The Eleventh Annual Meeting Of The Society For Pentecostal Studies On The Campus Of East Coast Bible College, Charlotte, Nc

The Eleventh Annual Meeting Of The Society For Pentecostal Studies On The Campus Of East Coast Bible College, Charlotte, Nc

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THE ELEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING

OF THE

SOCIETY FOR PENTECOSTAL STUDIES

on the

Campus

of

EAST COAST BIBLE

COLLEGE, CHARLOTTE,

NC

PRESIDENTIAL

ADDRESS

November

12, 1981

TRUE KOINONIA: PENTECOSTAL

HISTORICAL REALITIES

HOPES AND

Bishop

Ithiel Clemmons

Beloved

colleagues,

brothers and

sisters,

it has been a great privilege for me to serve this

year

as President of so

distinguished

an associa- tion of scholars as the

Society

for Pentecostal Studies. I am

doubly honored to have been called

upon

to serve

during

the 75th Anniver- sary

of the Azusa Revival-a revival that has come to be viewed as

Ithiel Clemmons (Ph.D. candidates, Union Theological Seminary, New York), serves as a bishop

in the Church of God in Christ. He pastors a church in New York City. Bishop Clemmons is Immediate Past President of the

Society for Pentecostal Studies.

– 46-

1

This

Society

traces

Pentecostaliam’s

a

major

American contribution its

beginnings

phenomenal

Christianity,

its

challenges

to traditional tribution to Protestant,

newal accounts

to

Christianity.1

to that 20th

Century Awakening.

spread

in this

century,

with its claims to valid

primitive

Christian Faith and its con-

Orthodox Church re-

around the

Catholic and Eastern

for an estimated 35-50 million adherents

world. This is indeed one of the

fascinating aspects

of recent Church

of this

august body

with some

But not

being

one who succumbs to fear and

trembling

or

history.

I assumed the mantle of

presidency trepidation.2

backs

away

from

ideological encounter, opportunity

to search for

previously material,

to reassess some

commonly inadequate

closing

of the conscious and unconscious

in

light

of these new source materials,

ledge

about the founders of this

revolutionary

Magazine,

the

year

has

provided

me an undisclosed

primary

source held views that have

proven

and to

press

for a gaps

that exist in our know-

Christian Movement.3

3

1 My mentor and teacher, Dr. Henry Pitney van Dusen, following the distinguished and

prophetic

Frederick Dennison Maurice said to John L. Sherrill of Guideposts

“I have come to feel that the Pentecostal Movement, with its emphasis on the Holy Spirit, is more than just another revival. It is a revolution in our day. It is a revolution comparable in importance with the establishment of the original Apostolic Church and with the Protestant Reformation” cf. John L. Sherrill, They Speak With Other Tongues (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H. Revell Co.,1964), p. 30 cf. Henry van Dusen,

Son and Father (New York: Scribners and Sons, 1958).

Spirit,

groups America, etc.).

2My church follows its founder, the late Bishop Charles Harrison Mason in working with

like SPS (e.g., Pentecostal World Conference, Pentecostal Fellowship of North

Our approach is one of love and cautious optimism. It is not always clear to us what such groups mean by brotherhood or unity, yet we are open to find out.

tionary.

brethren cated race,

3Mrs. Leona Hale, a powerful leader of the Church of God In Christ in Southern California from 1913 to the present is 101 years of age. In a taped interview with her she gave solid examples of how this movement was socially as well as religiously revolu-

There was for example two men both with the same last name-Lee. One Ed Lee was black-the first man to receive the Pentecostal experience April 9, 1906 at Bonnie Brae Street. The other, Owen Lee, an Irish Catholic was one of the first white

to receive the Pentecostal

experience. Both of these brethren were dedi-

to Brother Seymour’s vision of a

Spirit-filled fellowship without barriers of

sex or class. Mother Hale claims that Owen “Irish” Lee would often groan in his spirit, longing for the glorious days he experienced at the beginning. Taped inter- view with Mother L. 0. Hale (Memphis, TN: Nov. 1979) cf. C. W. Shumway, A Study of the Gift of Tongues (Unpublished A.B. dissertation, University of Southern Cali-

17 and 28.

fornia, 1914), pp.

– 47-

2

,

founders

shamefully neglected American

religious two reasons:

This

evening,

I want to lift

up

the contribution of just one of the

of the 20th

Century

Pentecostal

in Pentecostal historiography

Movement who has been historiography

in particular, and in

in

general.

I wish to do this for

One,

the most obvious, is that

Bishop

Charles Harrison Mason,

founder of the Church of God

In Christ,

is the focus of my own

doctoral studies and it makes

practical of

deepest preoccupation.* Secondly, Pentecostal

reflective of a mind-set

sense for me to hold to

my

area the shameful

neglect

of such

giants

as C. H. Mason, W. J.

Seymour

and G. T.

Haywood

is

that has informed

from its

very beginning

that we must deal with

honestly,

of

Christ,

before the

veracity

of Pentecostal

established and before the Pentecostal

of the Pentecostal Movement

of Charles Harrison

make in this address.

Pentecostal

historiography

in the love

origins

can be

adequately bodies that have

emerged

over

Modern by

historical racism.

Azusa

1980);

a

re-publication

personal

Seymour’s

The

Story of Bishop

Charismatic

Department (University

of Birmingham

these 75

years

can fulfill their raison d’etre.

The

original

vision has been lost

largely

because the black

pioneers

have been

shamefully neglected. church

history

needs to close this

gap

created

Before

taking

a

summary

and brief look at the basic contribution

Mason,

I want to call attention to three

literary works that have attended the diamond

jubilee

of the Azusa Revival. Two of these works relate

directly

to the central

point

that I seek to

These works are:

1)

Frank Bartieman, Street,

foreword

by

Vinson

Synan (Plainfield,

NJ:

Logos International,

of “How Pentecost

diary published by

Bartleman

death; 2)

Dr.

Douglas

J.

Nelson,

For Such A Time As This:

William J.

Seymour,

A Search

Roots;

a doctoral dissertation

Came to Los

Angeles;”

a in

1925,

three

years

after

for

Pentecostav

completed

for the

Theology at

Birmingham, England, May

Documents on the Charismatic Press, 1980).

This is Father Charismatic Movement.

1981); 3)

Kilian

McDonnell, OSB, STD, Ed., Presence, Power, Praise,

Renewal,

3

vol., (Minnesota:

McDonnell’s

Magnum

Liturgical Opus

of the

for his

enlightening

My distinguished colleague,

Dr. Vinson

Synan,

is to be commended

introduction to Frank

Bartleman’s

diary.

It is

*In November, 1982, the Church of God In Christ will celebrate its 75th Anniversary of becoming a Pentecostal religious body in America. Charles Harrison Mason and Charles Price Jones had founded this body over ten years earlier as a Holiness body in Jackson, Mississippi. C. H. Mason had been divinely inspired to call his body The Church of God In Christ, in 1897, while walking along a street in Little Rock, Arkansas. It is one of the oldest bodies in America.

– 48-

3

extremely helpful, especially Bartleman

man. Bartleman in 1925-two revival-seeks

to those who have not read the Frank story

in From Plow to Pulpit. It help s us to get a portrait of the

decades

following

the watershed

to recall those

early days

in an effort to answer the question

that

constantly tugged

at

him,

“What

happened

the Azusa Street revival?” Bartleman

to the

glory

of was not alone in seeking an answer

to this

question.

It was the

deep sigh

of many of the old timers. “What

happened

to the

glory?”

Bartleman’s has

bequeathed

formed the social and

religious research tools

available for historical

understand Bartleman

evaluate the

reliability

attempt

to answer that

question

Psychohistory)

that we have

we are able to better

ever beset

by

to us a valuable account of the

religious

milieu which

context of the revival. With the new

(e.g.,

Erik Erickson’s

interpretation today,

as a man of his times and to more

accurately

of his

diary.

His life seemed

poverty

and misfortune. Times were hard for him and he was

given

The sainted Ruth Fisher

perceived as a man who walked with his head in a cloud. I suppose it is not diffi-

to bouts of

deep depression.

cult to belittle such an

impractical tive

spirit

whose attachment

him

person. Yet,

he was a

deeply

sensi-

to a hidden world of the

Spirit

was over- whelming,

whose sense of the transcendant sustained his soul and

purposes

of livelihood. He received

thrust him

beyond

the immediate brilliant

but one such

gestalt

observation:

flashes of historical and

spiritual insight.

The

following

is

everywhere

we were all

baptized

the divine-human

Lawrence5to Robert

We had been called to bless and serve the whole

body

of Christ,

Christ is

one,

and His

‘body’

can be but ‘one.’ To

divide it is to

destroy it,

as with the natural

body.

‘In one

Spirit

into one

body.’

I Cor. 12:12. The Church is

an

organism

not a human

organization.4

In brilliant flashes of

insight,

he could

perceive

the moments when

encounter transcended the

entrapment

gories

of class and caste. Yet, alas, like his brethren from B. F.

Mapes

Anderson6

of social cate-

with few

exceptions

(Hollen-

4Frank Bartleman, Azusa Street, op. cit., p. 69.

1916).

5B. F. Lawrence, The Apostolic Faith Restored (St. Louis: Gospel Publishing House,

One of the earliest chronicles from within a classical Pentecostal body.

6 Robert Mapes Anderson, VL’sion of the I)tsinherited- ?’he Making of American Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979).

– 49-

4

weger, Lovett, Tinney, Synan,

Menzies, Nelson), he was so bound to the social a

priori

of white culture that the tremendous

people

of color to the Movement was at best

peripheral.

these

spiritual

and ecclesiastical hour comers to

the

movement,”

reading

contributions of

Even when giants

were

perceived

as “eleventh-

This is not a chauvin-

drawn from a careful

Bartleman’s

stealing

of the

Bartleman

Apostolic

Faith

Newspaper; end of the revival? Bartleman standing

the readiness movement,

the most

part,

unreliable his obvious

entrapment spiritual sensitivity.

their

genius

was seen as derived from white culture rather than from divine revelation.

istic or cavalier

put-down

of

my colleagues

in the fields of Pentecostal theology

and

history.

This is rather a conclusion

of the literature. How else does one

interpret

insight

that “the color line was washed

away

in the blood”

(p. 54)

and yet,

be so blind to W. H. Durham’s divisive activities? How else could

so

completely gloss

over Clara Lum’s

an event that marked the

beginning

of the

is indeed a valuable

of Los

Angeles

for the

revolutionary

but save for brief flashes of

exceptional

as an historian

in social a

priori

white

categores, despite

his

source for under-

spiritual

insight,

he

is,

for of the movement because of

The social a

priori

of white culture that informed and continues

to inform

particular

white

theologians

and historians of the Pentecostal

Movement is

especially

revealed in the intensified and renewed drive since the 1950’s to hail Charles Fox Parham as the father of the con-

movement at the

expense

of William J.

Seymour, the man whom God

truly

used. This is due not so much to devious

temporary pentecostal

intention of

particular theologians context in which their

thinking centuries of

English

Protestant perceptively observed,

unfortunate

and historians as it is to the social occurs. It is an

expression

of two

which as Peter

Gay

has so

superiority

its due.”7 It is story

of Pentecostal

origins have become so enclosed

theology

“gives

God His

glory, assigns

men their

places, gives

events their

meaning-and Anglo-Saxon

that in

telling

this marvelous

in America that these brilliant chroniclers

within their own social contexts that

they

are lured to treat their dis- torted visions of

reality

as the whole truth. And

they

feel

they

must destroy

other stories which bear witness that the

history

of the move- ment can be seen from another

perspective.

7Peter Gay, A Loss of Mastery: Puritan Historians in Colonial America (Berkeley, CA: 1966), p. 10 quoted alao in Robert T. Handy, A Chafan Amerkm. Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 7.

– 50-

5

this 75th

Anniversary

of the Azusa Street revival has to be one of the most

significant

Historians inside

Fortunately,

called forth a

study

that is destined works on Modern Pentecostal and outside the Movement account of

Bishop

W. J.

Seymour, cance. Walter

Hollenweger,

origins

ever

produced.

have had little interest in an accurate

notwithstanding

his crucial

signifi-

in a personal communication to me this

past summer,

wrote of Dr.

Douglas

J. Nelson’s

Doug

Nelson has

convincingly Seymour,

would have

undoubtedly

doctoral dissertation:

shown that without William J.

revival. There

there would have been no Pentecostal

been some form of revival as America has had

many,

but

nothing compared

revival is about.8

Mission

represented

to what the Pentecostal

Azusa

Nelson has

convincingly argued

that William J.

Seymour’s

the restoration of human

equality

in the

body

of Christ for the first time since the first Christian Pentecost and

early

Christianity. Seymour’s leadership pean civilization, something and remains lost.

Seymour brought

that was

missing-and

“beloved doctrine

community” above all others:

gave something

to western Euro-

since was

rejected together

the

apostolic

vision of

of

glossolalia creating

the

one

no barriers or walls with the

early practice

of human

equality. Seymour championed

There must be no color line or

any

other division in the Church of Jesus Christ because God is no

respecter

persons.

This inclusive

fellowship

more from interracial

equality

of is not a human construct but a

“As

long

as

divine

glossolalic community

of human

equality. Spiritual power sprang

than from

glossolalia.9

the

practice

of glossolalia remains alienated from its roots in Christian

the color

line,

it must be at best

socially

irrelevant.

it

requires

oneness

beyond

To be

genuinely Christian, social vision of its historic roots.”10

Nelson is a white American

expression

within the

larger

of the United Methodist

an interested

clergyman

Church,

a retired

Chaplain (LtC)

U. S.

Army,

who since 1975 has been

in the Pentecostal/Charismatic

participant

Movement.

8Walter Hollenweger, letter to Ithiel Clemmons, July 5, 1981.

Seymour

9Douglas J. Nelson. For Such tt Time As This. The Study of Bishop William J.

and the Aiusa Street Revival (an unpubliahed Ph.D. dissertation at the of

University

Birmingham May, 1981. Birmingham, England) pp. 9-16, 294-296.

1OIbid., p. 16.

– 51-

6

Nelson’s twentieth portrait

study century,

is

significant we are

presented

mour’s

perspective. voted considerable a

thorough analysis

attention

because for the first time in the

with a

full, detailed, accurate

for the first

of the leader of the Azusa

revival. Moreover,

time,

we are able to see fully what that revival was about from

Sey-

Other writers like Brumbackll have indeed de-

to

Seymour

and Azusa

Mission, along with

of the Pentecostal Movement. Nelson is not the first to hold

up

the interracial element. He is the

first, however,

glossolalia

as

being

all

important

grasp

the connection between racial, egalitarian fellowship of that revival’s

powerful

attention.

to

and the

inclusive, inter-

and the source Nelson’s evidence is so over-

whelming

as to prompt Professor James Cone to

say

to me after

reading his

study:

“The histories are

going

to have to be rewritten.”12 is the

story

of a

people

in a situation

Other wherein

they

are

grasped

Here

of dialectic encounter with an by

the One who is other than self.

often

against

struggle.

transformed the social context.

Truth in this sense was not derived from human consciousness. Truth in this context was an event that occurred to

people

the human will

bringing

about a true koinonia.13 Faith for these

people was not

simply

a

feeling

of inwardness

Faith became an event that

transcended,

separated

from the historical

challenged

and

drawn from heretofore over-

looked

primary materials, called into account as

inadequate.

If Nelson is true

(and

his

evidence,

is

overwhelming), past

conclusions must be

caricatures of this

morally impeccable

racism has caused to be

shamefully

1961),

We are now able to correct those

Christian leader that historical portrayed.14

1 lcarl Brumback, A Sound From Heaven (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House,

cf. Nils Bloch-Hoel, The Pentecostal Movement: Origin, Development and Dis- tinctive Character (Oslo, Norway: U’niversitetfarlaget, 1964).

l2personal Conversation with Professor James Cone at Union Theological Seminary, October 21, 1981.

13G. B. Cashwell is a classic example of such an experience and personal-social revolution.

photographs effectively

l4Evea scholars like Lovett and

Tinney will have to correct- the one-eyed cari- cature that is traced back to the racist L. A. Times article of April 17, 1906. Bartleman avoids that. He truthfully states that Seymour is blind in one eye. Seymour’s later

show that he was not one-eyed, nor did he have a glass eye. Nelson deals

with all caricatures of Seymour.

– 52-

7

Nelson’s

finding

corroborates primary

source materials heretofore

glected

and

underestimated;

my

own research

based

on other overlooked. Even more than

Sey-

shamefully

ne-

in the

origin,

rise

mour,

Charles Harrison Mason has been heretofore

despite

his

importance

and

spread

of the Pentecostal Movement. It was C. H.

Mason,

not C. F. Parham,

who

grasped

and stood with

Seymour

in the revival that united glossolalia

with the Pauline vision of an all-inclusive

ship

m wtiich there is “… neither male nor female …

lenged

the racist

presupposition

egalitarian

fellow- Jew nor Greek, bond nor free, …

3:11).” Early

twentieth

(Galatians 3:28,

Colossians

century

America did not have the social fabric that could abide a fellow- ship

that transcended race and class. The dream was

certainly

in accord with the American dream. But its radical,

racial, egalitarian praxis

chal-

of American

society.

Mason and Sey- mour stood

together

in this Pauline vision overlooked

by white America

in American

slavery’s

“Invisible Institution”

deep

in the earth where enormous

but created and nurtured like diamonds

black anthracite coal.

was a continual source of strength 1922. Mason’s

significance

functions and receive reduced (as

historians have

pointed combination of charismatic gave

the

fledgling

movement siders

(Parham)

and outsiders A. J. Tomlinson

pressure

bears on

influence

ministerial

churchmanship

that to endure

despite

efforts

by

in-

Primary

source material reveals that C. H. Mason and C. P. Jones influenced W.J.

Seymour

before he met Charles Fox Parham at Houston in

August

190515 and that Mason’s seminal and

supportive

for him until his death in September,

went far

beyond giving legal

ecclesiastical status to

independent clergy

so that

they

could

perform

clergy

rates on the nation’s railroads

out).

Mason

brought

to the movement a

gifts

and ecclesiastical

strength

(L.

A.

Times)

to crush it. White leaders

and J. H.

King,

fast friends of

Mason’s,

attend the

organizing meeting

of the Assemblies

Mason, although

the

meeting,

chose to attend

anyway,

and bade them God’s

speed.

He was com-

primary

vision of

healing

divisions. Yet he was wise

enough

to know that blacks would

always

be constricted in their

worship

and

perpetually relegated

would allow doctrinal differences

cause of doctrinal differences. who sent out letters

announcing prayed

for the brethren, mitted to Pentecostalism’s

refused to of God in 1914 be- overlooked

by

those

whites in

leadership.

Whites break

fellowship.

Mason

recognized their

significance,

way

of

fellowship.

but would not allow these differences

to a position of inferiority with

to doctrinal differences, retained

to stand in the

15Nelson, For Such a Time As This, op. cit., p. 166.

– 53-

8

Seymour

and

Haywood

both died at

age

52 in 1922 and 1932 re- spectively.

Evidence is that

they

both died of broken hearts

brought

on by resurgent

racial attitudes in America. When white leaders

tragically locked the Pentecostal Movement behind walls of race and class, how- ever,

Mason endured and unheld the radical

spiritual

and social vision of the Azusa revival. He refused to divorce

glossolalia

and koinonia. He lived as a leader, an

apostle

and an :,?,-.elesiastical statesman.

One of the earliest white

holiness-pentecostal

converts wrote of the tremendous influence of C.H. Mason on his life and

thinking

as well as on the lives and

thinking

of thousands of other whites as well as blacks. He wrote:

“I first met … Mason and C.P. Jones … at

Conway, Arkansas, on the 19th

day

of

November,

1904. I had

only

been

preaching a little over a

year.

I was

walking

down the street at

Conway, and I heard someone

preaching.

I was several blocks

away

and something

said to

me,

‘There is a public sale on and the auctioneer is

speaking pretty

loud.’ As I walked on towards the

gathering, I was soon convinced that it was not a

public sale;

that it was preaching by

a colored man. When I arrived, I found two or three thousand

people standing

around a cotton

wagon

in which Brother Mason stood

preaching.

At the conclusion of the

sermon,

Brother C. P.

Jones,

who was also in the

wagon, sang

two

songs;

one en- titled ‘Take

your

Burdens to the Lord and Leave Them There’ and the other ‘I am

Happy

With Jesus

Alone, Though

Poor and Deserted Thank God I can

Say,

I’m

Happy

With Jesus Alone…’ ”

,

“The sermon and

songs

neld the crowd

spellbound

for dome- thing

like an hour and a

half, after

I arrived. That

day

Brother Mason made an

impression

on me that I have never

forgotten and can never

forget ….

I doubt if there has ever been a minister who has lived since the

day

of the

Apostles

who has shown the sweet

spirit

to all

people regardless

of race, creed or color or has preached

with

greater power

…”

“In

1916,

he conducted a

great Camp Meeting

for the whites of

Nashville, Tennessee,

where more than

7,000 attended each night.

I …. heard of the

highest politicians

of America speak complimentary

of

Bishop

Mason … I heard leaders of several

organizations say:

‘If Brother Mason was a white

man, we would

gradly step

aside our

organizations.’ ”

l6Dr. James L. Delk, He Made Millions of People Happy (Hopkinsville, KY: n.p., 1944), pp.

708.

– 54-

9

“Right

here I wish to

say

that the

spirit

of

looking

at color lines and not

looking

at the

lowly

Nazarene has and is

sapping the real

joy

out of many Holiness and Pentecostal Movements of

modern

days.”17

on

Seymour’s

acquainted

in America.

My

of a meeting.”

Seymour

In 1952 at 86

years

of

age,

he was at the World Pentecostal Con- ference in London,

England, praising

God and

blessing

the

people.

He lived

longer

than

any

founder of a major denomination

father, Bishop

Frank

Clemmons,

met

Bishop

W. J.

Seymour

in Harlem

last

trip

East before his death. At the corner of 135th Street and Lenox Avenue in Harlem, W. J.

Seymour

asked him if he was

with C. H. Mason.

My

father

replied “Yes,

as a matter fact, Bishop

Mason is in New

Jersey

now

attending

asked

my father

if it was

possible

for him to

get

with Brother Mason.

My

to East

Orange,

New

Jersey, home of Elder James Wells,

pastor

of the Old Tabernacle Church of God in Christ. There my father witnessed the

moving

scene of C. H.

father took William J.

Seymour

Mason

and W. J.

Seymour

weeping

to the

on each others’ shoulders and

_ ‘

praising

God in

power

and

glory.

This was in the

early

20’s

(1921-22);

Mason and

Seymour

were close.

It was Mason to whom

Seymour

had turned for advice about

marriage

in 1908. C. H. Mason told me as we travelled

together by train

to New York

City

in 1952 that he warned

from Baltimore, Maryland, Seymour against possible

interracial

Mason’s Mason

passed bequeathed

A

community

suggested, given

the make

up

of his

congregation.

advice. The rest is

carefully

documented

away

on November

marriage

that

might

have been

Seymour

followed

by

Nelson. When 17, 1961,

he and

Seymour

had

spirituality.

class and caste was the

and

successful in

tight, closed,

as

powerful

as was the Puritan vision that

Puritan-Evangelical

vision, though numerically

country-club

distinctive character.

to the Christian Church a unique Pentecostal

of the

Spirit transcending

original driving

vision of Pentecostalism-a vision as

sweeping

of a Christian

America.

Like

vision of which it is

part,

the Pentecostal

and

materially

caste of wealth and

power,

is still a victim of its loss of

The true koinonia for which the world so desperately longs

and awaits has

slipped

Bishop

William

Joseph Seymour community

and died.

Bishop

Charles

17Ibid., p. 9.

55

from its

grasp.

pointed

the

way

to the beloved

Harrison Mason

gave

the

10

fragmented community enduring significance.

The fact that

Seymour and Mason were both black Americans caused them to be

shamefully neglected.

But their vision of a Glossolalic-Inclusive New Testament Kcinonia still remains a challenge to the modern church. These

giants can be

neglected

but

they

cannot be

ignored.

– 56-

11

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