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PNEUMA 38 (2016) 33–49
Charismatic Christianity and the Role of Social Networks
Catch the Fire and the Revival Alliance
Michael Wilkinson
Trinity Western University, Sociology Langley, British Columbia, Canada
Abstract
This article offers a sociological examination of the role of networks among charismatic Christians, with specific attention to Catch the Fire and the Revival Alliance. Drawing upon social network theory, it shows how religious networks in global society are relational, asymmetrical, and infused with apostolic authority. A case study of Catch the Fire reveals that the network is primarily collaborative in its structure. However, there are some relationships in the network that are more important than others, as evidenced by the dense social ties among members. Furthermore, the network is structured according to gender with the benefits of social capital favoring men. The network also overlaps with other networks through key relationships, especially the New Apostolic Reformation and other charismatic ministries associated with the prosperity gospel.
Keywords
social network theory – social capital – gender – apostolic authority – charismatic Christianity – Catch the Fire – Revival Alliance
Introduction
In March 2008, at a conference held at Harvest Rock Church (now known as h-Rock Church) in Pasadena, Pastor Che Ahn announced the formation of a new network called Revival Alliance.1 The Revival Alliance consists of six
1 http://revivalalliance.com accessed May 13, 2015.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/15700747-03801005
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independent charismatic ministries, including h-Rock Church (Che and Sue Ahn), Bethel Church (Bill and Beni Johnson), Global Awakening (Randy and DeAnne Clark), Global Celebration (Georgian and Winnie Banov), Iris Min- istries (Roland and Heidi Baker), and Catch the Fire (John and Carol Arnott). The purpose of the network, according to Ahn, is to promote worldwide evan- gelism. Each ministry maintains its own unique focus and influence but agrees not to duplicate what the others are doing. Rather, they see cooperation as central to the network. The Revival Alliance is a network based on personal friendship and is highly relational.2
Members of the Revival Alliance hold annual conferences at which they share in speaking at one another’s events. In January 2014, Catch the Fire cel- ebrated its twentieth anniversary with an event called “Revival Alliance,” with guest speakers that included members of the network.3 The occasion for the gathering was to reflect upon events surrounding the formation of the Toronto revival, commonly known as the Toronto Blessing. In 1994 John Arnott was pas- toring a small Vineyard church in Toronto when a revival began with Randy Clark.4The revival reached its height by the late 1990s with daily meetings but adapted to numerous changes, which included being released from the Vine- yard Association, reinventing itself with name changes and new staff (including Steve Long and Duncan Smith), formalizing many of its ministry practices, regularizing a smaller number of annual conferences, planting Catch the Fire churches throughout North America and worldwide, developing a school of ministry and a vast media network, and increasing its influence through a num- ber of networks.
The founders of Revival Alliance also participate in other networks. In some cases these networks are formalized and in other cases less so; but they are still relational networks. For example,the New Apostolic Reformationis a loose net- work associated with C. Peter Wagner and includes such people as Mike Bickle from the International House of Prayer.5 The Revival Alliance and the New
2 See Candy Gunther Brown, Testing Prayer: Science and Healing (Cambridge, ma: Harvard
University Press, 2012), 39–46.
3 http://revivalallianceconference.com/revival-alliance-conference-2014#
accessed May 13, 2015.
4 See Margaret M. Poloma, Main Street Mystics: The Toronto Blessing and Reviving Pentecostal-
ism(Walnut Creek,ca: Altamira Press, 2003).
5 See Matthew T. Lee, Margaret M. Poloma, and Stephen G. Post,The Heart of Religion: Spiritual
Empowerment, Benevolence, and the Experience of God’s Love (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2013), 208–213.
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Apostolic Reformation are not formally related but are linked through Catch the Fire, where the members do on occasion speak at one another’s events. In May 2010 I had the opportunity to hear Mike Bickle at a Catch the Fire con- ference called “Unveiling” in Toronto. Bickle, along with Heidi Baker and John Arnott, spoke about the importance of relationships among all the ministries, and although each was unique they still complement one another’s ministry goals. Arnott spoke about the contribution Catch the Fire has made with its emphasis on the Father’s love, healing, and forgiveness. He talked about Iris Ministries and the work of the Bakers in mission work and planting churches in Africa, and also promoted Bickle’s ministry of teaching and prayer to those in attendance. Bickle made three presentations during the conference: in “The Seven Longings of the Human Heart” he taught about love and unity as cen- tral to one’s relationship with God; “Loving God: The First Commandment Restored to First Place” exhorted Christians to love God as fulfillment of the Great Commandment; finally, Bickle spoke on “The Convergence of the Mis- sions and Prayer Movements” and the role of prayer in the last days. While Revival Alliance and the New Apostolic Reformation are two distinct networks, the relational component highlights points of overlap theologically, mission- ally, and relationally.
Each of the members of the Revival Alliance also maintains networks within their ministry influences that vary in organizational structure. On the more formalized end of the continuum are such networks as Partners in Harvest, which is a network of independent congregations, mostly in Canada and the uk, that are affiliated with Catch the Fire. Although not officially Catch the Fire churches, they maintain some independence from the Toronto church. Partners in Harvest is also relational, but members are required to attend annual Pastors and Leaders conferences in Toronto, financially support Catch the Fire, and come under the supervision of Catch the Fire by agreeing to its membership statement.6 Catch the Fire, however, also maintains a less formal network at the other end of the continuum that can be observed by the various guest speakers from a wide variety of ministries that are invited to speak at major conferences.
These initial observations about charismatic networks illustrate an impor- tant development, if not transformation, of religion in global society. Network religion, according to Peter Beyer, is one form that religion takes alongside oth- ers, including state religion, spirituality, organized religion (as exemplified by
6 See Michael Wilkinson and Peter Althouse, Catch the Fire: Soaking Prayer and Charismatic
Renewal (DeKalb,il: Northern Illinois University Press, 2014), 40–41.
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denominations), and social movements as a form of religion.7 Religious social networks are distinct from denominations as a form in that each member in the network maintains independence of operation and yet is socially linked. In this article, I examine the ways in which charismatic Christianity takes a net- work form with Catch the Fire. More specifically, I investigate who is in John Arnott’s network by examining the guest speakers at Catch the Fire conferences during a ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. Which Revival Alliance speak- ers spoke at Toronto? Are members from other charismatic networks invited to speak, and if so, who are they? How often do these guest speakers speak, and do some appear more regularly than others? And finally, which guest speakers at Toronto are not part of these formal networks and are some more relationally close to the Arnotts than others? I do not argue that networked religion will replace denominational forms; rather, globalization will produce a pluraliza- tion of religious forms, and Catch the Fire illustrates one particular form that will most likely continue to expand in global society alongside more traditional denominational forms.
Another observation concerns the social dimension of religion. Much of the literature in Pentecostal Theology examines the religious or theological aspects of Pentecostalism, such as the role of glossolalia, eschatology, and evangelization for its growth and expansion.8 Some literature examines the culture of Pente- costalism to account for its vitality, including its progressive nature, its primal qualities, and its subcultural characteristics.9 These items may be referred to as spiritual capital that highlights the internal aspects of Pentecostalism and how they account for its development and expansion throughout the world.10 Further types of capital, however, can also be observed, such as social capi- tal, which refers to the social relationships in the Catch the Fire network that highlight the social dynamics of religion.11 Social capital focuses on activities that produce social advantages—for example, friendship, mentoring, reputa-
7 8
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Peter Beyer, Religions in Global Society (New York: Routledge, 2006).
For example, see Amos Yong, Renewing Christian Theology: Systematics for a Global Chris- tianity (Waco, tx: Baylor University Press, 2014); Peter Althouse, Spirit of the Last Days (London:t&tClark, 2003).
For example, see Harvey Cox, Fire from Heaven(Boston, ma: Addison-Wesley, 1995); Don- ald Miller and Tetsano Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism (Berkeley, ca: University of Cali- fornia Press, 2007).
For a discussion of spiritual capital see Robert Wuthnow, “How Religious Groups Promote Forgiving.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion39 (2000): 125–139.
Pierre Bourdieu, “The Forms of Capital,” in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, ed. John Richardson (New York: Greenwood, 1986), 241–258.
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tion, and economic benefits. Furthermore, Catch the Fire is a social network that is structured around social benefits that are gendered in favor of men. Women are not central to the network except in one case: Heidi Baker. But Baker is an anomaly and a reluctant participant who eschews the apostolic mantle.12
Social Network Research: Theory and Analysis
Social network theory has a number of assumptions about social relations that focus on nodes, ties, exchanges, and interactions, among social actors. Networks are conceived of structurally and diagramed accordingly, so that the links are shown with the various lines drawn between social actors. Social network theory pays attention to the importance of individuals but emphasizes the relationships within the structure. Generally, the relationships and location of individuals in the structure are more important than the personal qualities or character of the individuals. In other words, location in (or absence from) the network can be far more instructive than the social agency of the individual. The ability to participate, interact, receive benefits, and exert influence is directly related to one’s position in the network structure and not to whether or not the individual is exceptional in any particular way.
In the 1970s and 1980s sociologists such as Barry Wellman and S.D. Berkowitz were espousing the benefits of a structural analysis for studying social net- works.13Thestructuralemphasisintheirresearchfocusedontheconsequences of social structures on social actors by studying networks and their social rela- tions directly. Social networks, in their view, are tools for studying social struc- tures, and not simply collections of individuals interacting. In other words, a structural emphasis offers the ability to observe the ties and interactions between individuals and the overall structure of the network that highlights the overarching system.
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Wilkinson and Althouse, Catch the Fire. See chapter 5 for a detailed discussion about apostolic authority, gender, and Heidi Baker’s ambivalent relationship with charismatic leaders. Also see Andrea Hollingsworth and Melissa D. Browning, “Your Daughters Shall Prophesy (As Long as They Submit): Pentecostalism and Gender in Global Perspective,” in Michael Wilkinson and Steven Studebaker, A Liberating Spirit (Eugene, or: Pickwick, 2010), 161–184. Hollingsworth and Browning examine how Pentecostalism is limiting and liberating in a neo-pentecostal church.
Barry Wellman and S.D. Berkowitz, eds., Social Structures: A Network Approach (Cam- bridge,uk: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
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Wellman offers a number of principles in network analysis; they include: 1) structured social relationships are a more powerful source of sociological explanation than personal attributes of system members; 2) norms emerge from location in structured systems of social relationships; 3) social struc- tures determine the operation of dyadic relationships; 4) the world is com- posed of networks, not groups; and 5) structural methods supplement and supplant individualistic methods.14 Analytically, Wellman explains that social ties are typically characterized as: asymmetrical; they link members directly and indirectly; they can create nonrandom networks with unclear bound- aries; cross-linkages connect clusters of activity elsewhere in the network; asymmetric relations distribute resources differentially; and social interaction in the network can be collaborative as well as competitive for resources.15 Researchers of social networks ought to be aware of these various points in their analysis. The work of Wellman and his associates over the years has produced a significant amount of research in the field of network analysis, including a journal, conferences, and theoretical and methodological develop- ment.16
In one of the most important books on social network analysis, Wasserman and Faust offer an extensive list of references on methods and applications.17 The book offers an overview of the main theoretical assumptions for studying social networks, how they are structured, the interdependent nature of net- works, the relational quality of networks through the various ties, and how networks constrain or offer opportunities for social action. Readers are intro- duced to the empirical and mathematical developments in network analysis as well as such concepts as actor, relational tie, dyad, triad, subgroup, and group. “Social network” is defined thus: “Asocial networkconsists of a finite set or sets of actors and the relation or relations defined on them.”18Social network anal- ysis refers to the measurement of relations or methodological issues related to
14
15 16
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Barry Wellman, “Structural Analysis: From Method and Metaphor to Theory and Sub- stance,” in Social Structures: A Network Approach, ed. Barry Wellman and S.D. Berkowitz (Cambridge,uk: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 31–38.
Ibid., 40–46.
For example, see the following: Barry Wellman, ed., Networks in the Global Village: Life in Contemporary Communities (Boulder, co: Westview Press, 1999); Lee Rainie and Bar- ry Wellman, Networked: The New Social Operating System (Cambridge, ma: mit Press, 2012).
Stanley Wasserman and Katherine Faust, Social Network Analysis: Methods and Applica- tions(Cambridge,uk: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
Ibid., 20.
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network theory, and includes the body of methods a researcher will use to study a social network. Wasserman and Faust offer a range of techniques for study- ing social networks, from a single relation to the most complex of network data involving a range of relations.
Research on more complex social networks includes the work of Manuel Castells and his examination of social networks in global society.19 Castells is concerned with accounting for the social networks of the economic elite and the asymmetrical nature of global society. One consequence of this unequal social pattern is the sense of alienation people experience as they attempt to engage the new global economy. Castells argues that alienation results in questions about identity and meaning, social fragmentation, experiences of the other as stranger, and ongoing cultural debate as the world goes through social change. Globalization is not an even process, however, and while most people are constrained by geography, there are economic elites who function in the flows of economic exchange, social spaces with their own social qualities, access to critical technology, and powerful networks.
Religion is also a focus in social network research, with some attention given to Pentecostalism. For example, Joel Robbins examines the growth and expan- sion of Pentecostalism in relation to globalization.20 Robbins explores Pente- costalism’s cultural qualities in relation to other spheres, such as economics and politics, structured in global society. The cultural character of global Pen- tecostalism allows it to adapt locally and to expand through the various net- works it either establishes or expands with by virtue of its worldwide links with other Pentecostals and Charismatics. Robbins shows how Pentecostals engage institution building by modeling social interaction through ritual at the local level. This type of analysis is an example of a micro study similar to that con- ducted by Wilkinson and Althouse on the role of ritual and pentecostal social interaction.21 It does not offer the same macro analysis as does (for example) Castells.22 Furthermore, research on the micro interactions often assume the existence of the network but do not attempt to articulate how it is structured or the location of various actors within it.
Considerable research on religion and immigrants also assumes a social network approach. For example, Michael Wilkinson’s research on pentecostal
19 20
21 22
Manual Castells,The Rise of the Network Society, 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000). Joel Robbins, “The Globalization of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity,” Annual Review of Anthropology 33 (2004): 117–143; “Pentecostal Networks and the Spirit of Glob- alization,”Social Analysis53 (2009): 55–66.
Wilkinson and Althouse,Catch the Fire.
Castells,The Network Society.
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immigrants focused on the transnational ties between Pentecostals in Canada and the various countries they came from.23 These social ties were organiza- tional, cultural, and theological. Often what circulated within the networks were guest speakers, money, theological ideas, and other material cultural items. The location or sites for these exchanges included conferences, congre- gations, prayer meetings, seminars, and theological schools. The role of media technology, whether the Internet, television, text messages, or older forms such as cassette tapes and letters in the mail, operated to facilitate the expansion of Pentecostalism through structured networks.
One further study on apostolic networks that has relevance for the research presented in this article revolves around the work of William K. Kay.24 Kay’s work, which offers an extensive study of apostolic networks in Britain, is histor- ically, theologically, and sociologically informed. Kay works through the history of Pentecostalism and charismatic movements noting the various links among ministries locally and globally. He offers extensive detail on charismatic min- istries such as those of Bryn Jones and Covenant Ministries International, Terry Virgo and New Frontiers International, Barney Coombs and Salt and Light, John Wimber and the Vineyard, and a host of other apostolic ministries. His assess- ment highlights the various ways in which charismatics share common theo- logical themes, employ media technology, participate together in conferences, and practice mission and ministry. His sociological analysis is highly informa- tive; it includes a discussion of his findings on the structure of the networks, qualitative observations, and demographic details. Overall, this is a work that is commendable for those looking to employ a network analysis in a compre- hensive manner.
To summarize, network theory has a number of assumptions that shape this article. First, the structure of the network and its relational nature is signifi- cant for understanding its role, more so than the individuals. Second, networks are asymmetrical, that is, participation within a prominent network has the ability to offer those within it certain benefits not accessible to all who iden- tify with the broader movement. In other words, network research ought to
23
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Michael Wilkinson.The Spirit said Go: Pentecostal Immigrants in Canada(New York: Peter Lang, 2006).
William K. Kay, Apostolic Networks in Britain: New Ways of Being Church (Milton Keynes, uk: Paternoster, 2007); William K. Kay, “Apostolic Networks in Britain: An Analytic Over- view,” Transformation 25 (2008): 32–42. Also see William K. Kay, Leslie J. Francis, and Mandy Robbins, “A Distinctive Leadership for a Distinctive Network of Churches? Psy- chological Type Theory and the Apostolic Networks,” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 20 (2011): 306–322.
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raise our awareness to issues of power and authority and, in this case, the power of apostolic authority as a form of religious power, for its operation. This fits the longstanding view in sociology in which Max Weber character- ized charismatic authority as the operation of power that was structured in the relationship between followers and a charismatic leader.25Third, networks are highly relational, and while members of the network share interpersonal relations with one another, some relationships are more important, as indi- cated by the dense connections or social ties between specific members. Fur- thermore, these members maintain social ties with other charismatic leaders associated with other networks, thereby highlighting the fluidity of social rela- tions.
The Social Network of Catch the Fire
In this study I attempt to show how the Catch the Fire ministries network is structured and to comment on the relational aspects of this network. The method I employ is a social network analysis with a theoretical assumption that studying the structure of the social network can show important relationships through density and direction. This study also draws upon a number of obser- vations at Catch the Fire events, including conferences in Baltimore, Virginia Beach, Seattle, Los Angeles, and Toronto. I have also conducted a secondary analysis of documents and websites from Catch the Fire to assess the frequency of conferences and events in Toronto and the names of the guest speakers. The time frame for the research is between 2005 and 2014 and covers the second decade since the Toronto Blessing began with John Arnott and Randy Clark in 1994. Research on the Catch the Fire events and conferences in Toronto and the guest speakers shows who is embedded in the network but also how close they are to Arnott.26By counting the number of times in which speakers spoke dur- ing this time frame, the strength of the social tie and the density between nodes in the network can be shown. The research questions included: Who are the participants, both individuals and ministries, in the Catch the Fire network? How close or dense are the social ties? What do these social ties tell us about
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Max Weber, Economy and Society, Vols. 1 and 2 (Berkeley, ca: University of California Press), 1111–1119.
See James Moody and Douglas R. White, “Structural Cohesion and Embeddedness: A Hierarchical Concept of Social Groups,”American Sociological Review68, no. 1 (2003): 103– 127.
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the relational nature of the network? Is the network competitive or collabora- tive? Is the Revival Alliance Network, which features heavily within the Catch the Fire network, a formal organization or a more loosely held network, and if so, is it evenly represented or is the network asymmetrical? Are some mem- bers of the Revival Alliance more active in Catch the Fire than others? Are other charismatic networks affiliated with Catch the Fire that are not represented in the Revival Alliance, and, if so, who are they? How is the network gendered in favor of men?
The structure of the Catch the Fire network includes the following: Revival Alliance Network, Steve Long (ctf-Toronto) and Duncan Smith (ctf-Raleigh), Catch the Fire Churches, Partners in Harvest, conference speakers, Mike Bickle and International House of Prayer, New Apostolic Reformation and C. Peter Wagner,cbn/700 Club and Gordon Robertson, and Benny Hinn Ministries. The structure as presented is a simple structure and only establishes the ties that move in one direction from Catch the Fire. However, other social ties exist between the various nodes that will be discussed here. To proceed I offer a description of the network and the relational nature of the nodes.
Revival Alliance Network
Revival Alliance Network is the formal organization of affinity-based ministries that was formed in 2008. The network consists of six major charismatic min- istries with four based in the United States (h-Rock Church, Bethel Church, Global Celebration, and Global Awakening), one in Mozambique (Iris Min- istries), and one in Canada (Catch the Fire). Revival Alliance is a collabora- tive network that is focused on world evangelization. The various leaders of these ministries all speak at one another’s churches and ministry events. For example, I attended a Global Awakening event called “Voice of the Apostles” in Baltimore in 2009. The speakers at the conference included all six leaders fromRevivalAlliance.Thegeneralmeetingswerecharacterizedbyanemphasis on apostolic teachings, prayer, impartation, world evangelization, and worship. Thousands attended the four-day conference, and at times people could be observed on the floor praying in the conference room and in the hallways next to book sellers and ministry tables promoting various activities. The Revival Alliance is primarily a relational network and illustrates the importance and closeness of personal friendships among charismatics in a collaborative fash- ion. While the Revival Alliance receives criticism especially from more con- servative non-charismatic Evangelicals, the network illustrates one important way in which religion takes on new forms in global society that is distinct from the traditional denominational form adopted by most Evangelicals and Pente- costals.
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Steve Long and Duncan Smith
Steve Long and Duncan Smith are the two closest individuals to John Arnott in the Catch the Fire network. Steve Long is the lead pastor ofctf-Toronto while Duncan Smith pastorsctf-Raleigh. Long and Smith, however, along with John Arnott, also represent the three apostles for Catch the Fire. Organizationally, they are officially the vice-presidents of Catch the Fire and are responsible for administering its ministries worldwide. Long and Smith regularly speak at Catch the Fire events in Toronto and elsewhere throughout the world in association with Catch the Fire churches. In Toronto, Long officially pastors thectf-Toronto congregation and oversees its administration, which includes a staff of approximately thirty, and its ten local campuses. Smith is the pastor forctf-Raleigh and its two campuses. He also oversees and coordinates much of the ministry in the United States as well as the Raleigh-based Bible school. Succession will be a key issue for Catch the Fire in the next decade as John Arnott passes on the ministry, most likely to these two leaders. However, issues of succession are potentially fraught with institutionalization and questions of charismatic authority.
Catch the Fire Churches
One of the objectives of Catch the Fire is to expand its brand of renewal glob- ally. Catch the Fire’s vision statement is “to walk in God’s love and give it away, until the whole earth is filled with the knowledge of the glory of the Lord.”27 This vision is expressed through the planting of churches, and to date they have done so in the cities of Toronto, Ontario; Montreal, Quebec; Halifax, Nova Scotia; Winnipeg, Manitoba; Calgary, Alberta; Raleigh, North Carolina; Fayet- teville, North Carolina; Houston, Texas; Dallas–Fort Worth, Texas; London,uk; Bournemouth, uk; Oslo, Norway; Novo Hamburgo, Brazil; Melbourne, Aus- tralia; Sydney, Australia; and Auckland, New Zealand.
Partners in Harvest
Partners in Harvest refers to an important network of churches that are not official Catch the Fire church plants but independent congregations that want an affiliation with Toronto. Each ministry maintains its own organizational structure but has also developed a key relational link with Catch the Fire by agreeing to abide by its mission and vision statement, financially support Catch the Fire, attend the Leaders and Pastors annual meeting, and work in part- nership for world renewal and evangelization.28 Approximately 170 churches
27 28
http://catchthefire.com/about/vision-mission-values, accessed May 16, 2015. See Wilkinson and Althouse,Catch theFire, 40.
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are represented in the network primarily in Canada, the United States, and the uk. Most churches maintain their independence but there are examples of Partners in Harvest churches that have become an official Catch the Fire church. For example,ctf-Montreal was affiliated with the Pentecostal Assem- blies of Canada and then left the denomination following renewal of the pastor and congregation. As an independent congregation it maintained a link with Toronto through Partners in Harvest and eventually became an official ctf- Montreal church in 2010.29
Conference Speakers
When the Toronto Blessing first began holding extended meetings with Randy Clark in 1994, the small Vineyard congregation of just over 100 people met on a regular basis. This occurred weekly, except for Mondays, for the next several years. By about 1997, the weekly events began to dwindle in numbers and the church moved to an event- and conference-based structure with renewal meetings, healing events, and soaking prayer conferences. These events took place about monthly and then quarterly with other one-day seminars and retreats. Although these conferences and events are now regularized into the annual calendar, there are probably two or three major events per year that are the focus of church activities, including the Catch the Fire conference usually held in the autumn, a Pastors and Leaders event in the late winter or early spring, and one other summer event. Between 2005 and 2014 sixty different speakers were invited and advertised as keynote speakers. The vast majority of the speakers only appear once during these major events. There is a second group of speakers that speak two or more times; these include Randy Clark, Heidi Baker, Bill Johnson, Georgian Banov, Mike Bickle, Marc Dupont, Joshua Mills, Paul Manwaring, Kenny Blacksmith, John Scotland, Patricia Bootsma, Ed Piorek, Chester and Betsy Kylstra, and Mark Stibbe. Some of these speakers, such as the members of the Revival Alliance, Marc Dupont, and Chester and Betsy Kylstra are listed as “Our Friends” on the ctf website, indicating the relational nature of the network, the social cohesion of the group, and the social embeddedness of these friends in Catch the Fire.30
By far, however, the guest speaker who speaks annually at Catch the Fire and more often than any other person is Heidi Baker of Iris Ministries. Heidi Baker is one of the most sought-after charismatic speakers who experienced
29
30
See ibid., 144–148; Michael Wilkinson and Peter Althouse, “Apology and Forgiveness as an Expression of Love in a Charismatic Congregation,” PentecoStudies: An Interdisciplinary Journal for Research on the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements11, no. 1 (2012): 87–102. http://catchthefire.com/about/our-friends, accessed May 16, 2015.
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personal renewal at Toronto. I have heard Baker speak at Toronto on a number of occasions as well as in Los Angeles and Seattle. In Seattle people lined up outside the doors of the church for two hours prior to the meeting to be able to get a seat. An overflow was set up and a large group watched her on a monitor. Baker is known for her emphasis on serving what she claims are the most unloved people and is considered an exemplar among charismatic Christiansforherwork.31Herministryiswellknownforitsemphasisonhealing and church planting in Mozambique.32Clearly, Baker’s relationship with Catch the Fire and John Arnott can be characterized as very close and the densest social tie in the network. It is also, however, the most ambivalent relationship. Baker is the only female leader of the closest charismatic ministries in the network. She is often held up as an exemplar. However, she is also very critical of the role of men, highlighting the gender paradox of pentecostal-charismatic Christianity.33
Mike Bickle and International House of Prayer
Mike Bickle is the pastor of International House of Prayer, which was founded in 1999 and is located in Kansas City, Missouri. The church’s mission focus is on offering prayer 24/7 with special attention given to intercessory prayer in preparation for the end times, an apocalyptic interpretation of evangeli- cal eschatology.34 Bickle was featured as a keynote speaker in Toronto twice
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For a detailed discussion of Heidi Baker and the view that she is an exemplar, see Lee, Poloma, and Post, The Heart of Religion, 243–246. The role of exemplar also points to the relational and collaborative nature of social networks.
See Candy Gunther Brown, “Global Awakenings: Divine Healing Networks and Global Community in North America,” in Candy Gunther Brown, ed., Global Pentecostal and Charismatic Healing (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 351–370; Brown, Testing Prayer, 26; Lee, Poloma, and Post,The Heart of Religion, 77–83, 120–130; Margaret M. Polo- ma and Matthew T. Lee, “Prophecy, Empowerment, and Godly Love: The Spirit Factor in the Growth of Pentecostalism,” in Donald E. Miller, Kimon H. Sargeant, and Richard Flory, eds., Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 277–296; Wilkinson and Althouse,Catch the Fire, 130–133. See Bernice Martin “The Pentecostal Gender Paradox: A Cautionary Tale for the Sociology of Religion,” in The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Religion, ed. Richard K. Fenn (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 52–66. This gender paradox expressed as ambivalence is also reported by charismatic women in Catch the Fire, including June Bain and Margarite Evans. Evans eventually resigned from her position as soaking prayer coordinator for the United States to form her own ministry. See Wilkinson and Althouse, Catch the Fire, 127– 130.
See Peter Althouse and Robby Waddell, eds., Perspectives in Pentecostal Eschatologies:
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between 2005 and 2014. In 2009 I heard him speak at an event with Heidi Baker and John Arnott. At that time he was introduced by Arnott as part of a new net- work of renewal ministries with Catch the Fire and Iris Ministries. It was said that the network was about collaboration and not competition. Each ministry brought its own unique ministry perspective, including Catch the Fire’s empha- sis on inner healing and the Father’s love, Iris Ministries’ missionary work, and International House of Prayer’s focus on teaching and prayer. Bickle spoke three times during the event. What was unclear at the time was Bickle’s relationship with Revival Alliance. Bickle is not nor has his church ever been affiliated with the network. It was also unclear whether Arnott intended his announcement to be the formation of another network. What we do know, however, is that Catch the Fire does maintain an important social tie with the International House of Prayer, which is officially linked with C. Peter Wagner and the New Apostolic Reformation network.
C. Peter Wagner and New Apostolic Reformation
The New Apostolic Reformation is a loose network of like-minded charismatic ministries that share certain theological viewpoints about eschatology, church planting, the role of apostles and prophets as part of their fivefold ministry emphasis, spiritual warfare, the view that Christians are to influence business, government, media, arts and entertainment, education, family, and religion, or the so-called “seven mountains” or what is generally referred to as Dominion- ism.35 C. Peter Wagner, a former professor at Fuller Theological Seminary, is not so much the leader of a movement as an influential writer and teacher who gives credence to those with similar views. The New Apostolic Reformation has received much criticism from Pentecostals and Evangelicals and is considered a radical movement within Pentecostalism.36
Gordon Robertson andcbn/700 Club
Gordon Robertson is the son of the well-known Pat Robertson, founder of the Christian Broadcasting Network and the 700 Club. Gordon Robertson regularly
35 36
WorldWithoutEnd(Eugene,or: Wipf and Stock, 2010); Michael McClymond, “Charismatic Renewal and Neo-Pentecostalism: From North American Origins to Global Permutations,” in Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. and Amos Yong, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Pentecostalism (Cambridge,uk: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 42–43.
See McClymond, “Charismatic Renewal and Neo-Pentecostalism,” 43.
For a response to the criticism offered by C. Peter Wagner in Charisma, see http:// charismanews.com/opinion/31851-the-new-apostolic-reformation-is-not-a-cult, ac- cessed May 16, 2015.
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hosts the 700 Club television show and oversees much of the media enterprise. Catch the Fire has held a regular conference in Virginia Beach at the Founders Inn, which is on the large campus of Regent University and next to cbn. Dur- ing one of the conferences in Virginia Beach I observed the close relationship between Catch the Fire and cbn with shared activities between the two orga- nizations, including an Internet event held atcbnwith Catch the Fire and the mutual promotion of ministry activities. For example, Gordon Robertson on cbn promoted soaking prayer, interviewed John Arnott, and was a featured speaker at the Catch the Fire conferences. Arnott has also made use of cbn media technology for his ministry in Toronto and has spoken of collaborative mission work with Robertson andcbn.
Benny Hinn Ministries
The last ministry link with Catch the Fire discussed in this article is Benny Hinn Ministries. At the twentieth anniversary event held in Toronto in 2014, the keynote speaker was Benny Hinn. Hinn, whose family immigrated to Toronto in the 1960s, has a long link with Pentecostalism in the city, including an asso- ciation with John Arnott. Throughout the early years of the Toronto Blessing Benny Hinn was connected to John Arnott and was said to have prayed for him in Florida in 1993 prior to the official launch of the Toronto Blessing.37Arnott’s encounter with Hinn’s ministry was one of those events that influenced his own personal renewal, and Hinn is credited with influencing him. However, the social link with Benny Hinn also ties Arnott into the so-called “prosperity gospel” with its emphasis on faith, health, wealth, and victory.38Catch the Fire is far from the hard prosperity versions represented in such people as Kenneth Hagen and Kenneth Copeland. However, Arnott does represent what Bowler calls a soft prosperity version that came to be associated with the post-1980s scandals with Jim Bakker andTheptlClubinto the more therapeutic approach of Pentecostalism in the 1990s. Arnott’s emphasis on inner healing, forgiveness, and experiencing the Father’s love in a holistic fashion clearly represents an important social link through Hinn to the prosperity gospel preachers, albeit a more irenic version with therapeutic benefits.
37
38
See Stephen Hunt, “The ‘Toronto Blessing’—A Lesson in Globalized Religion?” in Michael Wilkinson, ed.,Canadian Pentecostalism: Transition and Transformation(Montreal-Kings- ton: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2009), 233–248.
See Kate Bowler, Blessed: A History of the American Prosperity Gospel (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).
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Discussion and Conclusion
A study of the structure of the Catch the Fire network is important for several reasons. First, networks are important social forms in global society that are increasingly growing and coming to characterize the nature and role of religion. Networks in some way resemble the structures of denominations, but they are different. Denominations tend to be organized nationally and, although they have international ministries with a global focus and can be networked with other ministries, networks organizationally are generally less centralized and include looser connections that are not embedded in the structure in the way a denomination is. Second, studying the structure of the Catch the Fire network shows how it is linked relationally with other networks although loosely organized, like the Revival Alliance. The Revival Alliance is highly rela- tional, as demonstrated by the dense social ties between its members, which includes official collaboration and sharing of resources between ministries such as speaking at one another’s events. There is a fine line between collab- oration and competition. Structurally, competition or collaboration depends upon how much overlap occurs between or within a network. If the various ministries see themselves as offering something unique to the network, then there will be an emphasis on collaboration. If all the members of the network focus on a smaller similar pool of people or ministry emphases, however, com- petition will increase. Most likely, the followers circulate within the network for different reasons, attending events in Toronto and at meetings hosted by other members of the network. Therefore, while the network is relational and the members emphasize collaboration, there is also competition between mem- bers for the participants involved in charismatic Christianity. The network is also asymmetrical, with some links more important than others or revealing closer ties than others. Clearly, as measured by the number of times she has spoken in Toronto, the relationship with Heidi Baker and Iris Ministries is very close. However, Baker’s status in the network highlights the gender paradox of pentecostal-charismatic Christianity in which men dominate the structure, speak most frequently at one another’s meetings, are promoted among other networks, and most often receive the greatest benefits in the form of social cap- ital. Finally, a study of the structure of the Catch the Fire network also reveals less obvious but nonetheless important links with other networks and min- istries. For example, Catch the Fire has an indirect relationship with the New Apostolic Reformation through Mike Bickle and International House of Prayer. It is also linked with cbn/700 club and its vast media enterprise throughout the world. Catch the Fire churches also act to expand the reach of the net- work throughout Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, South and
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Central America, and Oceania. Its vision and mission is also shared with Part- ners in Harvest churches and the many guest speakers who participate in Catch the Fire conferences, including such people as Benny Hinn and the prosperity gospel movements.
There are limitations to this research. I have examined only a small number of social ties that are linked to Catch the Fire during a ten-year period between 2005 and 2014. To expand this study I would need to cover a broader time frame and include an analysis of the guest speakers and social ties since ctf’s incep- tion in 1994 and perhaps even earlier. I do not include any discussion of the very important connection with John Wimber and the Vineyard church, which was severednotlongaftertherenewalbegan.Likewise,ifIweretoexpandthisstudy I could study the various social ties within the Revival Alliance and examine its structure. Despite these limitations, however, this study does reveal the key social ties of Catch the Fire, its relational and collaborative nature, the close- ness of some links, the embedded nature of religious networks, and its global reach as a form of social capital.
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