language gained ground After 1870 one can trace the rapid spread of this doctrine through- out the more revivalistic side of evangelicalism The new Pentecostal especially in the holiness circles out of which it emerged. By 1897 the Guide to Holiness added as a subtitle “and Pentecostal Life” in response to the “signs of the times” which indicated that ” `The Pentecostal idea’ is pervading Christian thought and aspiration 1 other centers of holiness The Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene wrote it into her new articles of religion; Henry Clay Morrison Herald out of Asbury College in Wilmore, KY: God’s Revivalist and the The same theme dominated influence: related Bible School and publisher the Pentecostal language; Methodist costal meetings” in annual Episcopal Church; Free Methodists under the leadership conferences movement. more than ever before.” thought and published the Pentecostal in Cincinnati were permeated with evangelist S. A. Keen held “Pente- throughout the Methodist struggled with “Pentecostal Bands” of Vivian Dake; and so on. There was, however, a variation on this response within the holiness While most holiness traditions followed Asa Mahan in re- expressing the doctrine of “entire sanctification” in terms of Pentecost, some retained the doctrine in its classical form and added the “baptism of the Holy Ghost” as a “third work of grace.” This was the pattern especially in the American South and Southeast where the teachings of B. H. Irwin had great impact. This is the strand whose story is told in Vinson Synan’s book, The Holiness-Pentecostal 2 of the “baptism of the holiness movement these new contexts where the holiness doctrine of”entire sanctification” was either unknown or had been resisted, the doctrine was permitted work out the logic of the texts in Acts and become understood Finney and the Oberlin School after But the doctrine beyond the boundaries as an “enduement of power.” Movement of the Holy Ghost” spread far strictly conceived. In to primarily 1″Pentecost-What Is It?” Guide to Holiness LXVI (January, 1897), p. 37. 2 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971), especially Chap. III on “Fire-Baptized Way.” – 14- 12 Mahan’s departure tended to move in this direction. When Oberlin was finally reconciled to orthodox Congregationalism, Finney addressed the Oberlin Council of Congregationalism 1 But by this time the torch of revivalistic leadership been passed on to D. L. Moody. In response Holy Ghost.” Methodist women, Moody struggled full force in his successor, (1871) on the “Baptism of the had to the appeal of two Free with the doctrine in 1871 just before he was launched into his international career as a revivalist.2 The teaching was present but muted during Moody’s career, but broke out in R. A. Torrey, president Institute.3 The Keswick Movement that emerged 1870’s and was brought back to the United States via Moody’s North- field Conferences was also influenced Oxford and Brighton meetings more important advocates of Moody Bible in England in the by the doctrine. Mahan had led of the Holy Ghost” at both the (1) Baptist A. J. Gordon, very popular seminars on the “baptism that gave the original impetus to the formation of Keswick.4 We could go on, but we will mention only three of the doctrine: founder of Gordon College, advocated the doctrine in a more restrained form;5 (2) Andrew Murray, missionary and a popular Keswick teacher, developed result of the influence of W. E. Boardman from Scotland to South Africa a form of the teaching as a and holiness “missionary 1 Perhaps the kernel of “Enduement of Power,” published as appendix to the British editions of Mahan’s books. Torrey, Why 2The importance of this event for Moody is disputed. Its occurrence is reported in William R. Moody, The L. Moody (New York: Revell, 1900 and in R. A. God Used D. L. Life of Dwight Moody (Chicago: Moody Bible Institute,1923). For Moody’s s own teachings on the subject of Secret Power (Chicago: Revell, 1881) and two addresses in the first volume of Northfield Echoes (1894). 3 Torrey’s major statement is in The Baptism with the Holy Spirit (New York: Revell, 1895), but the theme dominates The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit (New York: Revell, 1910), and The Holy Spirit (New York: Revell, 1927). Aug. 4 Account of the Union Meeting for the Promotion of Scriptural Holiness Held at Oxford, 29 to Sept. 7, 1874 (various publishers, n.d.), p. 141, the Promotion Holiness held at and Record of the Convention for W. of Scriptural Brighton, May 29 to June 7, 1875 (Brighton: J. Smith, n.d.), p. 383. 5 Cf. Gordon, The Two-fold Life ( Chicago: Revell, 1883) and The Ministry of the Spirit (American Baptist Publication Society, 1894). – 15- 13 A. B. Simpson, founder of became 2 perhaps the most of the at the turn of the century, bishop” William Taylor; the Christian and Missionary important The importance “Baptism but that this particular elements of the Pentecostal and (3) Presbyterian Alliance, non-holiness advocate of the doctrine.2 of all of this is not just that a doctrine of the Holy Ghost” was wide-spread doctrine is the core around which the other “four-fold” with regard to healing, pre-millenialism, gospel gather. This is quite clear and the practice of glossolalia. The Rise Of The Doctrine Of “Divine necessity of specificity Healing”: “the prayer of faith” and the Finneyite revivalism had emphasized and confidence in prayer. 3 This teaching had affinity with the idea of “faith missions” and “faith work” that began-to develop in the 19th century. Out of this milieu developed the doctrine of “faith-cure” or “divine “holiness healing”-a doctrine that took root well in and that I soil.” The reasons for this are expressed by R. Kelso Carter who found that “I began to believe that a Divine Master not only took upon himself my sins, but also bore my bodily sicknesses, might, through simple faith, be freed from the latter; just as well as from 4 Carter self-consciously paralleled “full salvation from sin” that the instantaneous character of “entire sanctification” indicated the possibility of instantaneous divine healing. the former.” and healing, suggesting Carter went so far as to insist that: 1 Cr. Murray, The Spirit of Christ (New York A. D. F. RandQlph, 1888) and The Full Blessing of Pentecost (New York Revell, 1908). 2 Cf. Simpson’s 2 vols. on The Holy Spirit Or, Power From on Christian Alliance Pub. High (New York Co., 1924). This is not the first edition. ‘ 3 Cf. C. G. Finney, Lectures on Revivals of Religion, ed. by William G. McLoughlin (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 1960), pp. 72-88. 4 R. Kelson Carter, The Atonement for Sin and Sickness: Or, A Full Salvation for Soul and Body (Boston: Willard Tract Repository, 1884), p. 2. – 16- 14 It is a remarkable fact, that on one has ever been known to seek the healing power for the body, without receiving a distinct spiritual blessing; and further, that everyone known to the writer (a very large number), who has been entirely healed in body, is or has become a believer in and 1 professor of entire sanctification of seoul When the doctrine of “entire sanctification was transmitted into the “baptism of the Holy Ghost,” this emphasis was carried along and given new grounding in the restoration of “New Testament Christianity” which expected to see the “gift of healing” as a manifestation of the “power” bestowed by the Pentecostal baptism. As a result of this development healing was taught in much of the holiness movement by the end of the century-even though leaders of the National Campmeeting Association attempted to discourage it in official meetings. The doctrine of “divine healing” tended to be emphasized in those contexts that most affirmed the “Pentecostal” formulation of the holiness teaching. The Nazarenes wrote it into their first statement of faith-and it found a firm place in such places as Cincinnati and Wilmore, Kentucky. Asa Mahan reported the healing of his wife, and even John Inskip, first president of the National Camp- meeting Association, reported a similar experience. And nearly every figure mentioned above in the “larger holiness movement” wrote a book on healing, including R. A. Torrey, A. J. Gordon, A. B. Simpson, and Andrew Murray.2 . The Rise of Pre-Millennialism A similar development took place with regard to the doctrine of “Pre-millennialism.” Here, though, the fusion of doctrines is even more remarkable. Pre-Civil War American perfectionism out of which the lIbid., p. 38. 2 Cf. R. A. Torrey, Divine Healing (Chicago: Revell, 1924), A. J. Gordon, The Ministry of Healing (Boston: Howard Gannett, 1882), A. B. York: Christian Alliance Pub. and Andrew Simpson, The Gospel of Healing (New Co., 1888), Murray, 3Divine York: Christ Alliance Pub. Healing (New Co., 1900). 17 15 holiness movement emerged was fiercely “post-millennial” expecting to usher in the kingdom optimistic doctrine was transformed millennialism” has not been adequately into the more pessimistic “pre- industrialization in character, with reform efforts. How that explained-though it has been for the rise of pre-millennialism Making Acts 2 (with its emphasis hermeneutical correlated with the impact of the Civil War and the collapse of the pre- War dream of a Christian America under the impact of immigration, and urbanization. But it is clear that the adoption of the “Pentecostal” formulation of the holiness doctrine also prepared the way in holiness ranks. on the prophecy of Joel) the . key to the whole of the Scriptures pushed the holiness movement very far in the direction of a new emphasis on the “prophetic” of the Bible. The older exegetical interpretation doctrine traced the idea of “perfection” approach permitted the direct appropriation Pentecost precludes defense of holiness through both Testaments. This of models of behavior from . the Old and the New Testaments. But a decisive significance given to this direct appropriation which must now be viewed primarily as “promise” great event of Pentecost. This new “promise-fulfillment” Scriptures pushed conference Pre-millennialism the holiness traditions of the Old Testament or “prophecy” of the reading of the toward the new 1 prophecy Civil War perfectionism. groups that most vigorously adopted capitulated movement that began in the 1870’s. experienced more resistance than healing did from within the holiness movement-from those most firmly grounded in pre- But it is clear that, for the most part, those the new “Pentecostal” most readily to the rising tide of pre-millennialism. true in Wilmore, Ky., Cincinnati, and most centers of the Church of the Nazarene. The Pilgrim Holiness Church, perhaps the archetypal tration of nearly obsessive fascination understood language This was with Pentecost, illus- self-consciously over itself to stand for both healing and pre-millennialism against less radical facets of the movement.2 This was also true of the 1 These currents are sketched in Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). 2 Lee Haines and Paul W. Thomas, An Dutline History of the Wesleyan Church Ind.: The (Marion, Wesley Press, 1974), p. 118. – 18- 16 figures in the “broader” holiness therefore, traditions. most of whom also left 1 gospel of Pentecostalism was, world in the last three movement, behind books in defense of the new eschatology. The point of all this is not just to trace the rise of all these doctrines but to show that most of the “four-square” widely taught in the post- Civil War revivalistic and holiness These doctrines were not for the most part taught prior to the Civil War, but captured much of the Evangelical decades of the l9th century. A. B. Simpson even advocated a “four-fold” gospel that became the slogan of the emerging Christian and Missionary Alliance.2 Simpson spoke of Christ as “Savior, Sanctifier, Healer, and Coming King.” One has only to translate this into the pneumatological and add speaking in tongues to produce the “Four-Square” gospel of Pentecostalism. These shifts were already and his followers during the last decade of the 19th century. framework Simpson The Capstone Doctrine Of “Speaking The foundations had already the experience of the “Pentecostal developing in In Unknown Tongues”: been laid for the emergence of Acts 2 and related passages on about the This was understood more by the Spirit” required for glossolalia. glossolalia. One cannot long contemplate the “gifts of the Spirit” without at least raising questions practice. Phoebe Palmer had early placed a premium on the testimony to baptism.” and more as “speaking as the Spirit gave utterance.” Such expressions could easily tend toward the sort of “possession Hannah Whitall Smith observed as well in the early 1870’s an intense longing for a physical manifestation that would ac- and give assurance of its reception.3 No doubt company the “baptism” . Simpson, 1 A. J. Gordon, Ecce Venit Behold He Cometh (New York: Revell, 1889), and A. B. The Coming One (New York: Christian Alliance Pub. Co., 1890). 2A. B. Simpson, The Four-Fold Gospel (New York: Christian Alliance Pub. Co.,1890). , 3Cf. the posthumous papers of Hannah Whitall Smith edited by Ray Strachey as Religious Fanaticism (London: Faber & Gwyer, 1928). – 19- 17 this concern for assurance was closely related to the sorts of subliminal pessimism that provided the psychic basis for the shift from post- millennialism to pre-millennialism. But whatever the precise weight to be given to the various reasons for the emergence of glossolalia, it is clear that one can document a crescendo of incidents of the practice in the late 19th century within holiness and revivalistic contexts.l A typical incident took place in 1881 1 at a holiness camp: . One day right in the midst of a great sermon, a woman from Carrol County, a holiness professor, sprawled out at full length in the aisle. This, in itself, was not much to be thought of, for to tumble over now and then was to be expected. But the un- expected happened in this case. It kept some of the sisters busy to keep her with a measurably decent appearance. Directly she began to compose a jargon of words in rhyme and sing them with a weird tune. She persisted till the service was spoiled and the camp was thrown into a hubbub. Strange to say, the camp was divided thereby. Some said it was a repetition of speaking in unknown tongues as at Pentecost. But every preacher on the ground without exception declared it to be of the deviL But the camp was so divided in opinion that it had to be handled with the greatest of care….2 2 This incident clearly indicates how the practice began to develop, the sort of interpretation that naturally emerged, and the sharp divisions that resulted. The final emergence of the full expression of Pentecostalism required only that this practice be recognized and cultivated as the evidence of the reception of the “baptism of the Holy Ghost.” This final 1 For a list cf. Wm. Menzies, Anointed to Serve (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1971), pp. 29-33. 2A. M. Kiergan, Historical Sketches of the Revival of True Holiness and Local Church Polity (Fort Scott, KS: Church Advocate and Good Way, 1971), p. 31. ‘ – 20- 18 step in the development of Pentecostal doctrine took place near Topeka, Kansas, at Bethel Bible School under the leadership of holiness evangelist, Charles Fox Parham.1 This addition to the complex of Pentecostal ideas provided the authenticating sign and the psycholigical dynamic that propelled the new movement into a well-prepared world with a force that is far from being spent. 1 The Life of Charles F. Parham (Joplin, MO: Tri-State Printing Co., 1930. – 21- 19

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