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Alexander
31
Boddy
and the Rise of Pentecostalism
in Great Britain
Edith Blumhofer*
American “classical”
Pentecostal
costalism
adapted permeated cultures would
challenge
interwoven,
fund-raising fully
other countries.
Among
these
Deeply impressed England
by
had united under
infilling
teaching emerged
in
Topeka,
in
During
an unsuccessful
“enduement with
power
and the
Kansas in 1901 and
began
its extensive
growth
in Los
Angeles 1906. From there, it
spread
around the world. American Pente-
and accommodated in
complex ways
as it
other
settings.
Studies of Pentecostalism in other
enable a more
precise
definition of a broad and diffuse movement. A brief
study
of its early classical
phase
in Great Britain
suggests
some
ways
in which
compartive
studies
might
our
perception
of the movement.
‘
The roots of British and American Pentecostalism are
closely
but the immediate
story
of the British movement begins
in Norway with a Methodist
minister, Thomas
Ball
Barratt, an
Englishman by
birth and education.’
trip
to the United States in 1906, Barratt identified
with the Pentecostal movement. On his return to
Norway,
he launched a Pentecostal
ministry
which soon drew observers from
was Alexander
Boddy,
since 1886 vicar of All Saints Church, Sunderland in northeastern
England.
what he saw,
Boddy
invited Barratt to
for
meetings
in his
parish.2
Alexander
Boddy
had been attracted
by the teaching
associated with the annual Keswick Conventions to a concern for
personal holiness and
spiritual power.
Since 1875, the Keswick movement
the
general
theme “All one in Christ”,
Anglicans and Non-Conformists who shared the determination to “overcome” sin and
experience
with the
Holy Spirit,
the believer
claiming
his share in the Pentecostal
gift.”;
Keswick
meetings
were non-sectarian and orderly
in their consideration of the Christian’s inner life.
Boddy was fortunate that his
bishop,
was also a Keswick
supporter
interest in the
practical experience
of
spiritual power.4
had been
deeply
stirred
by the
Welsh revival, which he had
to
anticipate
similar
awakening
in his
parish.
The Welsh revival
played
a vital role in
shaping
the context in which Pentecostalism
emerged
in
many parts
of western
Europe
and the United States. Characterized
by spontaneity,
emotion and
this revival from its
beginnings
in 1904 claimed
to be the start of the foretold end-times “latter rain.”
Handley
Moule,
Boddy visited,
informality, explicitly
the
widely-respected
scholar,
and shared his
1
32
“Wonderful
swept by
upon
thousands will do gives
terminology;
spiritual power experience. Participants
things
have
happened
in Wales … but these are
only
a beginning,”
wrote revival leader Evan Roberts. “The world will be
His
Spirit
as
by
a rushing, mighty wind…. Thousands
more than we have
accomplished
as God
them
power.
“5 Roberts
presented
the revival as the
prelude
to a worldwide
awakening
and as the fulfillment of Joel 2.
The
language
of the revival would become
part
of Pentecostal
the revival further
popularized
terms
relating
to
and associated them with
specific conceptions
of
described the revival as
having “Pentecostal character”.6 “Have
ye
received the
Holy
Ghost since ye
believed?”
became,
one leader
reminisced,
ringing
out to the Church of God
through
Wales. “7 The Welsh revival
gave
such
language
concrete
experiential
association
just
as Pentecostalism,
In the
spontaneity
and emotional fervor of
Pentecostalism, would
readily
discern an extension of the Welsh event.
Meyer
contemporaries
With both
seekers
mingled
introduced Pentecostal
Boddy
“a
question loudly the
awakening
in renewed force and
emerged.
some
like F. B. of similar
practices
into his
regularly
his life and did –
Reports
from Wales
by respected
British
evangelicals
and G. Campbell Morgan stimulated
anticipation
renewals around the world.
Boddy’s
visit to the revival stirred him to pray specifically for his
parish.
The accounts he shared in visits to other
congregations strengthened
the determination of his
to
experience
revival in Sunderland.
the
teaching
of Keswick and the
experience
of the Welsh revival
influencing
his
response, Boddy accepted
the Pente- costal
message
as the answer to his
personal quest
for
spiritual renewal.
During
Barratt’s visit to Sunderland in the fall of
1907,
with curious
spectators,
and
people began
to speak in tongues. Sunderland
quickly
became the most
important
center of an
English
Pentecostal movement. There is no evidence that Boddy
scheduled
Anglican
services.
Rather,
he added
prayer
and
teaching sessions where the
spontaneity
and emotional release that character- ized Pentecostal
worship everywhere
were
encouraged.
From these meetings,
the
message
was carried across Britain.8
remained an
Anglican priest throughout
not
question
the
validity
of the
liturgy
or of such
conspicuous differences with American Pentecostals as infant
baptism
or
In the
spirit
of
Keswick,
it seems
apparent
that he
to stress the essential “Christian” character of the experience.
His vision was for
spiritual power through
costal
experience
for Christians in all
affiliations,
and so he
seekers to remain in their churches. He was
soon joined
of the movement fellow
Anglican,
Cecil
confirmation. hoped
encouraged in the
leadership
the Pente-
by
a
2
been one
33
Polhill had
Polhill,
a
wealthy Englishman
of social
prominence.
of the
“Cambridge Seven,”
a group of
athletes,
each of whom had left a
promising
future in
response
to D. L.
Moody’s
appeal
in the
1880’s.
Each had devoted his life to
Polhill
accepted
Pentecostalism
to
organize
a Pentecostal
to finance
early
Pentecostal efforts in
London,
and to share with
revivalistic missions.
returned to
England
Both
Boddy
accepted
part, receptivity ship
tongues) the
in Los
Angeles
and
Missionary Union,
men
emphases (excluding
evidential
Boddy
the direction of the new movement.9
and Polhill were
educated, socially-respected who did not
represent
the
majority
of those who
eventually
the Pentecostal
message.
A few other
Anglican priests identified with some events the two
sponsored,
but for the most
toward the Pentecostal
message
as well as leader-
for local Pentecostal
gatherings
came from
non-Anglican ranks.’° A considerable number had
apparently
moved from one of the more established
dissenting groups
into various
independent missions before
associating
with Pentecostalism.
Just as the
principal
Pentecostal
can
readily
be traced in the American
religious
culture of
nineteenth
century,
so are
they
evident in Britain as well. As a result, then, of indigenous efforts; through
the labors of Americans who
spent prolonged periods ministering
in Britain; in the available
and
through
the interdenominational
exchange facilitated
by
such
regular
events as the Keswick conventions, interested Britons
participated
in
settings stressing
themes similar to those evident in the
segments
of American
evangelicalism
which most
directly
influenced Pentecostalism.
Pentecostal missions
appeared
as it became evident in Britain that
many
Pentecostals would be unable to remain in the
religious
literature;
Independent
groups particularly
ably
promote prayer “for
identified. This was affiliations. Counsel
.
selves on the orderliness
with which
they
had
previously
true of those with
non-Anglican
to avoid
separation
seemed
impossible
to heed amid the dissention that the
message provoked.” Opposition
to Pentecostalism was
articulated
by such prominent
British
evangelicals
as William Graham
Scroggie, Baptist
fundamentalist
preacher, prolific
author and
popular
Keswick
speaker
and Reader
Harris, lawyer
and founder of the Pentecostal
League,
an international association to
the
filling
of the
Holy Spirit
for all believers.”‘2
2
The Keswick movement,
too,
closed its ranks in
opposition. British Pentecostalism owed an incalculable debt to Keswick.’3 But Keswick
leaders,
as Pentecostals soon
discovered,
characteristic of
Keswick historian John Pollock noted: “For
thirty years
one of Keswick’s most blessed features had been
quietness.”‘4
The
prided
them- their conventions.
3
34
program purposely
emotional
In the wake
prayer rejected
that
these would
sermons or
be attributed to
of a
message
is,
of course,
probable
familiar-presented
spoken
in
tongues revival, then,
had
negative
excluded controversial methods and discouraged responses, claiming
distract from the
message.
of the Welsh
revival, however,
had come advocates of greater
“freedom” in
worship style.
Some
interrupted
times with
weeping,
exhortations or singing. The
leadership
such
expressions:
some of them also re-evaluated the Welsh revival and concluded that much of what had occurred in its intensity during
1904 and 1905 should
correctly
demonic
activity. 15
In such a
climate,
the
rejection
which
consciously
identified with the Welsh revival was routine. It
that Keswick
supporters-to
whom Pente- costals’
language
of
spiritual
renewal and
power
had
long
been
the
implication
that because
they
had not
they
were not
Spirit-baptized.
as well as
positive
connotations for British Pentecostalism.
Even as independent settings,
the movement
or
indirectly,
Pentecostal continued
them, however, subjects
The Welsh
missions
emerged
in
disparate to focus in Sunderland. Either
of
English
Pentecostals
numbers of
Boddy
Whitsuntide Conventions
Confidence magazine;
conventions became
northern
Europe
as
Sunderland. British Pentecostals movement’s
emphases
and
progress European
Pentecostals
backgrounds
and did
directly
the vast
majority
owed their
experience
to
Boddy’s ministry. Increasing
came from
among
those whose earlier
emphases
on
like
healing,
the second advent or the
Holy Spirit
inclined them to
regard Spirit baptism
as essential and thus
predisposed them to consider the
positing
of “uniform initial evidence” as significant.
exercised limited
leadership through
three efforts: annual
(to
which admission was
by ticket only);
and the Pentecostal
Missionary
Union. The
important
leaders from other countries assembled at
closely
was,
from its emergence,
both
,
for Pentecostalism in all of
were
regularly exposed to
the in other lands. Because
early
a wide
range
of
religious
endorse the standard
Pentecostalism
(which
were
Pentecostalism as (which
did
though later.
represented
not
necessarily
doctrines and
practices
of American
tied to its revivalistic
heritage), early
British Pentecostalism
less sectarian and less
prone
to insist on doctrinal and
methodological uniformity.
The
perception
of
a movement with
validity
for all confessions
not
necessarily
mandate fundamental
reordering
of doctrine or practice) persisted
longer
than in America and
survived,
somewhat to
16
narrowed, challenge
the American movement
4
35
Confidence
was also
part
of a broad effort to
integrate
British Pentecostalism with the world-wide view revival of which
Boddy believed it was
part.
The Pentecostal
Missionary Union, resembling
the China Inland Mission in its nondenominational “faith”
character, required
its missionaries to
profess
neither
rigid creed nor
particular polity preference
but endorsed and
supported those Pentecostals of all Protestant affiliations who considered themselves “called.”17
–
_
Thus
Boddy provided
focus for the movement in Britain which American Pentecostalism lacked. In Britain,
although
the doctrinal issues seemed
potentially
more
troublesome, they
were less divisive in the first decade. Much of the credit for this is apparently due to Boddy,
whose
long
and effective
pastoral ministry
had won him respect.
The difference between
Boddy
and Parham in this
regard cannot be overlooked. Because
charges
of
immorality,
financial irregularity
and doctrinal innovation haunted
Parham,
the American movement in the end
largely rejected
his
leadership. ‘8 Disunity
characterized American Pentecostalism before the clear division between its
Wesleyan
and
non-Wesleyan
adherents
began the
conspicuous splintering
of the movement. American Pente- costalism had no
single
leader of the stature and vision of Alexander
Boddy,
nor did it have the ecumenical tradition of either Anglicanism
or Keswick that British Pentecostals endeavored to emulate and which its
regular exchanges
with other
European Pentecostals fostered.
Unlike Parham and numerous other
prominent
American Pente- costal
spokespersons, Boddy
remained in his
parish.
In
America, early
Pentecostals often
adopted
an itinerant
lifestyle, perceiving themselves as
evangelists
of the
revival, claiming
the
“leading”
of the
Spirit
to
many places
and
activities,
and
disregarding (even disdaining)
settled ministries. As
groups gathered
around charismatic
leaders,
or as a few
existing groups accepted
the Pentecostal
distinctive, they
tended to have localized influence. This contributed to the movement’s
complexity,
while the
variety of itinerant ministries added momentum to the drive for organization.
In the critical formative
years
in
Britian, however, the
constituency acknowledged
men who
through years
of ministry had won
respect
for
personal integrity,
effective
ministry
and evangelical activity. Younger
local leaders of many denominational backgrounds respected Boddy. They
identified with Sunderland until the national crisis in 1914 made continued
cooperation impossible.
Whereas for American Pentecostals World War I was at first virtually only
an event with
prophetic significance,
in
England
it
5
36
demanded immediate
practical response. Boddy
and
Anglican Pentecostals
enthusiastically supported
the
English
war
effort, while
non-Anglican
Pentecostals refused combatant service. 19 The Military
Service Act made
provision
for conscientious
objection, but as members of a
non-registered sect,
Pentecostals did not qualify
for
recognition.
Not
only
did the war arrest the momentum the movement had been
gaining:
it also
fundamentally changed
its direction. After the
war, Anglicans
no
longer attempted
to chart its course.
Younger
men from other
backgrounds,
dominated
by those who had suffered disabilities because of their refusal to
fight, determined to
organize
British Pentecostalism and thus to
gain
for it the civil
privileges accompanying legal registration.
In this
crisis,
the movement
finally
admitted the fundamental tensions in its
composition.
Its immediate roots were in the religious
culture in which its principal doctrinal
emphases
had been shaped.
As in the United
States,
British Pentecostalism won adherents
among
those with
prior
associations in groups which had stressed the
person
and work of the
Holy Spirit; healing; premillen- nialism ; holiness;
restoration. All of these
teachings
Pentecostals readily combined (not necessarily
in identical
ways)
and made more tangible by offering
what
they
considered incontrovertible evidence of the
Spirit’s
enduement.. Thus
many participants
in the British movement had
already-in recognizing
this
heritage-in
effect committed themselves on some of the
theological
issues which Boddy
had seemed reluctant to address.
After the
war,
Pentecostals
opted
for various
approaches
to the need for structure.
Some, especially
in Wales,
emphasized apostolic and
prophetic ministries.
The
Apostolic
Church which resulted attracted
many
who desired order and
authority. Polity preference and doctrinal
disagreement
contributed to the
division
of the remaining majority
of Pentecostals into two
organizations.
Some in 1924
opted
to create a loose
fellowship
under the name Assemblies of God in Great Britain and Ireland. Others who owed their existence to the
evangelistic ministry
of
George Jeffreys affiliated as the Elim
Foursquare Gospel
Alliance. Still
others,
of course,
remained
independent.
One
of
these
early groups promulgated
a
teaching
that the classical American Pentecostal denominations had
effectively excluded
by
1918: for members of the Elim Alliance,
speaking
in tongues
was not
necessarily
the initial evidence of Spirit baptism. There is evidence that
Boddy
also inclined to this
position,
as had numerous
early
American Pentecostals
(who agreed that, although tongues usually
evidenced
baptism,
other
spiritual gifts
could also be understood as
evidential).20
As
they
had
organized,
American
6
37
Pentecostals had tended to distance themselves from those who dissented on evidential
tongues.21
The Elim movement demonstrated to the satisfaction of some that the
practical
result of the “seek
not,
forbid not”
position
of the American Christian and Missionary
Alliance was not
necessarily
the curtailment of tongues.
Another American
emphasis
of little
general import
in
early British classical Pentecostals was that on sanctification as a second
definite work of grace. The reason for
this, may,
at least in part, be found in Keswick’s determined
de-emphasis
of
Wesleyan terminology
as well as in the different course of Wesley’s doctrine of perfection
in British Methodism.
,
The Pentecostal movement in Britain
was,
from the
outset, proportionately
smaller than that in the United States. Its divisions also derive from different sources than the American schisms and thus have
shaped
a movement
reflecting indigenous preferences rather than American norms. Until World War
I,
the British movement had the
advantage
of a geographic focus and a revered charismatic leader. The limited control
Boddy
exercised served initially
to exclude certain divisive
teachings
and
practices
which were freer to flourish in America.=2
British Pentecostalism has its roots in an American event, but it is important
to realize that influences from Britain
(like
the Welsh
revival) helped shape
the immediate context in which that event was understood. In the
years since,
British Pentecostals have contributed
immeasurably
to the
progress
of American Pentecostalism, especially
in the
non-Wesleyan
trinitarian classical tradition. British Pentecostals
upheld
for Americans the ecumenical ideal that had been
part
of their own
heritage
from Sunderland, encouraging
American Pentecostals
(who
were
largely isolated from each other until World War
II)
to discover one another and to
identify
with Pentecostals in other cultures.
The Pentecostal movements in Britain and the United States are distinct
yet
interrelated. The
early
influence in Britain of the Welsh revival and the
Anglican/
Keswickian
heritage permanently influenced British Pentecostalism.
Perhaps
it could be argued that a practical attempt, at least
superficially
similar to later charismatic efforts,
to
regard
Pentecostalism as a “force” rather than as a sect persisted longer
in Britain. In the
end, however,
in both cultures the relationship
between Pentecostals and their mentors in the holiness and
“higher
life” movements of the
preceding century
could not be ignored.
In the United
States,
the radical holiness
settings
in which Pentecostalism first flourished left their
imprint, contributing behavioral norms and
theological predilections
which
encouraged fragmentation
and concentration on immediate issues. To some
‘
.
7
38
extent,
at
least,
the
early
British context retarded movement in a similar direction. The
setting encouraged
a broader
probing
of the movement’s
significance
and
ready
communication with Pentecostals of other
European churchly
and sectarian affiliations.
Thus,
mutual
challenge
and
response
have contributed to both the
shaping
and the
directing
of a diffuse movement in two cultures.
*Edith Blumhofer is an Associate Professor at the Assemblies God
Theological Seminary
in
Springfield,
Missouri.
of
‘For Barratt’s
early life,
see Thomas Ball Barratt, When the Fire Fell (Norway: Alfons,
Hansen & Soner,
1927).
2jbid., pp.
151ff. See also Alfred F.
Missen, The
Sound
of a Going (Nottingham, England:
Assemblies of God
Publishing House, 1973), pp. 1-4; Alexander Boddy,
“Pentecost in
Sunderland,” The
Latter Rain Evangel,
I (February
1909), pp. 9-10. Boddy was a recognized authority
on geography
and was a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and of the Imperial Geographical Society
of Russia. He authored numerous travel books.
3Arthur T.
Pierson,
Forward Movements
of the Last Ha/fCentury(New York: Funk & Wagnalls
Co., 1905), pp. 32-33 summarizes the seven steps of Keswick teaching: 1) abandonment of known sin; 2) surrender to Christ as Savior, Master and Lord;
3) appropriation by faith of God’s promise and
power for holy living; 4) voluntary
renunciation and mortification of the self-life … that God
may
be all in
all; 5) gracious
renewal or transformation of the inmost
temper
and disposition;
6) separation
unto God for sanctification, consecration and service; 7) enduement with power and
infilling
with the
Holy Spirit,
“the believer
claiming
his share in the Pentecostal
gift.”
For the Keswick
movement,
see John
Pollock,
The Keswick
Story (Chicago: Moody Press, 1964). Britons noted,
on various occasions,
that Americans had a for
systematizing
in which
of the breadth of teaching’s significance was sacrificed.
penchant
something
This was claimed of Pierson’s Keswick’s
summary (see Pollock, Keswick, p. 18) as well as of Aimee
Semple
McPherson’s
“Foursquare Gospel” (see Donald Gee,
The Pentecostal
Movement,(London :
Elim Publishing
Co., 1949), p. 122. Gee notes the “convenience” of the term but warns that it may become “mechanical as a phrase ‘
4See John
Battersby
Harford and Frederick MacDonald,
Handley Carr Glyn Moule, Bishop of
Durham
(London:
Hodder & Stoughton,
1922). 5Evan Roberts, “A
Message to the World,”
in Arthur
Goodrich,
et al., The Story of the Welsh Revival (New York: Fleming H. Revell,
1905), p. 6. 6See Jessie
Penn-Lewis,
The Awakening in Wales and Some
of
the Hidden
Springs (New
York:
Fleming
H.
Revell, 1905).
In the United States,
and especially in Britain, the awakening was perceived not
only as an answer to prayer in itself but as the beginning of an even greater event
‘
8
39
for the church. Its immediate
significance
for British Pentecostalism was immense. Note the challenge in the following excerpts from Penn-Lewis: “We cannot too earnestly urge upon the people of God the solemnity of this present
visitation- we cannot hear about
it, or come in contact with it, without effect upon our spiritual lives. God has shown to His people that He can work the same as at Pentecost in an
unbelieving age.
Will His people
heed the lesson? Or will
they turn away, and say, ‘Oh, yes, in Wales, but not here!’ Let me ask my reader
personally,
‘Have
you received your Pentecost?”‘ 7
(pp. 84-85).
Ibid., p. 77.
aThe early
issues of
Confidence,
a monthly
journal
edited
by Boddy which was first published in April
1908, are the best record of the first years of British Pentecostalism.
9John
Pollock,
The
Cambridge
Seven
(London: Inter-Varsity Press, 1955)
recounts Polhill’s
early evangelical
involvement. Gee. Pentecostal Movement,
summarizes his Pentecostal contributions.
‘°This seems evident in the many testimonies
published
in
Confidence
as well as in the available accounts that examine the lives of British Pentecostal
leadership.
For
example,
see Edward
Jeffreys, Stephen Jeffrey’s,
the Beloved
Evangelist (London:
Elim
Publishing Co., 1946); Stanley
Howard Frodsham, Smith
Wigglesworth, Apostle of
Faith (Springfield,
MO: Gospel Publishig House,
1971); Ernest Boulton, George Jeffreys (London:
Elim
Publishing Office, 1928); Colin Whitaker,
Seven Pentecostal Pioneers
(London: Marshall, Morgan
& Scott,
1983). The Jeffreys brothers, George
and
Stephen,
traced their
spiritual heritage directly
to the Welsh revival.
Nissen, Sound of a Going, p. 6.
?zScroggie’s
two
major
attacks on Pentecostalism were
published together:
The Baptism of the Spirit- What Is It?; Speaking in Tongues- What Saith the Scriptures?
(London: Pickering
& Inglis Ltd., n.d.). Reader Harris considered Keswick “lukewarm” and
may
be considered representative
of a more radical element in British
evangelicalism.
Harris’ understanding
of the
Holy Spirit
was articulated earlier in When He is Come, or the Personality and Work of the Holy Spirit (London: Andrews Brothers, 1897).
13See Gee, Pentecostal Movement,
pp. 44-45; Confidence,
I (April 1908),
3 and
Confidence
for
1908, passim.
14Pollock, Keswick, p.
124.
15See, for example, Jessie Penn-Lewis, War on the Saints (London: Marshall, Bros., 1912), similar,
at least in implication, to Alma White, Demons and
Tongues (Zarephath,
NJ: Pillar of Fire,
1919).
16This is clear in the pages of
Confidence.
Tickets to conventions were granted only
to those who signed the following statement: “I declare that I am in full sympathy with those who are seeking ‘Pentecost’ with the Sign of the Tongues. I also undertake to accept the ruling of the Chairman.” See Confidence,
I (April
1908), p. 2.
“See
Confidence.,
I (January-February,
1909).
18Parham’s
principal
doctrinal
departure
was over the issue of eternal
9
40
punishment,
which he
rejected
in favor of the view that the fires of hell eventually
annihilated the wicked. With regard to the financial and morals charges,
see the standard accounts of Pentecostalism like Vinson
Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement
(Grand Rapids:
William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Co., 1971), pp.
112-113. On July
19, 1907, the San Antonio
Light reported
the arraignment of Parham and a male
on
charges
of homosexual conduct.
companion
19See Whitaker, Seven Pentecostal Pioneers,
passim
for accounts of how non-Anglican Pentecostal leaders responded to the war.
20Americans inferred this, for
example,
see Letter from W. Dixon to Stanley Frodsham, January 3, 1941,
Frodsham
Papers,
Assemblies of God Archives with regards to “A Word in Season” a tract refused
Papers
but
published
in its entirety by Boddy
by American Pentecostal in
Confidence. The tracts did not present tongues as “Bible evidence” or “initial
sign.” And thus was understood
by some
Americans and Britons to make broader
fellowship
without
possible
controversy.
In general,
however, Confidence took the position that
tongues
were
ordinarily
the “full
sign.”
For an example
of American
hesitancy
of that initial evidence, see Agnes Ozman’s articlt in the The Latter Rain 21
Evangel
1 :4 (January,
1909) p. 2.
It seems clear that at least two factors contributed to this: the stance of
the Christian and
Missionary
Alliance
(which, though
not
forbidding tongues, effectively
excluded
them);
and the fact that
many
who questioned
evidential
tongues
were also critical of the trends toward centralized
organization.
For the Assemblies of God it can be argued that its doctrine of evidential
tongues
was virtually its only reason to exist, since in
virtually every
other
respect
it
duplicated readily
the doctrines and method of the Christian and
Missionary
Alliance.
See, for example, Carl Brumback, Suddenly from
Heaven
(Springfield,
MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1961), pp. 88-97. See also Homer Tomlinson,
The Great Vision of the Church
of
God
(Queens Village,
NY: privately published,
1939) pp. 10-11.
39For
example,
British Pentecostals were not troubled
by
an
or
early controversy
over sanctification
by
Oneness
teaching;
nor was the question
of evidential
tongues
dealt with to the same degree as in America. On the other hand, American Pentecostals did not face an early concerted effort to reinstitute the office of apostle and prophet.
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