Coming Of Age A Reflection On Pentecostals, Politics And Popular Religion In Guatemala

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131 Coming of Age: A Reflection on Pentecostals, Politics and Popular Religion in Guatemala Dennis A. Smith* In this article we will look briefly at how Evangelicalism has grown in Guatemala, with a special emphasis on the Neo-Pentecostals. Then we will present a typology for distinguishing Neo-Pentecostals from the rest of the Evangelical Community. Finally, we will note some of the chal- lenges that the Pentecostal movement in Guatemala presents to the larger Christian community. Evangelicals are coming of age in Guatemala. More than 30% of Guatemala’s 9.2 million citizens now identify themselves as evangeli- cals. Sporting some 300 denominations and more than 10,000 local con- gregations, Guatemalan evangelicals maintain the most wide spread autochthonous presence of any religious group in the country. A case in point is the fact that more than 80% of the Roman Catholic priests serv- ing in Guatemala are foreigners, while the majority of the Evangelical pastors (perhaps 95%) are Guatemalans. Another example may be noted in the fact a permanent Evangelical presence may be found in most for- gotten comers of the country, places where the mass is celebrated only on rare occasions. Indeed, where there is one Evangelical congregation, within six months there will probably be three (leading me to posit what I call the “Amoeba School of Church Growth”). Evangelical growth in Guatemala tends to embody local family, ethnic or class rivalries. New congrega- tions also provide a fertile proving ground for local leaders who believe that they are called to the pastoral ministry. Despite this massive grass- roots presence, internal divisions, and a history of reticence to partici- pate directly in the political arena have so far kept the Evangelicals from threatening the historic cultural dominance and political influence of the Roman Catholic Church. Most Guatemalans still believe that they live in a “Catholic” country. On those few occasions in recent years when Evangelicals have tossed their hats into the political arena, the tendency has been to replace the sectarian fervor of a General Rios Montt, characterized by some as an “Evangelical ayatollah,” with the pragmatic attempts of a President Serrano, to build a viable political consensus. The differences between the two indicate just how much times have changed in Guatemala since , *Dennis A. Smith is a mission co-worker of the Presbyterian Church (USA). He is a graduate of Wheaton College, IL. He has been and living working in Guatemala since 1978. Since 1984 he has coordinated the Education for Communication program of the Latin American Evan- gelical Center for Pastoral Studies (CELEP). 1 132 the days of Rios Montt’s dictatorship of 1982-83. Rios Montt was an evangelical caudillo. Serrano is a neo-conservative politician who also happens to be an evangelical. The Arrival of the Evangelicals The first permanent Protestant pastoral presence in Guatemala was instituted at the invitation of Liberal dictator Justo Rufino Barrios in 1882. It turns out that the Catholic hierarchy, close allies of the Conser- vative Party, were among Barrios’ most powerful and wealthy political adversaries. By inviting the Presbyterians to come in, Barrios tried to undercut traditional Catholic religious hegemony as well as their control of the nation’s educational system. Earlier Protestant mission efforts had been quashed by Conservative regimes. Frederick Crowe, for example, entered Guatemala from Belize in 1841 selling Bibles and New Testa- ments. Crowe, an Anglican, met with the disapproval of both ecclesias- tical and political leaders and was 1 finally deported by Conservative dicta- tor Rafael Carrera. Since the very beginning of the Protestant presence in Guatemala, the local theological scene has closely followed developments in U.S. Evangelicalism. The modernist-fundamentalist wars and the appearance of modem Pentecostalism in U.S. churches at the beginning of the Twentieth Century were quickly incorporated into the Guatemala Protestant experience. The word we use for Protestant is evangélico. Although the Presbyterians, with a “mainline” and somewhat liberal reputation in the U. S., were the first to establish a continuous ministry in Guatemala, the local theological agenda was set by the second Protestant mission agency, the Central American Mission (CAM), which sent its first missionary to Guatemala in 1896. CAM, a faith mission, is a creature of Dallas Theological Seminary, home of Dispensationalism and the Scofield Reference Bible. Dispensationalism is by far the most influential school of theological thought in Guatemala, even among Presbyterians and Pentecostals. The other pioneer Protestant efforts in Guatemala were led by a group that later became part of the Church of the Nazarene (1901), a group of Evangelical Quakers from California (1902) and the Primitive Methodists ( 1914).2 . . The Arrival of Pentecostals In 1934 Pentecostalism arrived in Guatemala.3 Local legend has it that a Primitive Methodist missionary then working in the Western High- IJos6 Caffera and David Scotchmer, Apuntes para la Historia (Guatemala: National Evangelical Presbyterian Church of Guatemala, 1982) 21-35. 2Virginia Garrard Burnett, “Positivismo, Liberalismo e Impulso Misionero: Misiones Protestantes en Guatemala, 1880-1920.” Mesoamirica, 19 (June, 1990) 23. 3Virginia Garrard Burnett, “Protestantism in Rural Guatemala, 1872-1954.” Latin American Research Review 24 :2, (1989), 133. . 2 133 fest the gifts of the Spirit pleased. He was promptly cast into one lands turned out to be a Pentecostal in disguise. When he began to mani- in his ministry, his colleagues were not the outer darkness of Totonicapan, of Guatemala’s poorest provinces. Thus began the Iglesia de Dios, related to the Church of God (Cleveland, TN). The Assemblies of God, another Pentecostal denomination, Pentecostals. Traditionalists moved in a year later from their . beachhead in El Salvador. Since the 1930s, the basic division within Guatemalan Protestantism has been between traditional Evangelicals and regularly accuse the Pentecostals of being noisy and disorderly, of lacking sound doctrine, and of stealing mem- bers of Traditional congregations tactics. Pentecostals accuse “stuffed shirts,” When they refer to traditional frequently allude to Ezekiel’s image regularly and of lacking dynamic leadership Evangelicals, .” Neo-Pentecostals appearance spiritual through aggressive proselytizing Traditionalists of being boring and spiritual vitality. Pentecostal preachers of a valley filled with dry bones. Enter the Fray became divided through the understand this, we have to and contextualized pastoral In the 1970s the Pentecostal community of the Neo-Pentecostals. To change tracks and fill in a few details from the history of the Roman Catholic community in the 1960s. Guatemalan Catholics were embark- ing upon a new adventure in evangelism ministry at that time. This adventure had . begun in the 1950’s with a con- certed “re-evangelization” effort designed to combat syncretism. This effort was energized at the end of the 1960’s through the local imple- mentation of Vatican II reforms. Such reforms, adapted to Latin America at the bishops’ conference in Medellfn, Colombia in 1968, produced effervescence for many, but rejection by traditional groups who believed their cultural identity was threatened by the elimination of some Some priests, for example, faced stiff resistance from the Mayan populace when they tried to clear the images of the To understand this resistance, it is necessary to remember that when the Spanish invaded Guatemala in the Century, they mercilessly imposed sword. For many Mayan groups, syncretism syncretistic practices. saints out of their parish churches.4 Sixteenth method of resisting ancient cosmovision. this imposition Catholicism with the was a time-honored and preserving elements of their Vatican changes were also deemed threatening by many upper-class Catholic professionals whose position of relative wealth and privilege in Guatemalan society had traditionally been justified by the Roman church. These people felt betrayed by the much-touted for the poor.” This internal polarization in the Roman Catholic option “preferential 4Bruce Johnson Calder, Crecimiento y Cambio de la Iglesia Cat6lica Guatemal- teca,1944-1966. Seminario de Integracic5n Social Guatemalteca. (Guatemala: Edito- rial J 000 de Pineda Ibarra. 1970) 87-105. 3 134 parishioners. parish. cooperatives toral agents elections approached, with the Christian Democrats, elections of 1974. In the than General historians agree awarded the presidential Laugerud Garcia. Church came to a head during the Presidential two decades preceding these elections, many Catholic pastoral agents in the rural areas had left their cloisters and had gone to live with their Some began to celebrate the Mass in the local Mayan lan- guage. Lay people were trained as Catechists and Delegates of the Word and permitted to assume part of the pastoral responsibilities in the Catholic Action groups were formed and began to organize and community development projects. The number of pas- increased. New dioceses were organized.5 As the 1974 these grassroots organizations forged close ties the party considered to be the political expression of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. Ironically, the Christian Democratic presidential candidate for 1974 was none other Efrain Riots Montt, still a loyal Catholic at this point. Most that Rios won the election, but his army colleagues sash to another grassroots Guatemala’s profoundly polarized tem. Others were confused general, Kjell Eugenio . churches This electoral debacle caused some pastoral agents and lay leaders to lose faith in the prevailing political and ecclesiastical system. These leaders tended to move toward a radical critique of and violent social and economic sys- by the changes in Catholic teaching and found within the growing Evangelical a clear-cut code of and authoritarian structure that perhaps reminded them of their old spiritual home, the pre-Vatican II Catholic church. By 1976, persecution of the lay Catholic leadership became an estab- behavior army strategy. Army strategists tively allied play. lished part of the army’s counterinsurgency tended to label anyone who questioned the status quo as subversive. The seldom bothered to distinguish between those motivated by the social doctrine of the Catholic Church and those motivated by Lenin and Marx. This caused many people in the rural areas to cease participating in grassroots Catholic groups like Catholic Action. It also led some to seek harbor with the Evangelicals, whose avowed “apoliticalicity” effec- them with the status quo. In the cities other factors came into By 1976 a significant group of socially prominent Catholic profes- sionals, disillusioned with Catholicism, had begun to explore other reli- of Catholicism that resulted gious options. The increased politization from the new emphasis on Catholic social doctrine was not to their liking. One option they explored was the growing Catholic Charismatic for them, the Catholic Archbishop, a staunch traditionalist, movement. Unfortunately Cardinal Cazariegos, Mario was desperately trying to 5Luis Samandu, Hans Siebers and Oscar Sierra. Guatemala: Retos de la Iglesia Católica en una Sociedad en Crisis (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial DEI, 1990) 27-36.. 4 stanch the liberationist Protestant-like groundswell 135 at the grassroots as well as the the Charismatics. The result liturgical effervescence of was that some of the local elite turned to enterprising Protestant pastors for spiritual guidance. Together they began to set up house churches in exclusive residential neighborhoods new Religious Right All, braced “Prosperity people and met for prayer breakfasts at fine Church and the equipment and production All em- hotels. The 1970’s were the heyday of the Electronic in the U.S. Time magazine dedicated a cover story to U. S. Evangelicals. Jerry Falwell’s “Moral Majority” became a politi- cal force to be reckoned with. Jimmy Swaggart, Pat Robertson, Oral Roberts and the Bakkers used state-of-the-art techniques to transform the face of religious broadcasting. with the exception of Falwell, were Neo-Pentecostals. Theology,” also known as “Health and Wealth,” or “Name it and Claim it” Theology. This doctrine teaches that God wants to be healthy and wealthy. According to this school of theological thought, the poor and the sick suffer either because they lack faith or in sin6 This theology was quite attractive to spiritually dislocated upper classes. It justified their social and motivated them to seek more material “blessing.” Various churches sprang forth eagerly to reap this attractive because they are living Guatemala’s situation Neo-Pentecostal harvest. ticipate A group known as Gospel Outreach had come from California to par- in the earthquake relief in 1976. They stayed and founded the El Verbo Church. The Reverend Jorge L6pez began Fraternidad Cristiana. Dr. Otoniel Rios Paredes reached out to this group from his base at the Elim Church, whose constituency class, by establishing Maranatha terinsurgency campaign (1978-83) ants flocking to Guatemala derived mostly from the working Church. Ex-Presbyterian Rev. Ed- Lluvias de Gracia, mundo Madrid transformed his local congregation, into a new Neo-Pentecostal denomination. General Efrain Rios Montt and current Guatemalan President Jorge Serrano Elias were among the first adherents to these new groups. The combination of the devastation produced by the 1976 earthquake and the social dislocation produced by the army’s scorched earth coun- sent hundreds of thousands of peas- City and other urban centers. The sudden disappearance of traditional family and community support systems in addition to the harsh economic realities of the cities produced bitter fruits in many Guatemalan homes. Endemic unemployment, alcohol abuse, domestic violence, abandoned children, and disintegrated families, all became common place in the marginal colonias that sprang up around the urban areas. Many poor families found in the Evangelical churches, of which the Pentecostals were the most numerous, a support group and a disciplined belief system with which to combat social disintegration. 6David Stoll, Is Latin America Turning Protestant? The Politics of Protestant Growth (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1990) 50. , 5 136 The presence of prominent professionals from respected families in the Neo-Pentecostal churches combined with the dynamic spiritual enter- tainment offered by Jimmy Swaggart and friends on Guatemalan televi- sion screens, granted Protestantism a new social status and a new aura of respectability. This new belief system also motivated them to keep up their struggle for survival in the prevailing harsh economic environment. Neo-Pentecostal teaching empowered many to grab God by the throat and force God to bless them. Toward a Pentecostal Typology The appearance of the Neo-Pentecostals introduced a further division into the already fragmented Protestant community. Historically, those groups most likely to accept the Protestant gospel had been small-town merchants, peasants and artisans.7 In contrast, Neo-Pentecostalism con- sciously targeted the privileged classes in the urban centers. Historically, Protestants had defined themselves as “apolitical.” Since the days of the pioneer missionaries, an informal quid pro quo had been negotiated with the political and military authorities. The Protestants were granted free- dom to proselytize, to own property, printing presses, radio and televi- sion stations, and freedom from direct government regulation or taxa- tion. In return, Protestants chose not to question the legitimacy of a long string of corrupt and brutal military dictatorships. Indeed, comisionados militares8 and leaders of the paramilitary Civil Patrols often enjoyed positions of responsibility in rural Protestant congregations. At the same time, local church leaders eschewed participation in party politics. Poli- tics, they reasoned, were worldly and corrupting. For proof they had only to look at Evangelical leaders they knew who tried their hand at electoral politics. Alcohol abuse, womanizing, abuse of authority and corruption tend to be the hallmarks of public office in Guatemala. This corrupt and corrupting system led many of the Evangelical leaders who had been elected to Congress or as mayor to abandon the pietistic mores that are so strictly enforced in Evangelical circles. Along came the Neo-Pentecostals in the late 70’s and early 80’s with an infusion of neo-conservative rhetoric from the U. S. insisting that the 7Due to his close ties with Barrios and the Liberal Party, the efforts of the first Presbyterian Missionary, Rev. John Clark Hill, were directed toward Guatemala’s diplomatic and political elite. His successors, however, quickly changed the focus of Presbyterian ministry to the urban middle class and, to the mass of the rural eventually, great population, peasants. The accent continued to be on education, vocational training and, later, curative medicine. For a discussion of how the mission see Heinrich strategy developed, Schafer, 7dgnRd